CONVERSION OF UPPER CASTES INTO LOWER CASTES: A PROCESS OF ASPRASHYEEKARAN (ENCOMPASSING UNTOUCHABILITY) SHYAM LAL Sanskritisation or the change over from lower to higher castes has been a subject of popular research in India, but not its reverse, Asprashyeekaran. This essay studies the downward mobility of population in India, where groups and individu­ als of upper castes or tribes broke their affiliation with the parent groups and culturally incorporated themselves, formally or legally, into the lower castes, acquiring altogether a new low caste identity. This is a phenomenon hardly reported by sociologists or social anthropologists. The conversion of upper castes into lower castes (asprashyeekaran) is the focus of this study. Dr. Shyam Lal is Professor and Head of the Department of Sociology, University of Rajasthan, Jaipur. All studies on social mobility are confined to upward mobility avail­ able to underprivileged groups, particularly the lower castes. This was the focus of many sociological studies in the fifties, sixties and seven­ ties of the this century (Srinivas, 1952; Cohn, 1955; Bailey, 1958; Kalia, 1959; Mahar, 1960; Chanana, 1961; Ratan, 1961; Gould 1961; Barnabas, 1961; and Patwardhan, 1973). The change in the social structure and mobility pattern of the scheduled castes (SCs) and the scheduled tribes (STs) in the various regions of India was reported by Shyam Lal (1973) and a few others. The Asprashyeekaran or the' downward mobility as it exists among the Hindus and non-Hindus, has not been studied by social scientists in general and sociologists and social anthropologists in particular. The converted Bhangis of different castes were found living in Bhangi bustees and the spatial segregation of castes was not reflected in the physical structure and layout of the bustees. It was possible for 164 Shyam Lal any person to change one's occupational status without a correspond­ ing change in the caste status. All the residents of the Bhangi bustees operated as a socially homogeneous group in their bustees. Such social situations were first observed in Jodhpur and then in Chittorgarh and other towns of Rajasthan (Lal, 1992a). In 'Desanskritisation and High Caste Converts into Bhangis' (Lal, 1992b), an attempt was made to assess the process of Bhangiisation in Rajasthan, according to which a high caste person accepts the mem­ bership of the Bhangi caste and thereby lowers his social as well as ritual position in the Hindu social order. The study illustrated the radical changes which came about in the lifestyles and values of the converts. After giving a detailed account of Bhangiisation, converts to Bhangi caste, motivating factors in Bhangiisation, process of Bhangi­ isation, socio-religious and cultural changes, it was concluded that the change of identity from an upper to lower caste status explains the course of social change in the history of Rajasthan (Lal, 1992c). Objectives The broad objectives of the present study are: • To assess the process of Asprashyeekaran • To examine the motivating factors in Asprashyeekaran • To analyse changes in the converts due to Asprashyeekaran. Asprashyeekaran M.N. Srinivas (1952, 1957) developed the concept of Sanskritisation. Reacting to this concept, scholars like D.N. Majumdar and others used the concept of desanskritisation. D.N. Majumdar, explaining de­ sanskritisation or deritualisation in his book Caste and Communication in an Indian village in 1958, stated that the members of high castes have been dropping rituals, abandoning their age old ways of life, adopting dress, diet and social customs which they did not subscribe to in a process which we may call desanskritisation. This process of desanskritisation (or deritualisation) is proceeding rapidly in all parts of India and that is how the voltage of caste prestige has been lowered and is on the decline. The term 'Desanskritisation' has been used here very broadly. In this paper, the concept of Asprashyeekaran has been propounded in place of Desanskritisation. Asprashyeekaran is a process by which a high or a low caste person or a tribal accepts the membership of an untouchable caste and thereby lowers his social as well as ritual Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 165 position. It involves imbibing the customs and beliefs and adopting the ways of life of a lower or an untouchable caste. The previous caste identity is lost over a period of time, say in a generation or two. D.N. Majumdar had explained 'Desanskritisation' in terms of aban­ doning age-old ways of life and rejecting abhorred social customs. However, this paper contends that the ideas of purity and impurity (as also emphasised by Dumont in his description of the characteristics of hierarchy in the caste system) should be given more importance in rejecting one way of life and accepting another. When a high caste person becomes a member of a lower caste, he/she keeps the pure and the impure separate and the idea of the 'superiority of the pure to the impure' is rejected. More importance is given to needs than to ritual­ istic purity. Asprashyeekaran is found functional for individual needs and desires. Since the principle of 'linear order of castes' is rejected, one does not mind being labelled Asprashya. The term, Asprashyeekaran, therefore, appears to be a more logical term in explaining the downward mobility of recent times. It was found during our field work, that the process of Asprashyeekaran is not confined to Hindu castes only, but it occurs among the non-Hindu groups too, such as Muslims. Bhangiisation was derived from the Bhangis of Rajasthan and not from the Bhangi caste in other regions. Similarly, Asprashyeekaran is not confined to the Bhangi caste but it also occurs among the other untouchable castes too such as Chamar, Bhalahi, Mahar, Bairwa, Pariah and others. The nature of this type of Asprashyeekaran is by no means uniform, as the untouchable castes into which the conversion has taken place vary, reflecting the diversity among the untouchable castes. Thus, there exist four models of Asprashyeekaran. These are: • Sociocultural model • Religion-ritual model • Historio-political model • Economic model. Process of Asprashyeekaran An upper caste person, who converts himself/herself to an untouchable caste and changes his/her identity has to be formally incorporated and admitted into that new untouchable caste. Normally, under the tradi­ tional setup, the untouchables place a great premium on the purity of blood and they ex-communicate an untouchable having matrimo- 166 Shyam Lal nial relations with persons of other castes. But under extraordinary circumstances, it appears that they have their own cultural devices and procedures to incorporate or convert non-members to their castes. The process adopted by the Chamars, Balahis, Mahars and the Bairwas while converting upper caste persons into their own castes is discussed below. Process of Conversion to the Chamar Caste About forty years ago, Gunarthi (1950) described how outsiders were admitted to Chamar caste in Rajasthan. Under the traditional setup some ceremony was usually performed to seal admission of the out­ siders to the Chamar caste. The high caste members who intended to become a Chamar had to sleep under a cot. In the presence of the caste gathering, the five Panchas of the caste (Chamar) sat on the cot and took a bath one by one. After this ceremony was performed the newcomer became a member of the Chamar caste. Process of Conversion to the Balahi Caste Russell and Hiralal (1916) give a detailed description of the Balahi rites of admission. The head and face of the neophyte are shaved clean, and he is made to lie on the ground under a string-cot; a number of Balahis sit on this and wash themselves, letting the water drip from the bodies on to the man below until he is well drenched, he then gives a feast to the caste-fellows, and is considered to have become a Balahi. Like Russell and Hiralal, Fuchs (1966) refers to the occurrence of conversion of high castes people in the Balahi caste in Madhya Pradesh. The usual applicants are persons who have lost all their relatives and caste fellows in a village and consequently have associated with the Balahis; or they have been expelled from their own caste and, for certain reasons, are unable to gain readmission. Instead of remaining outcastes forever they prefer to join the Balahi community. Others may have fallen in love with a Balahi woman, or a girl or woman of a higher caste may have been seduced by a Balahi. In the latter case the woman is never taken back by her community and is therefore obliged to join the Balahis. Such cases are relatively frequent. Conversion of Upper Castes into Lower Castes 167 Process of Conversion to the Mahar Caste Some idea of conversion and change of identity and admission of higher castes persons among the Mahars may also be obtained from the following description given by Russell and Hiralal, 1916: When an outsider is to be received into the community all the hair on his face is shaved, being wetted with the urine of a boy belonging to the group to which he seeks admission. Process of Conversion to Bairwa Caste The Bairwas also adopted a procedure basically similar to Bhangis, while converting upper caste persons. However, they do not have a Pindi Panchana ceremony as organised and performed by the Bhangis. Instead, the Bairwas have evolved a separate centralised sociopolitical organisation of their own, called Chorasi Panchayat (caste meeting body) which deals with the breach of caste norms. It is this body which deals with caste conversion, change of identity and admission of a non-Bairwa into the Bairwa caste fold. The sarpanch of the organisa­ tion conducts the proceedings. At least one person from each of the (84) villages is expected to attend the meeting and the non-Bairwa who intends to become a Bairwa has to throw a feast to the people.