Factors of Party System Europeanisation: A
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Politics in Central Europe
Politics in Central Europe The Journal of the Central European Political Science Association Volume 3 Number 1+2 2007 Democratisation and Europeanisation of Political Parties in Central and South-Eastern Europe NEXT ISSUE: DEMOCRATISATION AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION IN CENTRAL EUROPE CONTENTS ESSAYS Danica Fink-Hafner The Democratisation and Europeanisation of Party Systems 5–10 Tomaž Deželan Does Europeanisation matter? The Case of Slovenian Political Party Electoral Campaign for the European Union 11–25 Danica Fink-Hafner Factors of Party System Europeanisation: Comparing Croatia, Serbia and Montenegro 26–50 Olivera Komar and Zlatko Vujović Europeanisation of National Political Parties and Party System: Case Study of Montenegro 51–70 Damjan Lajh and Alenka Krašovec Post-Yugoslav Region between Democratisation and Europeanisation of Party Politics: Experiences from Slovenia and Bosnia and Herzegovina 71–91 Slaviša Orlović Europeanisation and Democratisation of Parties and Party System of Serbia 92–104 BOOK REVIEWS 105–117 GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS 118–123 Politics in Central Europe 3 (2007) 1+2 ESSAYS The Democratisation and Europeanisation of Party Systems (Visiting Editor’s Editorial) Danica Fink-Hafner A »cordial link« between Democratisation and Europeanisation Processes The last wave of EU enlargement involved countries for which the processes of democratisation were closely linked to the processes of Europeanisation.1 Namely, in Central European post-socialist countries the transition to a democracy interfered with a geopolitical shift expressed in the slogan »back to Europe«. In addition, to a great extent a »cordial link« between democratisation and Europeanisation was also estab- lished by the EU political conditionality defined by the Copenhagen criteria. While all of the 2004 enlargement wave post-socialist countries were eager to fulfil them, in the case of Slovakia this was true for some time primarily on the declaratory level. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
DEMOCRACY and the STATE of EMERGENCY New Upsurge of the Corona Crisis in the Western Balkans, Croatia and Slovenia Contents
ANALYSIS This is the fourth and last DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS edition in a series of reports which sets out to analyse the effects of the Corona crisis management on institutions, political and civil rights, DEMOCRACY parties, civil society, as well as external factors. AND THE STATE Elections in the times of the Corona crisis were held in Serbia and Croatia. In both OF EMERGENCY countries, the incumbent parties were the clear winners New Upsurge of the Corona Crisis in the Western while voter turnout was below 50 %. Balkans, Croatia and Slovenia A new upsurge of the number Max Brändle, Tamara Brankovic, Arjan Dyrmishi, of infections is putting the Besa Kabashi-Ramaj, Igor Luksic, fight against the pandemic Nenad Markovikj, Tara Tepavac, Nenad Zakosek, back on the political agenda. Miroslav Zivanovic The re-introduction of repressive measures is met Report Four, July 13, 2020 with strong resistance by the population and has led to violent clashes in Serbia. DEMOCRACY AND HUMAN RIGHTS DEMOCRACY AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY New Upsurge of the Corona Crisis in the Western Balkans, Croatia and Slovenia Contents EDITORIAL 2 1. ALBANIA 4 2. BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA 8 3. CROATIA 13 4. KOSOVO 19 5. MONTENEGRO 24 6. NORTH MACEDONIA 28 7. SERBIA 34 8. SLOVENIA 41 1 FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG – DEMOCRACY AND THE STATE OF EMERGENCY Editorial Max Brändle The Corona crisis in South East Europe is not coming to an academia and civil society, we have asked experts, political end, the epidemiological situation is getting even worse than scientists, sociologists and political analysts to write reports before. -
Experimental Evidence from Montenegro by Nemanja Stankov
Nothing Else Matters? The Role of Ethnic Voter-Party Linkage in Voting: Experimental Evidence from Montenegro By Nemanja Stankov Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Gabor Toka CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2016 Abstract This study analyses the voting behavior patterns in an ethnically divided post-communist society. More precisely, I argue that the long lasting rule of Democratic Party of Socialists and a small rate of electoral volatility in Montenegro, is a consequence of ethnic, cleavage, based voting. To test this assumption I apply a two-stage experimental design to a sample of 240 Montenegrin students. In the first stage respondents are treated with cues on candidate’s ethnicity. The results indicate that there is a clear ethnic link and effect of that link on vote choice in the case of Montenegrins, while the results are inconclusive in the case of Serbs. Furthermore, in the second stage, respondents are provided with misbehavior information about the same candidate, namely corruption information. I hypothesize that corruption information about the candidate will increase the volatility rate for the out-group candidate. No evidence was found to support that claim. On the contrary, Montenegrins tend to punish their in-group candidate more when corruption charges are raised against him. This study complements the scholarly literature on ethnic cleavage voting, voting in Montenegro and an emerging literature on identity shifts in Montenegro. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements First of all, I would like to thank the Department for giving me the opportunity to spend an amazing two years in Budapest. -
2012 SERBIA PUBLIC OPINION STUDY Respondent Booklet A
2012 SERBIA PUBLIC OPINION STUDY Respondent Booklet A Page 1 • Boris Tadić Choice for a Better Life • Tomislav Nikolić Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) • Ivica Dačić SPS, PUPS, JS • Vojislav Koštunica Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) • Zoran Stanković United Regions of Serbia (URS) • Čedomir Jovanović LDP, SPO, SDU... • Jadranka Šešelj Serbian Radical Party (SRS) • Vladan Glišić "Dveri" • Istvan Pasztor SVM • Zoran Dragišić Pokret radnika i seljaka • Muamer Zukorlić Citizen's group • Danica Grujičić Social Democratic Alliance Page 2 • Choice for a Better Life - Boris Tadić • Let’s Get Serbia Moving - Tomislav Nikolić • Ivica Dačić - Socialist Party of Serbia - PUPS-US • Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) - Vojislav Koštunica • Turnover - Čedomir Jovanović • United Regions of Serbia - Mlađan Dinkić • Serbian Radical Party - Vojislav Šešelj • Dveri for the Life of Serbia • Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians - István Pásztor • Movement of Workers and Peasants • Communist party - Josip Broz • Party of Democratic Action of Sanjak - Sulejman Ugljani • All Together - BDU, CAH, DUC, DFVH, Slovak - Emir Elfić • "None of the offered answers" • Social Democratic alliance - Nebojša Leković • Albanians Coalition from Preševo Valley (KAPD) • Reformist party - Milan Višnjić • Montenegrin party - Nenad Stevović Page 3 • For a European Serbia - Boris Tadić • Serbian Radical Party - Vojislav Šešelj • Democratic Party of Serbia - New Serbia - Vojislav Koštunica • Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) - PUPS - US • Liberal Democratic Party - Čedomir Jovanović • Hungarian -
Montenegro's Contested Identity and the Failure of Yugoslavia
23 ZuZana Poláčková – Pieter C. van Duin independence lost and regained: Montenegro’s contested identity and the failure of Yugoslavia (1918-2006) This article examines the political evolution of Montenegro during the era of Yugoslavia (1918- 1992) and the subsequent years of political conflict that eventually led to the regaining of Montenegrin independence in 2006. The First World War and the formation of the Yugoslav state not only meant the end of independent Montenegro but also the emergence of a new political context in which internal Montenegrin antagonisms were played out. While a considerable proportion of Montenegrin Orthodox Slavs supported the multinational but Serb-dominated Yugoslav state, there was also a growing number of Montenegrins who wanted to restore the country’s autonomous or even independent status. This was implemented to some degree in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia but then was endangered again during the crisis of Yugoslavia in the 1980s and 1990s. In addition there was growing unrest among the Muslim minorities and civil protests against Montenegro’s participation on the side of the Serbs in the Yugoslav wars of the 1990s. The final result was a stronger anti-Serbian stance not only among a part of the general population but also among a significant section of the old political elite. This eventually led to Montenegro regaining independence through a referendum in 2006. However, achieving independence meant that Montenegro’s other serious problems, including corruption, uneven economic development and deficient democratisation, came even more emphatically to the fore. key words: Montenegro; Yugoslavia; national identity; political conflict; religious friction; demo- cratic change introduction ‘The national question permeated every aspect of Yugoslavia’s public life after 1918. -
Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes in the Western Balkans and Beyond
Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes in the Western Balkans and Beyond By Ivan Vuković Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Supervisor: Professor Zsolt Enyedi Budapest, May 2014 Abstract Most political parties that had been ruling in hybrid regimes lost power as these regimes ceased to exist i.e. democratized. Yet, some of these parties remained politically dominant notwithstanding the regime change. This PhD thesis aims to offer a plausible explanation of their different political fates (here defined as party outcomes). Its main focus is on the incumbent parties in hybrid regimes that existed in Serbia, Croatia, and Montenegro during the last decade of the 20th century. In addition, the thesis looks at a larger population of similar cases with the ambition to contribute to a better general understanding of the diverging party outcomes. The thesis puts forward a theoretically innovative model explaining the party outcomes, founded upon the two assumptions: (1) the diverging fates of dominant parties in hybrid regimes are determined by these parties’ (lack of) institutionalization; (2) (the lack of) their institutionalization is determined by the salience of the national question in the process of political mobilization leading to the regime establishment. Process tracing method is employed to test the presence in the three cases under observation of the thus constructed causal mechanism linking the hypothesized conditions (nationalist mobilization and the lack of party institutionalization) and party outcome (the loss of power). The theoretical relevance of the results of the analysis, supported by numerous causal process observations (including, among others, 27 in-depth interviews), is subsequently assessed within a broader empirical domain. -
Dissertation: the Political Status in Serbia After the War of 1999
UNIVERSITY OF MACEDONIA DEPARTMENT OF BALKAN, SLAVIC AND ORIENTAL STUDIES MASTER’S DEGREE IN POLITICS AND ECONOMICS OF CONTEMPORARY EASTERN AND SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE DISSERTATION: THE POLITICAL STATUS IN SERBIA AFTER THE WAR OF 1999 SUPERVISOR PROFESSOR : NIKOS MARANTZIDIS POSTGRADUATE STUDENT: PANAGIOTIS KARAKINARIS THESSALONIKI, NOVEMBER 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 3 POLITICAL TRANSITION ................................................................................................................. 7 I.EVENTS PRECEDING THE ELECTIONS ................................................................................................... 7 II.PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 2000 ............................................................................................................. 8 III.DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION OF SERBIA(DOS) ..................................................................................... 9 IV.PROTESTS AND THE OVERTHROW OF SLOBODAN MILOCEVIC ................................................. 10 THE TRIAL OF FORMER YUGOSLAV PRESIDENT MILOCEVIC ........................... 11 ASSASSINATION OF ZORAN DJINDJIC ................................................................................ 12 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 2003 ....................................................................................... 13 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS 2004 ............................................................................................ -
The Yugoslav Communist Party: Decentralization and Reorganization
Western Michigan University ScholarWorks at WMU Master's Theses Graduate College 8-1969 The Yugoslav Communist Party: Decentralization and Reorganization Barbara P. McCrea Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation McCrea, Barbara P., "The Yugoslav Communist Party: Decentralization and Reorganization" (1969). Master's Theses. 3081. https://scholarworks.wmich.edu/masters_theses/3081 This Masters Thesis-Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate College at ScholarWorks at WMU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at WMU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE YUGOSLAV COMMUNIST PARTY: DECENTRALIZATION AND REORGANIZATION by Barbara P. McCrea A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfillment of the Degree of Master of Arts Western Michigan University Kalamazoo, Michigan August 1969 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I am greatly indebted to Professor George R. Klein, who directed this thesis, and to Professors Jack C. Plano and William R. Ritchie, who offered much help and encouragement. The opportunity to participate in the 1967 Yugoslav Seminar was of incalculable value in the preparation of this thesis. My thanks go to the faculty, in the Department of Political Science, for encouraging me -
Republic of Serbia
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF SERBIA Early Parliamentary Elections 16 March 2014 OSCE/ODIHR Limited Election Observation Mission Final Report Warsaw 22 May 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ....................................................................................... 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWELEDGMENTS ....................................... 3 III. BACKGROUND ......................................................................................................... 3 IV. ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK ................................ 4 V. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ......................................................................... 5 A. THE REPUBLIC ELECTORAL COMMISSION ........................................................................ 6 B. POLLING BOARDS .................................................................................................................... 7 VI. VOTER REGISTRATION ...................................................................................... 7 VII. REGISTRATION OF CANDIDATE LISTS ....................................................... 8 VIII. ELECTION CAMPAIGN ..................................................................................... 10 IX. POLITICAL FINANCE ........................................................................................ 12 X. THE MEDIA ............................................................................................................ 13 A. MEDIA LANDSCAPE ............................................................................................................... -
Montenegro, Serbia and the European Union
STILL BUYING TIME: MONTENEGRO, SERBIA AND THE EUROPEAN UNION 7 May 2002 Balkans Report No. 129 Podgorica/Belgrade/Brussels TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS.................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION..............................................................................................................................1 II. MONTENEGRO’S REFERENDUM DEBATE .............................................................................3 A. INTERNATIONAL OPINIONS ..........................................................................................................4 B. CONSENSUS EMERGES .................................................................................................................4 C. CONSENSUS ABORTED .................................................................................................................6 III. SOLANA'S APPROACH ..................................................................................................................7 A. ADAPTING TO REALITY ...............................................................................................................9 IV. THE 14 MARCH AGREEMENT...................................................................................................11 A. REACTIONS ................................................................................................................................12 B. MAKING IT WORK .....................................................................................................................13 -
Eu Interferes in the Election Campaign
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Policy Documentation Center The International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan Studies ( IFIMES ) in Ljubljana, Slovenia, regularly analyses events in the Middle East and the Balkans. On the occasion of the early parliamentary, regular provincial and local elections in Serbia which are to take place on 11 May 2008 IFIMES has prepared an analysis of the current political situation in that country. The most relevant and interesting sections from the comprehensive analysis are given below. PARLIAMENTARY, PROVINCIAL AND LOCAL ELECTIONS IN SERBIA: EU INTERFERES IN THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN The early parliamentary elections in Serbia are to be held together with the regular provincial and local elections on 11 May 2008. The National Assembly (parliament) of the Republic of Serbia which is comprised of 250 deputies will be elected by the electorate of 6,747,867 registered voters according to the proportional system with a 5% threshold. The elections will also be held in the Autonomous Province (AP) of Vojvodina which is the constituent part of Serbia. Kosovo, which Serbia still regards as its Autonomous Province, has 91,639 registered voters and elections will be carried out in 26 municipalities. The provincial and local elections are overshadowed by the parliamentary election. There are also 52,000 voters registered abroad who will be able to vote at 78 voting venues in 42 countries. According to the valid Electoral Act which was adopted in 2000 amended in 2004, the Republic of Serbia represents a single constituency.