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Hadrian and the Greek East
HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way. -
Civic Responses to the Rise and Fall of Sol Elagabal in the Roman Empire
EMPIRE OF THE SUN? CIVIC RESPONSES TO THE RISE AND FALL OF SOL ELAGABAL IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE Martijn Icks During its long and turbulent history, the city of Rome witnessed many changes in its religious institutions and traditions. For many centuries, these came to pass under the benevolent eye of Iupiter Optimus Maximus, the city‟s supreme deity since time immemorial. Not until the fourth century AD would Iupiter finally loose this position to the monotheistic, omnipotent God of Christianity. However, the power of the thunder god had been challenged before. The first deity who temporarily conquered his throne was Sol Invictus Elagabal, a local sun god from the Syrian town of Emesa. This unlikely usurper was the personal god of the emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, whose short-lived reign lasted from 218 to 222 AD, and who has been nicknamed Elagabalus for his affiliation with Elagabal. Even before his rise to power, Elagabalus served as Elagabal‟s high priest. The deity was worshipped in the form of a conical black stone, a so-called baitylos or “house of god”, which resided in a big temple in Emesa. Elagabalus, at that time a fourteen-year-old boy, performed ritual dances in honour of his god. By doing so, he drew the attention of Roman soldiers who were stationed near the town. They proclaimed the boy emperor under the false pretense that he was a bastard son of emperor Caracalla (211-217 AD). Elagabalus won sufficient military support, defeated the reigning emperor and thus gained the throne. He installed himself in Rome and took his god with him. -
Emperor Elagabalus and Traditional Roman Religion
Emperor Elagabalus and Traditional Roman Religion The Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus is best-known to history as Elagabalus due to his affiliation with the Syrian god of the same name. As a youth he became a priest of Elagabalus in Syria, and he brought the worship of this god along with himself to the Roman capital. There the god Elagabalus was assimilated with different aspects of the Roman sun-god Sol (especially Sol Invictus or the “unconquered sun”). This, in turn, led to affiliation with the Greek sun-god Helios, from which we get an alternative name for both the emperor and god, Heliogabalus. Recent scholarship has also pushed to reclaim the identification of this emperor by his birth-name, Varius Avitus Bassianus, and examinations of his life as Varian studies (de Arrizabalaga y Prado, 2005). All of these distinctions are used for an emperor who only ruled the Roman Empire for four years (218-222 CE), and is most noted for his religious preference for the god Elagabalus, a questionable sexual identity, and a lack of mental stability. This paper examines Elagabalus and his interactions with traditional Roman religious practices. As emperor he was also pontifex maximus or high priest of and responsible for overseeing Rome’s traditional cults, festivals and sacred objects. Holding multiple priesthoods would not have been in and of itself a problem for most Romans. However, Elagabalus showed overwhelming preference for his god, who was relatively unknown in the capital but at the clear expense of Rome’s traditional religions. The Historia Augusta provides the fullest account of Elagabalus’s outrages including the transfer of sacred objects to his god’s temple including the emblem of the Mother Goddess, fire of Vesta, Palladium, and sacred shields (3.4). -
Collector's Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage
Liberty Coin Service Collector’s Checklist for Roman Imperial Coinage (49 BC - AD 518) The Twelve Caesars - The Julio-Claudians and the Flavians (49 BC - AD 96) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Julius Caesar (49-44 BC) Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) Tiberius (AD 14 - AD 37) Caligula (AD 37 - AD 41) Claudius (AD 41 - AD 54) Tiberius Nero (AD 54 - AD 68) Galba (AD 68 - AD 69) Otho (AD 69) Nero Vitellius (AD 69) Vespasian (AD 69 - AD 79) Otho Titus (AD 79 - AD 81) Domitian (AD 81 - AD 96) The Nerva-Antonine Dynasty (AD 96 - AD 192) Nerva (AD 96-AD 98) Trajan (AD 98-AD 117) Hadrian (AD 117 - AD 138) Antoninus Pius (AD 138 - AD 161) Marcus Aurelius (AD 161 - AD 180) Hadrian Lucius Verus (AD 161 - AD 169) Commodus (AD 177 - AD 192) Marcus Aurelius Years of Transition (AD 193 - AD 195) Pertinax (AD 193) Didius Julianus (AD 193) Pescennius Niger (AD 193) Clodius Albinus (AD 193- AD 195) The Severans (AD 193 - AD 235) Clodius Albinus Septimus Severus (AD 193 - AD 211) Caracalla (AD 198 - AD 217) Purchase Emperor Denomination Grade Date Price Geta (AD 209 - AD 212) Macrinus (AD 217 - AD 218) Diadumedian as Caesar (AD 217 - AD 218) Elagabalus (AD 218 - AD 222) Severus Alexander (AD 222 - AD 235) Severus The Military Emperors (AD 235 - AD 284) Alexander Maximinus (AD 235 - AD 238) Maximus Caesar (AD 235 - AD 238) Balbinus (AD 238) Maximinus Pupienus (AD 238) Gordian I (AD 238) Gordian II (AD 238) Gordian III (AD 238 - AD 244) Philip I (AD 244 - AD 249) Philip II (AD 247 - AD 249) Gordian III Trajan Decius (AD 249 - AD 251) Herennius Etruscus -
Magic and the Roman Emperors
1 MAGIC AND THE ROMAN EMPERORS (1 Volume) Submitted by Georgios Andrikopoulos, to the University of Exeter as a thesis/dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Classics, July 2009. This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. ..................................... (signature) 2 Abstract Roman emperors, the details of their lives and reigns, their triumphs and failures and their representation in our sources are all subjects which have never failed to attract scholarly attention. Therefore, in view of the resurgence of scholarly interest in ancient magic in the last few decades, it is curious that there is to date no comprehensive treatment of the subject of the frequent connection of many Roman emperors with magicians and magical practices in ancient literature. The aim of the present study is to explore the association of Roman emperors with magic and magicians, as presented in our sources. This study explores the twofold nature of this association, namely whether certain emperors are represented as magicians themselves and employers of magicians or whether they are represented as victims and persecutors of magic; furthermore, it attempts to explore the implications of such associations in respect of the nature and the motivations of our sources. The case studies of emperors are limited to the period from the establishment of the Principate up to the end of the Severan dynasty, culminating in the short reign of Elagabalus. -
Coins of Gerizim
Copyright for personal use only of Larry Rynearson 2014 Coins of Gerizim Hadrian (Latin: Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus 24 January, 76 AD – 10 July, 138 AD) was Roman Emperor from 117 to 138. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hadrian Left: 250 ---Hadrian. 117-138. Æ23.5. Laur bust right/Zeus seated left, nude in Tetra-style temple, 101=119/120 [The location to my knowledge of this temple shown here is unidentified, it could possibly be that of Gerizim but most likely minted at a different location] Right: Jewish Medalian Æ medallion; 48 mm; 56.3 gr.; Obv.: Laureate draped and cuirassed bust of Antoninus Pius to r.; Greek legend upwards from bottom left: [ANTω]NINOC CEBAC EYCE AY[TOK KA]I(C)AP Rev.: Mount Gerizim is represented as two mountain peaks, separated by a sloping roadway. A steep, broad stairway leads up between houses to a temple seen in three-quarters perspective. Below is a colonnade with eleven pillars and two arches over the columns. The entrance leads to a square with a horned altar. A path leads to the right from the center of the road to a higher hill with a second horned altar. Greek legend from bottom left upwards: ΦΔ NEACΠOΔEωC CYPIAC ΠAΔAICTINE[C] ET ΠH (“Fl[avia] Neapolis [which is in] Syria-Palestine, year 88 [160 CE]”) 1 See http://www.archaeological-center.com/en/monographs/m21 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Antoninus Pius (Latin: Titus Fulvius Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Augustus Pius; born 19 September, 86 AD – died 7 March, 161 AD), also known as Antoninus, was Roman Emperor from 138 to 161. -
Elagabalus (218–222 AD): East Meets West with the Assassination of Caracalla, Macrinus Became Emperor, but the Powerful Sever
Elagabalus (218–222 AD): East Meets West With the assassination of Caracalla, Macrinus became emperor, but the powerful Severan family would not accept the loss of power so easily. They immediately began plotting. In response, Macrinus expelled the family from Antioch and Julia Domna, already seriously ill, starved herself to death. Her sister, Julia Maesa, began to spread the rumor that her grandson, Varius Avitus Bassianus, son of her daughter Julia Soaemias, was the secret child of Caracalla. The child was the high priest of the Syrian god El-Gabal, and thus he was called Elagabalus. Sometimes he is also called Heliogabalus, from the Greek god Helios, who was considered the Greek equivalent of El-Gabal. Julia Maesa convinced the Third Legion and its general, Comazon, to proclaim Elagabalus emperor. More legions followed, discontent that Macrinus had ended the ill- conceived war against Parthia and revoked the high salaries Caracalla had bestowed on the troops. The legions loyal to Elagabalus and Julia met Macrinus’s forces at Antioch and defeated the emperor. Macrinus fled but was captured and executed. Elagabalus was hailed by all as emperor. Before Elagabalus and his family arrived in Italy, his supporters sent a painting of him to the Roman Senate. Elagabalus was portrayed with mascara and priestly robes, characteristics of an Easterner, which was offensive to traditional Roman values. This impression was made worse when the new emperor actually arrived. Elagabalus entered the city on foot while a meteorite, the embodiment of his god, was carried on a triumphal chariot in a bed of priceless gems. -
THE EMERGENCE of IMPERIAL and CATHOLIC ORDER Elagabalus and Callistus
CHAPTER EIGHT THE EMERGENCE OF IMPERIAL AND CATHOLIC ORDER Elagabalus and Callistus: A Monarchian Episcopate for an Imperial Monarclry In A.D. 218, following the assassination of Caracalla the year before, Varius Avitus Bassianus as emperor assumed the title of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. He took the additional title of Elagabalus, the name of his favoured deity, and attempted to introduce into Rome the cult of Sol Invictus Elagabal, that is to say the cult of Sol Invictus in its specifically Syrian form, as the universal religion of the Empire. That attempt, characterised by the imposition of the specific ritual and priestly dress of the form of a cult that was alien to Roman culture, failed for that reason. It is important however to emphasise that it was not a failure of the process of syncretism itself, however much this might be suggested by the damnatio memoriae of Elagabalus himself, but the failure of a kind of fundamentalism in its own way inimical to such a syncretism. Parallel with these events, we have, described in Pseudo-Hippolytus, Re.fotatio, IX, 6-13,2, an attempted religious reformation of the Roman community by Callistus, in which we have a movement towards monarchical episcopate accompanied by an advocacy of J.Wvapxia in the godhead. Callistus appeared to Tertullian as behaving like a pagan Pontifex Maximus in trying to become episcopus episcoporum. 1 In doing so he, as putative bishop of Rome, was but making similar claims to those of the emperor Elagabalus, as Pontifex Maximus of a syncretism that found its final expression in the Baal of Emesa as Sol Invictus. -
List of Roman Emperors
• Julio-Claudian Emperors Hadrian 117-138 • Augustus 31 BCE-14 CE • Antoninus Pius 138-161 • Tiberius 14-37 • Marcus Aurelius 161-180 • Caligula 37-41 • Commodus 178-193 • Claudius 41-54 • Nero 54-68 • Severan Dynasty • Year of 4 emperors 68-69 • Septimius Severus 193-211 • Caracalla 198-217 • Flavian Dynasty • Geta 209-212 • Vespasian 69-79 • Macrinus 217-218 • Titus 79-81 • Elagabalus 218-222 • Domitian 81-96 • Severus Alexander 222-235 • Adoptive (Good) Emperors • 50 years of near military • Nerva 96-98 anarchy (20 emperors) until • Trajan 98-117 Diocletian 284-305 • Cleopatra (1963) • Dir. Joseph Mankiewicz • Cleopatra—Elizabeth Taylor • Caesar—Rex Harrison • Marc Antony—Richard Burton • Octavian—Roddy McDowall • How did Octavian finally convince the Roman Senate to declare war on Marc Antony? • By reading Marc Antony’s will in which he requests to be buried in Alexandria, Egypt. Publius Cornelius Tacitus (56-117c) • Senator, historian, orator (aristocratic and conservative) • Held political office during terror of Domitian (81-96) • Consulship in 97 under Nerva; Governor of Asia under Trajan c. 112 • Works: Agricola (eulogy of father-in-law, governor of Britain) Germania (moral contrast: Germany v. Rome) • Annales (Julio-Claudian era 14-68) Historiae (Flavian period 69-96) Tacitus rewrites the Augustan narrative • “Augustus found the whole state exhausted by internal dissensions, and established over it a personal regime known as the Principate.” • “He seduced the army with bonuses, and his cheap food policy was successful bait for civilians. Indeed, he attracted everybody’s good will by the enjoyable gift of peace. Then he gradually pushed ahead and absorbed the functions of the Senate, the officials, and even the law.” • “Opposition did not exist. -
The Column of Constantine at Constantinople: a Cultural History (330-1453 C.E.)
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2017 The Column of Constantine at Constantinople: A Cultural History (330-1453 C.E.) Carey Thompson Wells The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/2213 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE COLUMN OF CONSTANTINE AT CONSTANTINOPLE: A CULTURAL HISTORY (330-1453 C.E.) BY CAREY THOMPSON WELLS A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2017 © 2017 CAREY THOMPSON WELLS All Rights Reserved ii The Column of Constantine at Constantinople: A Cultural History (330-1453 C.E.) By Carey Thompson Wells This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree in Master of Arts. _______________________ _____________________________ Date Dr. Eric Ivison Thesis Advisor _______________________ _____________________________ Date Dr. Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii Abstract The Column of Constantine at Constantinople A Cultural History (330-1453 C.E.) By Carey Thompson Wells Advisor: Dr. Eric Ivison This thesis discusses the cultural history of the Column of Constantine at Constantinople, exploring its changing function and meaning from Late Antiquity to the end of the Byzantine era. -
Elagabalus: the Life and Legacy of Rome's Decadent Boy Emperor
Martijn Icks. The Crimes of Elagabalus: The Life and Legacy of Rome's Decadent Boy Emperor. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012. 304 pp. $29.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-674-06437-9. Reviewed by Nathanael Andrade Published on H-Italy (July, 2012) Commissioned by Matt Vester (West Virginia University) The reign of the teenage Roman emperor Icks situates his work against the mainstream Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (218-222 CE), born as scholarship on Elagabalus’s reign by emphasizing Varius Avitus and now commonly known as its holistic nature. Whereas previous scholars Elagabalus or Heliogabalus, is a topic of great fas‐ have mostly focused on verifying specific events cination and complexity. Uniquely perverse and or acts in his reign, Icks strives for two objectives. foreign, he inflicted the cult of his aniconic Syrian First, he endeavors to “reconstruct and interpret divinity Elagabal (Aramaic for “god-mountain”) events and developments during the reign of upon Rome, brutally murdered numerous senato‐ Elagabalus” by analyzing ancient sources and rial and equestrian administrators, appointed his modern studies. Some of these modern studies churlish favorites to key imperial positions, in‐ constitute useful recent reassessments treating dulged every lecherous vice, wore Eastern garb, particular aspects of Elagabalus’s reign or ushered in the domination of imperial women, sources, and various segments of Icks’s synthesis and aspired to be a woman himself. Androgynous, benefit from them. Second, he aims “to describe “oriental,” tyrannical, and devoted to a strange di‐ and interpret Elagabalus’s fctional legacy, and the vine rock, he transgressed the cherished morals of myriad layers of ancient and modern images the Roman senate, the true embodiment of Ro‐ which have formed around the historical core.” man tradition. -
Constantine: the Legal Recognition of Christianity and Its Antecedents El Reconocimiento Legal Del Cristianismo Y Sus Antecedentes
Constantine: the Legal Recognition of Christianity and its Antecedents El reconocimiento legal del cristianismo y sus antecedentes Ilaria L.E. RAMELLI Catholic University of the Sacred Heart, Largo A. Gemelli 1, Gregorianum 3rd floor, 20123 Milan, Italy Durham University, UK / [email protected] [email protected] Abstract: As Gallien seems to have done before him, but Resumen: Ya antes de Constantino hubo intentos de invali- with a partial and temporary effect, and as Hadrian, Seve- dar los efectos del senatus consultum (35 D.C.) sobre la ilicitud rus Alexander, and Elagabalus may have intended to do, del cristianismo, como parece haber hecho Galieno, aunque Constantine reversed the effects of a senatus consultum con un efecto parcial y temporal, y como habían intentado from A.D. 35, transforming Christianity from a superstitio tal vez Adriano, Alejandro Severo y Elagabalus. Pero quien illicita to a religio licita in the empire. I study the implica- realmente invirtió los efectos de esa decisión senatorial fue tions of that senatus consultum, which is attested not only Constantino, al transformar el cristianismo de una religio illi- in Tertullian, but also in a Porphyrian passage, besides the cita en una religio licita en el imperio. En el presente artículo Acts of Apollonius. I endeavour to contextualise it in the se estudian las implicaciones de ese senatus consultum, que political and religious framework of the Tiberian age and está atestiguado no sólo en Tertuliano, sino también en un the relationship between Tiberius and the Senate. pasaje de Porfirio, además de las Actas de Apolonio.