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La Sustitución De Cantara/ Cantase Por Cantaría Y Cantaba (En El Castellano Septentrional Peninsular) Enrique Pato

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La Sustitución De Cantara/ Cantase Por Cantaría Y Cantaba (En El Castellano Septentrional Peninsular) Enrique Pato La sustitución de cantara/ cantase por cantaría y cantaba (en el castellano septentrional peninsular) Enrique Pato 1. Nota preliminar.............................................. 2. Introducción................................................... 3. Análisis de los datos..................................... 4. Discusión de los resultados......................... 5. Conclusiones................................................. 6. Apéndices...................................................... 7. Referencias bibliográficas........................... 8. Índice general................................................ * Para una correcta visualización de las páginas en formato .pdf se recomienda ajustar el ancho de la ventana, como mínimo, a 125%. Enrique Pato, 2004 Reservados todos los derechos. Pato, Enrique La sustitución de cantara/ cantase por cantaría y cantaba (en el castellano septentrional peninsular).- 1ª ed.- Madrid: Ed. del Autor/ Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. 361 págs. (formato .pdf) ISBN 84-688-5730-0 I. Título –1. 811.134.2 Lingüística. Español –2. Dialectología española Nota preliminar∗ La norma del castellano septentrional permite el uso, en amplios contextos sintácticos, de la forma cantaría, tanto simple como compuesta, en lugar de las formas cantara / cantase, dando lugar a una neutralización en la oposición modal. La extensión del condicional y del imperfecto de indicativo a los contextos propios del imperfecto de subjuntivo es uno más de los usos sintácticos que muestran la inestabilidad de las formas verbales del subjuntivo y la tendencia a reemplazarlas por formas del indicativo en el español actual. En realidad, este fenómeno del sistema verbal del español septentrional constituye un caso especial de la tendencia general al reajuste ––alternancia, neutralización y regresión— propio del modo subjuntivo en español. La comprensión plena de esta sustitución, tanto de su génesis histórica como de su funcionamiento en la actualidad, no ha sido todavía alcanzada y constituye un asunto pendiente de la sintaxis dialectal del español, aunque para algunos lingüistas “no haya que entretenerse en la crítica de esta práctica local, que no cabe en la lengua literaria”.1 Hasta ahora ningún estudio ha trabajado con datos de todas las áreas geográficas en las que se describe el fenómeno. En consecuencia, no se ha estudiado si la intensidad y los contextos sintácticos afectados por la sustitución son los mismos en todas ellas. Los atlas, que han mejorado con el tiempo, no permiten trazar una isoglosa precisa ni ofrecen información sobre todos los contextos sintácticos afectados. Conscientes de que el fenómeno constituye un marcador sociolingüístico, i. e., de que se trata de un fenómeno sujeto a la variación social y estilística, los datos del COSER se han obtenido en conversaciones semidirigidas con individuos del medio rural de edad avanzada, que representan idealmente el habla de cada localidad. Para ello, hemos trabajado con un corpus global de 528 horas grabadas en 352 enclaves de las provincias de Burgos, Cantabria, Palencia, Valladolid, País Vasco, Navarra, La Rioja, Soria, León, Segovia, Ávila, Zamora, Asturias y Zaragoza.2 Este trabajo, diseñado para paliar estas deficiencias, pretende, pues, analizar combinadamente la sustitución del norte peninsular en sus dimensiones geográfica y lingüística. ∗ El presente trabajo es una reelaboración parcial de mi tesis doctoral, Pato (2003a). A su vez, se enmarca dentro de un proyecto de investigación que la Dra. Inés Fernández-Ordóñez lleva a cabo sobre la variación interna del castellano. Mi más sincero agradecimiento a Inés Fernández-Ordóñez, por toda la ayuda material y personal facilitada. Quisiera manifestar también mi gratitud a Rafael Cano Aguilar, Alexandre Veiga, Javier Elvira, David Heap y Azucena Palacios, por todas las observaciones, sugerencias y correcciones que practicaron al manuscrito preliminar. Las posibles deficiencias son, en todo caso, obra del autor. 1 Cf. Gili Gaya (1969: 170). 2 En el Apéndice I aparece la lista alfabética de los 352 enclaves encuestados. De este modo, se ofrece en la primera parte ––Introducción–– un Estado de la cuestión que permite poner de manifiesto los principales logros y las objeciones fundamentales que cabe alegar a los estudios realizados hasta el momento sobre el fenómeno de la sustitución.3 A continuación, se define el corpus de datos manejado y la metodología empleada en su estudio, y se presenta una descripción detallada de la muestra de trabajo. En la segunda parte ––Análisis de los datos–– nos centramos, por un lado, en la distribución geográfica del fenómeno y, por otro, en el doble análisis estadístico practicado con SPSS: análisis bivariado y análisis multivariado (regresión logística). En la tercera parte ––Discusión de los resultados–– se discute críticamente la influencia de los factores lingüísticos y extralingüísticos (como el geográfico, el sexo, el prestigio y el contacto lingüístico). También dedicamos un apartado especial a su génesis histórica. Las Conclusiones constituyen la última parte del trabajo. 3 Véase la bibliografía general sobre el fenómeno [→ Referencias bibliográficas]. I.1. Estado de la cuestión 1.1. Presentación del fenómeno La sustitución consiste en utilizar la forma del condicional (–ría) y, en menor medida, la forma del imperfecto de indicativo (–ba) en lugar del imperfecto de subjuntivo (–ra/ –se), que es precisamente el empleo generalizado en el castellano estándar. En sí, el fenómeno no es más que una ampliación de los usos de las formas sustitutas a costa de las formas subjuntivas –ra/ –se, sustitución que caracteriza la variedad regional del castellano del área septentrional de la Península Ibérica. No obstante, también puede aparecer en ciertas áreas de Hispanoamérica, pero más limitado en sus contextos sintácticos. 1.2. Distribución geográfica La exacta distribución geográfica de la sustitución de –ra (y –se) por –ría (y –ba) no ha sido todavía delimitada. Sin embargo, podemos conocer con bastante aproximación el área de implantación del fenómeno gracias a las observaciones de distintos filólogos y lingüistas. En la península Ibérica, la sustitución fue percibida en el País Vasco y zonas limítrofes, Burgos y Cantabria primeramente (Espinosa 1930, González Ollé 1953),1 y La Rioja y Navarra después (Llorente Maldonado 1965, Ridruejo 1975).2 Debemos a Llorente Maldonado la única descripción global del área geográfica de la sustitución, y quizá la más precisa: ...es habitual en el castellano del País Vasco y en una gran área que incluye parte de la Montaña de Santander, de Navarra, de la Meseta Norte y de La Rioja. Está comprobado su uso, aparte de en Vasconia, en gran parte de Navarra, de Santander, de Soria, en toda La Rioja, en 1 Espinosa (1930: 445) lo documenta en seis pueblos de la provincia de Burgos: Villahoz, Salas de los Infantes, Barbadillo del Mercado, Palazuela de Muñó, Urbel del Castillo y Quintanilla del Coco; también en el pueblo de Valdearcos (Valladolid) y en Herrera (Palencia). Alvar (1947: 469) señala el reemplazo en el habla de Oroz-Betelu. Siguiendo a Lapesa (1942), García de Diego (1952: 105) lo registra en el español de distintas regiones: en una extensa zona de Vasconia, Santander, Burgos y Palencia. González Ollé (1953: 22-23) apunta que es conocido en diversas regiones del norte peninsular. En su estudio sobre La Bureba (1964b: 21) lo señala para Aguilar, Cameno, Cancedo, Castril de Lences, Los Barrios, Monasterio de Rodilla, Oña, Pino, Poza de la Sal, Quintanillabón, Rublacedo de Abajo, Rojas, Santa María de Ribarredonda, Solduengo, Terrazos, Vallarta y Vileña. Gili Gaya (1964: 170) lo sitúa en el País Vasco y algunas comarcas limítrofes de las provincias de Burgos y Santander. 2 Llorente Maldonado (1965: 341 y 1968: 1994-1995; encuestas del verano de 1964 y 1965) mantiene que se da en todos los pueblos de La Rioja explorados hasta ahora: Albelda, Alesanco, San Asensio, Casalarreina, Valgañón, Tormantos, Galilea, Enciso, Herce, Villar de Arnedo, Autol y Alfaro; también en el pueblo de Bugedo (Burgos) es lo habitual, lo mismo que en Navarra, Provincias Vascongadas, gran parte de las provincias de Santander, Palencia, Burgos e incluso Soria, Valladolid y la franja occidental de Aragón limítrofe con Navarra y la Rioja. Ridruejo (1975: 123) sostiene que el uso se extiende desde las Provincias Vascongadas hasta Soria, desde Navarra y la franja occidental de Aragón hasta Santander, Burgos y Palencia. Es decir, en una amplia zona norteña, cuyo centro puede localizarse en La Rioja. Los pueblos que encuesta en esta provincia son: Quel, Calahorra, Logroño y Fitero; y en Navarra, el pueblo de Corella. casi toda la provincia de Burgos, en la mitad norte de la provincia de Valladolid, en la provincia de Palencia y en la franja oriental de León, hasta el Esla. (No tenemos datos fehacientes, pero no me extrañaría nada que el fenómeno se hubiera extendido ya al nordeste de la provincia de Zamora, o sea, a la Tierra de Campos zamorana). Es decir, el fenómeno se extiende desde el Cantábrico hasta el Duero, y desde el Esla y el Valderaduey hasta el Moncayo. Su conocimiento del área se debe, sin duda, a la colaboración directa en las encuestas de Navarra y La Rioja para el Atlas Lingüístico y Etnográfico de Aragón, Navarra y Rioja (ALEANR) y por ser el responsable de la zona leonesa para el inédito Atlas Lingüístico de España y Portugal (ALEP), ambos proyectos dirigidos por Manuel Alvar. Este último atlas recogía materiales de toda la península y su publicación parcial
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