In Search of Ahimsa Absolutist Terms

upon an understanding of violence in In Search of Ahimsa absolutist terms. Ahimsa and Injustice Rajni Bakshi We live in a time when Gandhi’s non-violence is commonly misrepresented as a he cover of Nonviolence in Modern book reviewS way of keeping dominant elites in place. Indian History, a collection of V Geetha’s essay, “Travelling with Non- Tessays edited by David Hardiman, Nonviolence in Modern Indian History edited by violence,” dwells on the manner in which shows Gandhian activist P V Rajagopal David Hardiman, Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan, 2017; Gandhi tried to balance the claims of addressing a large gathering of the Ekta pp ix + 259, `1,095. justice and love or compassion. Geetha Parishad in 2007. This can easily lead a signifi cantly highlights that for Gandhi, reader to expect that the book contains Deva’s discomfort with the many possi- injustice and wrongdoing were inher- answers to one of the most urgent ques- ble interpretations of what is essentially ently violent. The central question today tions of our times: How can non-violence a metaphysical concept. is this: Can there be conversion of hearts be an effective counter to hatred and It is Tridip Suhrud’s essay, titled in response to what Gandhi termed the polarisation in contemporary India? “Fiery Ordeal: Conundrums of Ahimsa,” politics of “anguished love?” As Geetha Those seeking clear and direct answers that gives the reader an intimate writes, “sustained exchanges between to this question will be disappointed. understanding of Gandhi’s defi nition of the arbiters of injustice and the votaries Instead, this book offers glimpses of past violence and non-violence. The fi ery of justice ought to constitute the struggle struggles to practise nonviolence which ordeal was a term used by Gandhi to for justice” (pp 229–30). can inform that quest for answers. describe the moral dilemma he faced at Geetha, who is a dedicated and insight- one juncture on whether or not to end ful scholar of Ambedkar’s writings, gives Ahimsa as Love the agony of a terminally ill calf at a nuanced description of what she calls the First of all, how ahimsa is defi ned is Sabarmati Ashram. Gandhi supported “disconcerted agony” that Gandhi expe- crucial. In the fi rst chapter of the book, putting an end to the calf’s agony as rienced after signing of the Poona Pact: an essay by Hardiman on the shifting an act of love, even though he knew While he (Gandhi) had circumvented B R meanings of ahimsa in Indian history, that public opinion would not approve Ambedkar’s fi rm commitment to justice and gives a brief overview of different types of his action. But, an act of conscience made him settle for a measure that left Dal- of violence as understood by various and performance of duty, Gandhi was its linked to the caste Hindus while grant- ing them concessions—this is the form that traditions of the subcontinent. The cat- clear, cannot be made contingent on compassion took in this instance—he re- egories include accidental, occupation- public opinion. alised that the love he sought, both for his al, protective and intentional violence. Suhurd, reading Gandhi in the origi- cause and the untouchables was vulnerable Of these, only the intentional type has nal Gujarati, suggests that the appro- to being expressed as bad faith, and in fact traditionally been deemed to be himsa priate English word for the term ahimsa could be deeply fl awed—this in fact was the burden of his many speeches during the or violence. is love rather than non-violence. This is years 1933–36. He expressed his anguish Hardiman notes that personal prac- why Gandhi’s defi nition of violence at the patronising tone that caste Hindus tice of non-violence, by Jains for instance, was any act of causing pain to, wishing adopted; he was unhappy with the paltri- has been applied formulaically rather ill to, or killing a living being that ness of spirit that some of them exhibited, than as an ideal and method to create was driven by anger or a selfi sh intent, and when in 1935 Ambedkar proclaimed his desire to not die a Hindu, he wrote in a a better world. Nevertheless, Gandhi’s that is, the opposite of love. That is letter to Vallabhbhai Patel that howsoever ambitious endeavour for non-violence why swaraj and ahimsa were inextri- one read this decision, the fact remained had to contend with the claim, made cable for Gandhi; for swaraj was the that even now caste Hindus and others were among others by Lala Lajpat Rai, that act of ruling or controlling one’s mind more committed to win Ambedkar to their ahimsa had contributed to the emascu- and passions. point of view, with respect to conversion, rather than fi ghting untouchability. He also lation and downfall of India. On the Acknowledging that perfect control noted that Ambedkar had every right to contrary, Gandhi arg ued, the truth of over the self and, thus, perfect ahimsa want to opt out of Hinduism and that his an- ahimsa had either been ignored or is not possible in the human frame, ger was entirely justifi ed. It was the Hindus perverted for over 1,500 years. Gandhi’s struggle was to fi nd ways to that were indebted to Dalits, he pointed out, Varying interpretations of non-vio- keep ahimsa within the human grasp, and it would behove them to pay that debt, which in Gandhi’s lexicon translated into a lence posed a problem even during the that is, not to defi ne it in a manner that programme of serving and suffering. (p 232) freedom struggle. Anil Nauriya’s essay makes it unrealisable. This is a crucial on “Nonviolent Action and Socialist clue for contemporary efforts to work These details of historical record are Radicalism” describes Acharya Narendra with non-violence: they cannot be built particularly important at a time when a 22 MAY 4, 2019 vol lIV no 18 EPW Economic & Political Weekly BOOK REVIEW far more one-dimensional, or biased, found that the frequency of non-violent People Power Movements in Nondemocracies recollection of the Poona Pact is more movements has been increasing over (2005), argues that, on the contrary, non- common. At the same time there remains time, while the success rate of violent violent resistance is both radical and the danger of ahimsa being deployed as a movements has been declining. Still revolutionary and can be used to chal- tool in the hands of elites. Nauriya’s essay more signifi cantly, the study noted that lenge structural violence. In a narrative counters this anxiety by highlighting that, extreme repression creates a “backfi re that traverses from the Bhoodan Move- in Acharya Narendra Deva’s asse ss ment, effect,” which increases support for a ment to the land rights struggles of the Gandhian non-violence can be established non-violent struggle. Ekta Parishad in India today, Schock de- only by elimination of exploitation. While this analysis is heartening for scribes the organisational methodology. all those who oppose repressive regimes Among the strands common to both Strategic Non-violent Resistance there is also a severe limitation in the movements Schock identifi es Vinoba’s Over the last 70-odd years there has been statist mentality of such non-violent principle of tantramukti, namely freedom a global proliferation of non-violent resistance. As Hardiman writes: from any formal structure. This implies a resistance. But, how much of strategic Capturing State power and transforming a people’s movement that is self-activating use of non-violent resistance, in different society through the work of a constitutional rather than dependent on formal organi- corners of the world, actually qualifi es government that is responsible to an elector- sations. But, this, argues Schock, may as ahimsa? ate is regarded as the panacea. It celebrates well have contributed to the demise of the a form of coup d’etat while downplaying the Hardiman’s essay “Nonviolent Resist- fact that all too often the interest groups that Bhoodan Movement after Vinoba retired ance in India 1915–47” offers some clues gain offi ce by such means start to misappro- from activism in 1969. Perhaps learning because it is mostly a review of Western priate resources for themselves and govern from those mistakes, the Ekta Parishad literature both studying Gandhi’s en- in corrupt and repressive ways. Without on- has built a decentralised network of going resistance that builds new institutions deavour in India and movements across from below, there is no genuine democracy— organisations that presumably enable it the world since the end of colonialism. at least not in the sense that radical critics of to retain spontaneity while having a ful- This includes, naturally, the works of constitutional democracy (such as Gandhi) crum that holds it all together. However, Gene Sharp who argued that non-violent have understood it. (p 84) while Bhoodan challenged the notion of resistance is preferable not because it is Above all, what matters most is the private property, Ekta Parishad does not. morally right, but because it is more ex- ongoing process of non-violence as a Given that land distribution is a highly pedient for defeating the opponent and public culture rather than, what are often, charged issue across the global South, a creating a more lasting result. Hardiman short term victories over state power. In movement like Ekta Parishad is acutely points out that Sharp’s work set a pat- India, this has been evident in various relevant. Schock writes: tern for work in this fi eld which cited movements, notably the Chipko Move- Since increasing land inequality plagues historical examples in a simplistic man- ment and the Narmada Bachao Andolan.

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