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Repiiblicanism vs. Graiitism.

THE FRESIDEXCY A TRUST; NOT A PLAYTHING AND PERQUISITE.

Personal Government cand Presidential Pretensions. REFORM AND PURITY IN GOVERNMENT.

SPEECH

OF HON. CHARLES SUMNER, OF ]S1A.SSA.CE[XJSETTS,

DELIVEKED

IN THE SENATE OF THE UiS'ITED STATES,

MAT 31, 1872.

" Fofrntes. Thon whom do you call the good ? Alrib in (Us.. I uiean by the good iliose who are able to rule in the city. Soo-ntetf. Not, sural j'. over horses? AlcUiiddex. Certiinly not. So'-i-ntoN. But (ivcr men ? Alcibiades. Yes.'' {Plato, Dialogues. Tlie First Alcibiades.

" Amoner the foremost purnoses ou!?ht to be the diwifill of this odious, insultin?. dsgradinor. aide-de- campi.-^h, incnr)nbln dictatorship. At such .i crisis is tlio oountrv to bo, left, at the 'neroy of b irr.iek cc iuci is and mes<-rooin politic.-?'' Letter of Lord D.cr-luiinto Ileiirij Broughain, Aug., IS'SJ. Brougkaiii'a Life and Timea^Yol. iii, p. 44.

WASHINGTON: F. & J. RfVES & GEO. A. BATLEY, REPORTERS AND PRINflEllS OF r;iE D33ATEi OJ? CONGRESS 1872. Avery Architectural and Fine Arts Library

Gift of Seymour B. Durst Old York Library "It ia a maxim in politics which -we rendily admit as tindi?ptited and universal, that a power, however great, when gr;inted by law to an eminent matristrate, i.« not so dnnfferou> to liberty as an nuthority, how- ever inconsider:ible. which he acquires frum violence and usurpation."—Z/ame'* Eauaya, Fart 11, No. 10, of $ome remarkable vustuina. Digitized by tine Internet Arcliive

in 2013

http://archive.org/details/republicanismvsgOOsunnn_0 SPEECH.

The sundry civil appropriation bill coming up as home from the Senate I was detained in Nevr unfini.shiHl business. Mr. Scmner moved to postpone York by the invitation of party friends to inaetiuitely its consideration, and after remarking speak at tl)e Coo[)er Institute on the issues of on the report of the Committee on the Sale of Arms the pending election. The speech was made to French agents, proceeded: July 12, and, I believe, was the earliest of Mr. President: I have no hpsitation in the campaign. As published at the time it declaring myself a member of the Republican was entitled ''Origin, Necessity, and Perma- party and one of the straitest of the sect. I nence of the Republican Party." and to ex- doubt ifany Snnator can pointto earlier or more hibit these was its precise object. Both the constant service in its behalf. I began at the necessity and permanence of ihe party were beginning, and from tliat early day have never asserted. A briel' pass ige. which 1 take from will failed to sustain its candidates and to advance i the report in the New York Herald, show destiny I ventured then to hold its principles. For these 1 have labored J the duty and always by speech and vote, in the Senate up. Alter dwelling on the evils of vSlavery and and elsewhere, at first with few only, but at the corruptions it had engetidered, including last as success began to dawn then wiih mul- the purchase of votes at the polls, I proceeded titudes flocking lorward. In this cause I as follows : never asked who were my associates or how '* Therefore just so long as the present false theories many they would number. In the conscious- of Slavery prevail , whether ooncerniug its ch aracter morally, economic:iliy, aii'l socially, or concerning

1 willing I ness of right was to be alone. To its prerogatives under the Coiistirution. just so hjo? such a party, with which so much of my life as the Slave Oiii^arehy. whicii is the sleepless and unhesitating agent ot Slavery in all its pretensions, is intertwined, I have no common attachment. coininuesio exist as a political power, the Repub- witliout 1 it sutfer; not Not regret can see ; lican party must endure. [ Applau^*^.] Il b.id men con- without a pang can I see it changed from its I spire for Slavery, g iod men must ombiiie fur Free- dom. ["Good, good !'] N-r cm the holy war l)e ended origii.ci character, for such a change is death, i until the barbarism now dominant in the Republic Therefore do I ask, with no common feeling, is overthrown and the P.ig in |)ower is driven irom that the peril which menaces it may pass our Jerusalem. [Applaus-^.] And when the trium{>h is won, securing the immediate obiect of our organ- away. I stood by its cradle; let me not ization, the RepubliCiin parry wiit not die, but puri- follow its hearse. fied by long contest with Slavery and filled with higher lite, it will be lilted to yet other etf )rts with ORIGIN' AXD OBJECT OP THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. nobler aims for the good of man. [Applause, three cheers for Lincoln.]" Turning back to its birth, I recall a speech of my own at a State convention in Massa- Such, on the eve of the presidential election, chusetts, as early as September 7, 1854, where was my description of the Republican party I vindicated its principles and announced its and my aspiration for its fu"ure. It was not name in these words: ''As Uepublicaxs to die, but purified by lon^ contest with we go forth to eticonnter the Oligarchs of Slavery and filled with higher life, we were Slavery. The report records the applause to behold it lifted to yet other elF»rts with wiih which this name was received by the nobler aims for the good o man. Here was excited multitude. Years of conflict ensued, nothing personal, nothing m -an or p^'ty. Tiie in which the good cause constantly gained, Republican party was nece^3ary and perma- j At last, in the summer of 1860, Alirahatn nent, and always on an asoeuding pUme. For Lincoln was nominated by this party as its such a party there was no deatn, but higher candidate for the Presidency ; and here par- life and nobler aims; and this was the party don me if 1 refer again to myself. On my way to which I give my vows. But alas! hovr 6

cbiiiiged. Once country was the object, and speaking for the party, and known to be in

not li man ; once princi()le was inscribed on intimate relations with the President guilty of the viciorious banners, and not a name only. these wrongs. Evidently the party was ia process of change from that generous asso- REPUBLICAN PARTY SEIZED BY THE PRESIDENT. ciation dedicated to Human Rights and to the It is not difficult to indicate wlien this disas- guardianship of the African race. Too plainly trous clian^e, exuliitii; the will of one man it was becoming the instrument of one man above all else, became not merely manifest but and his personal will, no matter how much he painluliy conspicuous. AlreaUnited States." Had violation of me Constitution and of Inter- this eifort, however injudicious in object, been national Law with insult to the Black Re[)ub- conlined to ordinary and constitutional pro- lic — the whole case being more reprehensi- ceedings, with proper regard (or a coordinate ble, as also plainly more unconstitutional and branch of the Government, it would have soon more illegal than anything alleged against dropped out ofsight and been remembered only Andrew Johnson on his impeachment. Be- as a blunder. Bul it was not so. Strangely lieve me, sir, I should gladly leave this matter and unaccountably, it was pressed for months to the judgment already recorded, if it were by every means and appliance of power, not put in issue again by the extraordinary whether at home or abroai], now reaching into efforts, radiating on every line of office, to the Senate Chamber, and now into the waters press its author for a second term as Pres- about the island. Reluctant Senators were ident; and since silence gives consent, all subdued to its support, while, treading under these efforts are his efforts. They become foot the Constitut ion in one of its most dis more noteworthy when it is considered that tinctive republican principles, the President the name of the candidate thus pressed has seized the war powers of the nation, instituted become a sigti of discord and not of concord, foreign intervention, and capped the climax dividing instead of uniting the Republican of usurpation by metiace of violence to the party, so that these extraordinary efforts tend Black Republic of Hayii, where the colored directly to the disruption of the parfy, all of race have commenced tlie expeiicnent of self- which he witnesses and again by his silence government, thus adding manifest outrage of raiihes. "Let the party split," says the Pres- International Law to manifest outrage of the ident, "I will not renounce my chance of a Constitution, while the long-suffering African second term." The extent of this personal was condemned to new indignity. All these pressure atid the subordination of the party to thirtgs. so utterly indefensible and aggravating, the will of an individual compel us to consider and therefore to be promptly disowned, Ibund his pretensions. These, too, are in issue. defenders on this floor. The President, who PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSIONS. was the original author of the wrongs, contin- ued to mairjtain them, and appealed to Repub " On what meat doth this our Cassar feed" lican Senators for lielp, thus fulhlling the that he should assume so much? No honor eccentric stipulation v^itli the Government of for victory in war can justify disobedience to Baez, executed by his Aid de-Camp. the Constitution and to law; nor can it afford At, last a Republican Senator, who felt it his the least apology lor any personal immunity, duty to exhibit these plain violations of the privilege, or license in the presidential office. Constitution and of International Law, and A President must turn into a king before it then in obedience to the irresistible prompt- can be said of iiim that he can do no wrong. ings of his nature, and in harmony with his He is responsible always. As President he whole life, pleaded for the equal rights of the is foremost servant of the law, bound to obey Black Republic— who declared that he did this its slightest mandate. As the elect of the peo- as a Republican, and to save the party from ple he owes not only the example of willing this wretched complicity — this Republican obedience, but also of fidelity and industry Senator, engaged in a patriotic service, and in the discharge of his exalted office with an anxious to tave the colored fieople from out- abso'ute abnegation of all se'f seeking Notb~ rag^^, wiis denounced on this floor as a traitor ing for self hut all for country. And now, as to the party, and this was done by a Senator we regard the career of this candidate, we : s

find to our amazement how little it accords through whom Republican institutions suffer with this simple requirement. Bring it to the and the people learn to do wrong. touchstone and it fails. Would that these things could be forgotten, Not only are Constitution and law disre- but since through officious friends the Pres- garded, but the presidential office itself is ident insists upon a second term they must treated as little more than a plaything and a be considered and publicly discussed. When f)erquisite—when not the former then the understood nobody will vindicate them. It is atter. Here the details are ample; showing easy to see that Czesarism even in Europe is at

how from the beginning this august trust has a discount ; that "personal government" has dropped to be a personal indulgence, where been beaten on that ancie^it field, and that palace cars, fast horses, and sea-side loiterings " Cgesar with a senate at his heels" is not

figure more than duties ; how personal aims the fit model for our Republic. King George

and objects have been more prominent than J II of England, so peculiar for narrowness the public interests how the presidential and obstinacy, had retainers in Parliament ; office has been used to advance his own family who went under the name of "The King's on a scale of nepotism dwarfing everything Friends." Nothing can be allowed here to of the kind in our history and hardly equaled justify the inquiry, " Have we a King George in the corrupt governments where this abuse among us?" or that other question, "Have has most prevailed; how in the same spirit we a party in the Senate of 'the King's " office has been conferred upon those from whom Friends?' he had received gifts or benefits, thus making PERSONAL OOVKRXMKXT UNREPUBLICAN.

the country repay his personal obligations ; how Personal government is autocratic. It is personal devotion to himself rather than pub the One Man Power elevated above all else, lie or party service has been made the stand- and is, therefore, in direct conflict with ard of favor; how the vast appointing power re- publican government, whose consummate form conferred by the Constitution for the general is tripartite, being Execuiive, Legisla'ive, and welfare has been employed at his will to pro- Judicial ; each independent and coequal. From mote his schemes, to reward his friends, to pun Mr. Madison, in the Federalist, we learn that ish his opponents, and to advance his election the accumulation of these powers " in the same to a second term ; how all these assumptions hands" may justly be pronounc^^d "the very have matured in a personal government^ semi- definition of tyraiiny." And so any attempt military in character and breathing ihe mili- by either to exercise powers of another is a tary spirit, being a species of Caesarism or tyrannical invasion always reprehensible in personalism, abhorrent to republican institu- proportion to its extent. John Adams tells tions, where subservience to the President is the us in most instructive words that " it is by supreme law ; how in maintaining this subserv- balancing each of the-e powers against the ience he has operated by a system of combin- other two that the efforts iti hutnan nature ations, military, political, and even senatorial, toward tyranny can alone be checked and having their orbns about him, so that, like the restriiined, and any degree of freedom pre- planet Saturn, he is surrounded by rings ; nor served in the Consiituiion." {John Adams'' does the similitude end here, f»r his rings, Works, Vol. IV, 186.) like those of the planet, are held in position p. Then, again, the same au'hority says that by satellites ; how this utterly unrepublican the perlectioi! of this great idea is " by giving Cjesarism has mastered the Republican party each division a power to defend itself by a and dictated the presidential will, stalking negative." {Ibid., page 2;)G In other words, into the Senate Chamber itself, while a vin- ) each is armed against invasion by the others. dictive spirit visits good Republicans who Accordingly, the constitution of Virginia, cannot submit; how the President himself, in 1776, famous as an historical precedent, unconscious that a President has no right to declared expressly : quarrel wiih anybody, insists upon quarreling *' The legislative, executive, until he has become the great presidential and judiciary depart- ments shall be separate and distinct, so that neii her quarreler, with more quarrels than all other exercise the powers properh belonging to the otlier ; Presidents together, all begun and contin- nor shall any person execucc tne powers of more than one of them at the same time." ued by himself; how his personal followers back him in quarrels, insult those he insults, The constitution of Massachusetts, dating and then, not departing from his spirit, cry from 1780," embodied the same principle ia out with Shakspeare, We will have rings memorable words and things and tine array;" and finally, how " The legislative department shall never exercise the chosen head of the Republic is known the executive and judicial powers, or either of

them; the executive shai I never exercise t legis- chiefly for presideniinl pretensions, utteily he lative and judicial powers, or either ot them; the indefensible in character, deroiiatory to the judicial shall never exercise the legislative and country and of evil influence, making personal executive powers, or either of thein, to th end that it a government of not of objects a primary pursuit, so that instead of may be laws and men." a beueiiceut presence he is a bad example A government of laws and not of men is the —

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object of republican government; nay more, crested wave. But can less be expected of it is ibe distinctive essence without which ii that other pilot who is to steer the ship which

becomes a tyranny, i lieterbre, personal gov- contains us all? ernmeiiL in ail iis forms, and especially when The failure of the modern soldier as states- it seeks fo sway the action of any other branch man is exhibited by Mr. Buckle in his remark- or overturn its co^'Siiiutioiial negative, is lios- able work on the ''History of Civilization." tile to the Krst principles of. republican ins'i Writing as a philo.sopher devoteil to liberal tu'ions, and an unquestionable outrage. That ideas, he does not disguise that in antiquity our President has offended in this way is '*the most eminent soldiers were likewise the Tiuha])pily too apparent. most eminent politicians;" but he plainly shows the reason when he adds that ''in the THE PRESIDENT AS A CIVILIAN. midst of the hurry and turmoil of camps these To comprehend the personal government eminent men cultivated their minds to the that has been installed over us we must know highest point that the knowledge of that age its author His picture is the necessary would allow." (Vol. I, chap. 4.) The secret frontispiece; not us soldier, let it be borne in was culture not confined to war. In modern mind, but i\s civilian. The President is titular Europe few soldiers have been more con- head of the Army and Navy of the United spicuous than Gustavus Adolphus and Fred- States: but his office is not military or naval. erick sometimes called the Great: but we As it to exclude all question, he is classed by learn from our author that both ''failed igno- the Constitution among ''civil officers." miniously in their domesi ic policy and showed Therefore as civilian is he to be seen. Then, themselves as short-sighted in the arts of perhaps, may we learn the secret of the policy peace as th»-y were sagacious in the arts of so adverse to republicanism in which he war." {Ibid.) '1 he judgment of Marlborough perseveres. is more pointed. While portraying him as To appreciate his peculiar character as a "the greatest conqueror of the age. the hero civilian it is important to know his triumphs of a hundred fights, the victor of Blenheim as a soldier, for the one is the natural com- and Ramillies," the same philosophical writer plement of the ottier. The successful soldier adds that he was " a man not only of the most is rarely changed to the successful civilian. idle and I'rivolous pursuits, but so miserably There seems an incompatibility between the ignorarit that his deficiencies made him the two, modihed by the extent to which one has ridicule of his contemporaries," while his been allowed to exclude the other. One politics were compounded of selfishne^ and always a so.dier cannot lare in life become a treachery. Nor was Wellington an exception. statesiuHu; one aUvays a civilian cannot late Though shining in the field without a rival, in life become a soldier. Education and expe and remarkable for integrity of purpose, an rience are tietdetl for each. Wa-hington and unflinching honesty and high moral feeling, the Jackson were civilians as well as soldiers. conqueror of Waterloo is described as '* never- In the large training and experience of thel^-ss utterly unequal to llie complicated antiquity the soldier and civilian were often exigencies of political life." (Ibid ) This united: but in modern times this has been jadgment of the philosopher is confirmed by seldom. The camp is peculiar in the influence that of Metternich, the renowned statesman, it exei ci='es: it is in itself an education : but it who, after encountering Wellington at the is not the education of the statesman. To congresses of Vienna and Verona, did not suppose that we can change without prepara- he.'-itate to write of him as '' the Great Baby." tion from the solJier to the statesman is to (Sir H. L. Bulwer, Historical Characters, assume that training and experience are of Vol. II, p. 320. Such are the examples of less consequence for the one than the other history, each with its warning. that a man may by born a statesman but can It would be hard to find anything in the fit himself as a soidier only by four years at native endowments or in the training of our Point, careful scientific study, cona- chieftain to makfhiman illustrious e-xception "West the ; mand of troops, and experience in the tented at least nothing of the kind is recorded. Was field. And is notliing required for the states- nature more generous with bun than with man? Is his duty so slight? His study is the Marlborough or Wellington, Gustavus Adol- nation and its welfare, turning always to his- phus or Frederick called the Great? Or was tory for example, to law for autiiority. and to his experience of life a better preparation than the lofiipst truth for rules of conduct. No theirs ? And yet they failed except in war. It knowledge, care, or virtue, disciidined by is not known that our chieftain had any expe- habit, can be too great. The pilot is not rience as a civilian until he i)ecame President, accepted in ids trust until he knows the signs nor does any partisan attribute to him that ot the storm, the secrets of navigation, the double culture which in antiquity made the rocks ot the coast, all of which are learned same man soldier and statesman. It has been only by careful sru

James Buchanan. After leaving West Point he War, was in failing health. Full of gratitude becanae a caf)rain in the Army, but soon aban- for his unsurpassed services, and with a senti- doned the service to reapftear at a later day as a mpiit of friendship quickened by common snccessf ui general. Tiiere is no reason to believe P'llitical sympathies, I lost no time in seeing

that heemployed this imerraediate period inany \ him, and repeated my visits until his death,

way calculated to improve hiin as a statesman. : toward the close of the same month. My last

One of his unhesirating supporters, my col- ; visit was marked by a communication never league, [Mr. Wilson.] in a s[)eech intended to forgotten. I his bedroom, i be As entered to commend him for reelection says: 'ffhere I found him reclining on a sofa, propped

I " by pillows, he reached out bis hand, already Before the war we knew nothing of Grant. lie I was earning a few hundred dollars a year in tunning Clammy cold, and in reply to my inquiry, hides in Galena." Llow are you?'' answered, Waiting for By the war he passed to be President; and mv furlough.*' Then at once with singular such was his preparation to govern the great solemnity he said, "I have something to say liepublic, making it an example to mankind. to you." When I was seated he proceeded ''1 Thus he learnnd to deal wi.h all qnesiions without one word of introduction : know domestic and foreign, whether of peace or war, General Grant better than any other person to declare constitutional law and international in the country can know him. It was my duty law and to adfninisier the vast ar^'ointing to study him. and I did so night aid d ly. when power, creating C-ibinet officers, judges, for- I saw him and when I did not see him. and eign ministers, and an uncounted army of now I tell you what I kno'-v, he cannot govern .' officeholders. this country ' The intensity of his manner and To ihese things must be added that when ihe posiiiveness of his judgment surprised me,

^ this so dier first began as civilian he was for though I was aware thar the late St-cretary

j already forty six years old. At this mature of War did not place the President very high

} age, close upon ha'f a century, when habits in general capacity, I was not prepared for

j are irrevocably fixed, when the mind lias haid a a judgment so strongly couched. At last, ened against what is new, when the character afier some delay, occupied in meditating his | '* has taken its permanent form, and the whole remarkable words. I observed, What you | man is rooted in liis own unchangeable indi- say is very broad."' ''It is as true as it is | viduality, our soldier entered abrup; ly upon the broad," he replied promptly. I added, ''You are tardy you tell this late why did you not untried life of a civilian in its most exalted ; ; sphere. Do not be surprised, tbar, like other say it before his nomination?'' He answered tliat he was not consulted about the nomination, soldiers, he failed ; the wonder would be had | and had opporiuniry expre.-^sing his he succeeded. Harvey was accustomed to say ;! no of that dis- opinion upon ir. besides being mucli occupied nobody over forty ever accepted his ! at ttie time by his duties as Secretary of War covery of the circulation of the blood ; but he

j is not the only person who has recognized this and his contest with the President. I followed \ of life by saying, '"But you took part in ihe pres- period as the dividing point after which i it is difficult to learn new things. Something ll idential elec'ion, and made a succession of like this is embodied in the French saying, speeches for him in Ohio and Pennsylvania." } *' that at forty a man has given his measure. At I spoke," said he, but I never introduced least his Vocation is settled —how completely the name of General Gravt. 1 spoke for the is seen if we suppose the statesman after trav- Ilepubiican party and the Republican cause."

j ersuig the dividing ibis was the last time I saw Mr. Slant on. A point abruptly changed to j| few later 1 followed to the soldier. And yet at an age nearly seven li days him the grave later where he now rests. As the vagaries of the years our soldier precipitately changed i to the statesman. President became more manifest and the pres- This sudden metamorphosis cannot be forgot- idential office seemed more and more a play- ten when we seek to comprehend the strange thing and perquisite, this dying judgment of pretensions which ensued. It is easy to see the great citizen who knew him so well how some very moderate experience in civil haunted me constantly day and night, and I life, involving of course the lesson of subor- now communicate it to ray country, feeling dination to republican principles, would have that it is a legacy which 1 have no right to prevented indeiensible acts. withhold. Beyond the intrinsic interest from irs author, it is not without value as tes- TESTIMONY OF THE LATE EDWIN" M. STAXTOX. timony iu considering how the President could Something also must be attributed to indi- have been led into that Quixotism of personal vidual character; an

Cougiess in December, 1809, I was pained to ! make this exfiosure, spreading before you the hear that Mr. Stanion, lately Secretary of proofs of that personal goveruiueut, which will | 10

only pass without censure when it passes with- for the President, or at least after careful ia« out observation. Insisting upon reelection, quirie?:, have denied the accuracy of this list, the President challenges inquiry and puts him- reducing it to thirteen. It will not be ques- Belf upon the country, Bui even if his press- tioned that there is at least a baker's dozen ia ure for reelection did not menace ihe tran- this category — thirteen relations of the Presi- quillity of the country, it is important that the dent billeted on the country, not one of whona personal pretensiotis he has set up should be but for this relationship would have been exposed, that no President hereafter may ven brought forward, the whole con'siituting a case lure upon such ways and no Senator presume of nepotism not utiworthy of those worst gov- to deleud them. The case is clear as noon. erntnents where office is a family possession. TWO TYPICAL INSTANCES. Beyond the list of thirteen are other revela- tions, showing that this strange abuse did In opening this catah->gue I select two not stop with the President's relations, but typical iustauces, Nepotism and Gitt-takiug that these obtained appointtnents for others ia officially compensated, eacli absolutely inde- their circle, so that every relai ion became a cen- fensible in the head of a Republic, most per- ter of influence, while the presidential family nicious in example, and showing beyond ques- extended indefinitely. tion that surpassing egotism which changed Only one President has appointed relations, the presidential office into a personal insiru- mentaiiiy, not unlike the trunk of an elephant, and that was John Adams; but he found pub- lic opinion, inspired by the example of apt for all things, small as well as great, from Washington, so strong Jigainst it that after provision for a relation to forcing a treaty on a slight experiment he replied to an applicant, a reluctant Senate or forcing a reelection on it is impossible for to appoint a reluctant people. You know me my own relations to anything without drawing NEPOTISM OF THE PRESIDENT. forth a torrent of obloquy." (Letter to Ben- Between these two typical instances I hesi- jamin Adams, April 2, 1799; John Adams's tate which to place fjremost, but since the Works, vol. VIII, p. G34.) The judgment of l^resident is a ruling nepotism of the passion the country found voice in Thomas Jefferson, revealing the primary instincts of his nature ; who. in a leiter written shortly after he became in utter since it is maintanied by him uncon- President, used tliese strong words: "Mr. sciousness of its oflfensive character ; since Adams degraded Jdmself infinitely by his con- for it mis- instead of blushing as an unhappy duct on this subject." But John Adams, take he continues to uphold it ; since it has besides transferring his son, John Quincy been openly defended by Senators on this Adams, from one diplomatic post to another, since no true patriot anxious for floor, and appointed only two relations. Pray, sir, what institutions doubt that it ought republican can words would Jefferson use if he were here to to be driven with hissing and scorn from all speak on the open and multifarious nepotism possibility of repetition, I begin with this of our President? undoubted abuse. ORIGIN HISTORY OF NEPOTISM. There has been no call of Congress for a AND return of the relations holding office, stipend The presidential pretension is so important or money-making opportunity under the Pres- in every aspect, and the character of repub- ident. The country is left to the press for in- lican institutions is so absolutely compromised formation on this important subject. If there by its toleration, that it cannot be treated in is any exaggeration the President is in fault, any perfunctory way. It shall not be my fault since knowing the discreditable allegations he if hereafter there is any doubt with regard has not hastened to furnish the precise facts, to it. or at least his partisans have failed in not call- The word "nepotism" is of Italian origin. ing for the official information. In the mood First appearing at Rome when the papal power which they have showti in tins Chamber it is was at its height, it served to designate the evident that any resolution calling for it moved authority and influence exercised by the by a Senator not known to be tor his reelec- nephews, or more generally the family of a tion would meet wi(h opposiiion, and an effort Pope. All the family of a Pope were nephews to vindicate republican institutions would be and the Pope was universal uncle. As far denounced as an assault on the President. But back as 10(37 this undoubted abuse occupied the newspapers have placed enough beyond attention to such a degree that it became the question tor judgment on this extraordinary subject of an able historical work in two vol- case, althougti thus far there has been no umes, entitled // Xipotismo di Roma, which attempt to appreciate it, especially in th3 light is full of instruction and warning even for of history. our Uepublic. From Italian the word j)assed One list makes the number of beneficia- into other Europdti hmguages, but in the ries as many as forty-two— being probably lapse ot lime or process of naturalization, it every known person allied to the President by has come to denote the misconduct of the blood or marriage. Persons seeming to speak appointing power. Addison, who visited 11

Rome at the beginning of the last century. " lorded it in Rome," except in a few instances descril)e'i it as ''undue patronajie bestowed wonhy of commemoration and example. by the Popps upon the rnembers of their fam- Of these exceptions, the Hrst in time was ily." Bur. the word has ampiitied since, so as Julius If, founder of St. Peter's at Rome, to embrace others besides Ptjjies who appoint whose remarkable countenance is so beau- relations to office. Johnson in his D ciiotiarv tifully preserved by the genius of Raffaelle. dt-fiued it simply as "fondness for nephews;"' Though the nephew of the nepotist, and not but our latesi and best iexicogrnpher, Wor- declining to a[)point all relations, he did it cester, supplies a definition more complete with such moderation that nepotism was said and satisfactory: '' Favoritism shown to rela- to be dying out. Adrian VI, early teacher tions; patronaue bestowed in consideration of Charles V, and successor of Leo X. set a of family relationship and vot of merit."' better example by refusing absolutely. But so Such undoubtedly is the meaning of the word accustomed had Rome become to this abuse, as now received and emfjloy^'d. that not only the embassadors but the people The character of this pretension appears in condemned him as "too severe wiih his rela- its oriiriri and history. In the early days of tions." A S(m of his cousin, studying in the ('hurch. Po|)es are described as discarding Siena, started fir Rome, trustinj; to obtain all reLtionship, whether of blood or alliance, important recognition. But the Pope, with- and inclining to merit alone in their appoint out sef-ing him, sent him back on a hired horse. meijts. alihougli there were some with so large Relations thronged from other places and even a number of nepliews. jjratid neidiews. brothers- from across the Alps, longing for that great- relations as to baffle belief, and yet it ness which other Popes had lavished on family in-law, and ; is reconied that no sooner did the good Pope but Adrian dismissed t hem with a si ij^ lit change enter the Va'icat), whicli is the Execmive Man- of clothing and an allowance of money for sion of Ptome, than lelations fled, brothers-in- the journey. One who from poverty came on law hid themselves, grand-nephews removed foot was permitted to return on foot. This away, and net)hews got at a long distance. Pof>e carried abnegation of his family so far Such was the early virtue. Nepotism did not as to mj.ke relationship an excuse for not re- exist, and the woid itself was unknown. warding one who had served the Church well. At last, in 1471, twenty-one years before Similar in characer was Marcellus II, who the discovery of America by Christopher became Pope in looo. He was unwilling Columi)us, Sixtus IV became Pope, and with that any of his family should come to Rome; hiiu began that nepotism which soon became even his broiher w^s forbidden ; but this good famousasa Koman institution. Born in 1411, example was closed by deaih after a reign of the son of a fisherman, tlie eminent, founder was twenty days only. And yet this brief period already titty-seven years old, and he reigned of exemplary virtue has made this pontiff lo his spirit thirteen years, bringing functions large famous. Kindred in whs Uiban VI t, expt-rieiice as a successful preacher and as who reigned thirteen days only in 1590, but general of the Franciscan friars. Though long enough to rep^-l his relations, and also cra'iledin poverty, and by ihe vows of his order Leo XI, who reigned iwenty-flve days in IGUo. b(miid to mendicancy, he began at once to heap To this list may be added Innocent IX, who otlice and nches upon the various members of died after two months of service. It is related his fa;uily, so that his conduct, frotn its bare that his death displeased his relations much, faced inconsistency with the obiigation of his and dissolved the air-castles they had built. liie, excited, accoidmgto the litsiorian, *' the They had hurried from Bo ogna, but except a amrizement and wonder of all." The uselul grand nephew, all were obliged to return poor reforms he attempted are forgotten, and this as ihev came. In this list I must not forget reuiarliable pontitf is chiefly remembert-d now Pius V, who re'gned from lobo to 1572. He as the earliest nepotist. D.ffereiii degrees of set h.iinself so completely against aggrandizing severity are employed by di&Vrent autliors in his own family, that he was with ditii -uby per- charncierizing this unhappy fame. Bouillet, suaded to make a sister's son cardinal, and in his Dictionary of History, having Catholic would not have done it hid not ail the car- approb'^tton. describes him as feeble toward dmals united on grounds of conscience against his nephews," and our own Cyclopaedia, in a ihe denial of this dignity to one most worthy brief exposition of iiis character, says lie of it. Such virtue was part ot that elevated made hitnself odious by excessive nepotism." character which caused his subsequent canon- But in all varieties of expression the ofleuse ization. Btands out for judgment. These good Popes were short-lived. The The immediate success'^r of Sixtus was reigns of all except Pius counted by days Innocent VI ll, whom the historian describes only;' but they opened happy glimpses of an as "very cold to his relations," since two administration where the powers of govern- only obtained pre'erment at liis hands. But ment were not treated as a personal peiquisiie. the example of the founder so far prevailed The opposite list had the advantage of time. that for a century nepotism, as was said. Conspicuous among nepotists was Alex- 12

ander VI, whose family name of Borgia is them of their dignities and drive them from damned to fame. With hira iiepotism as- Rome. Somet nes nephews were employed sumed its most brutal and barbarous develop- chiefly in ministering to pontifical pleasures, ment, reflecting (he character of its pontifical as iti the case of Julias III, who, according author, wlio was witliout the smallest ray of to the historian, "thought of tiothing but ban- good. Other Popes were less cruel and bloody, queting with that one and with this one, keep- but i!Ot less determined in providing for their ing his relations in Rome, rather to accom- families. Paul liJ, who was of the great pany him at banquets than to aid him in the house of Farnese, would have had the Estates government of the holy Church, of which he of the Church a garden for the " liliws" which thought little." This occasion for relations flourish on the escutcheon of his family. It does not exist at Rome now, as the pontiff leads is related that when Urban VUI, who was a a discreet li'e, always at home and never ban- Barberini, commenced his historic reign, all quets abroad. his relations at a distance flew to Home like These historic instances make us see nepo- the "bees" on the f.imily arms, to suck the tism in its original seat. Would you know honey of the Church, but not leaving behind how it was regarded there? Sometimes it was the sting with which they pricked while they called ahydra wiih many heads, sprouting anew sucked. Whether lilies or bees it was the 5ame. at the election of a pontiff; then again it was The latter pontiff gave to nepotism fullness called Ottoman rather than Christian in char- of power when he resolved "to have no acter. The contemporary historian who has business with any one not dependent upon described it so minutely says that those who his house." In the same spirit he excused merely read of it without seeing it will find it himself from making a man cardinal because difficult to believe or even imagine. The he had been " the enemy of his nephews." qualities of a Pope's relation were said to be Although nothing so positive is recorded of "ignorance and cunning." It is easy to be- Paul V, who was a Borghese, his nepotism lieve that this prostitution of the head of the appears in the Roman saying, that while serv- Church was one of the abuses which excited ing the Church as a good shepherd he "gave the cry for Reform, and awakened even ia too much wool to his relations." These Rome the echoes of Martin Luther. A brave instructive incidents, illusiraiing the pon- Swiss is recorded as declaring himself unwill- tifical pretension, reflect light on the history ing to be the subject of a pontiff who was of palaces and galleries at Rome, now admired himself the subject of his own relations. But by the visitor from distant lands. If not cre- even this pretension was not without open ated, they were at least enlarged by nepotism. defenders, while the general effrontery with It does not always appear how many rela- which it was maintained assumed that it was tions a Pope endowed. Otten it was all, as in above question. If some gave with eyes closed, the case of Gregory XIII, who, besides most gave with eyes open. It was said that advancing a nephew actually at Rome, calleci Popes were not to neglect their own blood, thither all his nephews and grand-nephews, that they should not show themselves worse whether from brothers or sisters, and gave than the beasts, not one of whom failed to them offices, dignities, governments, lord caress his relations, and the case of bears and ships, and abbacies. Cassar Borgia and his lions, the most ferocious of all, was cited as sister Lucrezia were not the only rela- authority for this recognition of one's own tions of Alexander VI. I do not find the blood. All this was soberly said, and it is number adopted by Sixtus, the founder of the doubtless true. Not even a Pope can justly system. Pius iV, wlio was of the grasping neglect his own blood; but help and charity- Medicean family, favored no less than twenty- must be at his own expense and not at the five. Alexander VII, of the Chigi family, expense of his country. In appointments to had about him five nephews and one brother, office merit and not blood is the only just which a contemporary characterized as " ne- recommendation. potism all complete." This pontiff began his That nepotism has ceased to lord itself ia leign by forbidding his relations to appear at Rome; that no pontiff billets his relations Rome, which redounded at once to his credit upon the Church; tliat the appointing power throughout the Christian world, while the of the Pope is treated as a public trust and astonished people discoursed of his holiness not as a personal perquisite—all this is the and the purity of his life, expecting even to present testimony with regard to that govern- see miracies. In making the change he ment which knows from experience the bane- yielded evidently to immoral pressure and ful character of this abuse. the example of predecessors. AilEUlCAN AUTHORITIES OX NEPOTISM. The performances of papal nephews figure in history. Next after the Borgias, were the The nepotism of Rome was little known in

Caraffas, who obtained power through Paul our country, and I do not doubt that Wash- IV, but at last becoming too insolent and ington, when declining to make the presiden- rapacious, their uucle was compelled to strip tial office a persoual perquisite, was governed : ;

13 by that instinct of duty and patriotism which the very first measure is to satisfy thcra of bis dis- interestedness, and that he is directing their Through all the rendered hini so preeminent. aS"iirs with a single eye to their good, and not to perils of a seven years' war, he had battled build up fortunes tor himself and family, and esrie- with that kingly rule which elevates a whole cially that the officers appuinted to transact their business, are appointed because they are the fittest merit, fastening all family without regard to men, not because they are his relations. So prone upon the nation, and he had learned that this are they to susF>icion, thai where a Prerider.t ap- royal system could find no place in a republic. points a relation of his own. however worthy, they will believe that favor, and not merit, was the rejected the claims of relations, Therefore he motive. I therefore laid it down as a law of con- and in nothing was his example more beauti- duct for myself. nev<>rtogive an appointment to a relation."— /^e^/f^r to ful. His latest biographer, Washington Irving, J. (Jarland Jefferuon, J dnunry 25, 1810; Ibid., Vol. V. p. 498. records him as saying: " So far as I know ray own mind, I would notbein That statement is unanswerable. The elect the remotest decree influenced in making nomina- of the people must live so as best to maintain the ties of family or tions bv motives arising from their interests and to elevate the national sen blood."—Xi/e of Waahington, Vol. V, p. 22. timent. This can be only by an example of declared his purpose, Then again he unselfish devotion to the public weal which " To discharge the duties of oflBce with that im- shall be above suspicion. A President sus- partiality and zeal for the public good which ought pected of weakness for his relations never to suffer connections of blood or friendship to is already mingle so as to have the least sway on decisions of shorn of strength. a public nature." In saying that his predecessor "degraded This excellent rule of conduct is illustrated himself infinitely by his conduct on this sub- by the advice to his successor with regard ject," Jefferson shows the rigor of his require- to the transfer of his son, John Quincy ment. Besides the transfer of his son, John Adams. After giving it as his decided opin- Quincy Adams, from one diplomatic mission ion that the latter was the most valuable char- to another, John Adams is responsible for the acter we had abroad, and promising to be the appointment of his son-in law, Colonel Smith, ablest of all our diplomatic corps, Washing- as surveyor of the port of New York, and his ton declares wife's nephew, William Cranch. as chiefjustice "If he waa now to be brought into that line, or of thecircuitcourtof the Disti ictof Columbia— into any other public walk, I could not. upon the both persons of merit, and the former serving principle which has regulated my own conduct, through the war wit h high applause of his supe- disapprove of the caution which is hinted at in the Utter."—John Adam>f'8 Works, Vol. VIII. p. 530. riors." The public sentiment appears in the Considering the im[)Ortance of the rule it condemnation of" these appointments. In re- were better for the country if it had prevailed fusing another of his relations, we have already over parental regard and the extraordinary seen that John Adams wrote: ''You know it merits of the son. is impossible for me to appoint my own rela- In vindicating his conduct at a later day tions to anything without drawing forth a tor- John Adams protested against what he called rent of obloquy." Bat this torrent was "the hypersuperlaiive virtue" of Washing- nothing but the judgment of the American ton, and insisted: people unwilling that republican institutions at that early day should suffer. "A President ought not to appoint a man be- c.Tuse he is his relation ; nor ought he to refuse or Thus far Jolin Adams stands alone. If any neglect to appoint him for that reason." other Piesldent has made appointments from "With absolute certainty that the President his own family, it has been on so petty a scale is above all prejudice of family and sensitive as not to be recognized in history. John to merit only, tliis rule is not unreasonable Quiticy Adams, when President, did not follow but who cati be trusted to apply it? his father. An early letter to his mother fore- JeSerson devtloped and explained the true shadows a rule not unlike that of Jefferson: principles in a manner worthy of republican " I hope, my ever dear and honored mother, that institutions. In a letter to a relation immedi- you are fully convinced from my letters, which yi>u ately after becoming President, he wrote: have before this received, that upon the contingency of my father's being placed in the first " magistracy, The public will never be made to believe that I shall never give him any trouble by solicitation an appoiutuiL'nt of a relation is made on the ground for office of any kind. Your late letters have re- of merit alone, uninfluenced by family views, iior peated so many times that I shall in that case have can they ever xee. with approbation officer, the di>tposal nothing to expect, that I am afraid you have im- they ofiohich intrust to their Presideuta for public pur- agined it possible that / mioht form exi>ectat ions from poxea, divided out o« fainily property. Mr. Adams such an event. I had hoped that my mother knew degraded himself infinkely by his conduct on this me better: that she did me the justice to believe subject, as Washington had done himself the great- that I have not been so totally regardless or forget- est honor. With two such examples to proceed by, ful of the principles which ray education li.ol in- I shriuld be doubly inexcusable to ere."— Letter to stilled, nor so torally destitute of a />er«ona^ sense of (jeorg<; Jefferxon^ Marvh 27, 18Ul; Jefferson's Works, delicacy as to be susceptibleof a wish tendme in that Vol. IV, p. 388. dirociion." — ./o/ut Adams'a Worku, Vol. VIII, pp. note. After his retirement from the Presidency, in 529, 530, a letter to a kinsman, he asserts the rule again : To Jefferson's sense of public duty John *' Toward acquiring the confidenee of the people. Quincy Adams added the sense of personal 14

delicacy, boih strong, against such appoint- judgment of Jefferson, and such is the tegti- ment. To the irresistible judgment against mony from another quarter. That emineni pre- tliis abuse, a recent moralist, of hjfty nature, late, Bishop Butler, who lias given to English Theodore Parker, imparts new expression literature one of its most masterly productions, when he sav><, '* It is a dangerous and unjust known as " Butler's Analogy," after his ele- practice.'' [Jlistoric Americans, p. 211.) This vation to the see of Durham with its remark- is simple and moniiory. able patronaire, was so self denying with regard to his family that a said PRESIDENTIAL APOLOGIES FOR NEPOTISM. nephew to him, " Methinks, my lord, it is a misfortune to be Without the avalanche of testimony against related to you." Golden words of honor for this presidential pretension it is only necessary the English bishop ! Bur none such have beea to glance at, the defenses sometimes set up; earned by the American President. for sucli isthe insensibility bred hy presidemial Assuming that in case of positive merit desig- example, that even this intolerable outrage nating a citizen for a particular post th^ Presi- is not without voices, speaking for the Presi- dent might a[ipoint a relation, it would be only dent. Sometimes it is said that, his salary where i he merit was so shining that his absence being far from royal, the people will not scan would be noticed. At least it must be such closely an attem|)t to help relntions. which, as to make the citizen a candidate wiihouc being interpreted, means that the President regard to family. But no such merit is attrib- may supplement the pettiness of his salary by uted to the beneficiaries of our President, some the appointing power. Let John Adams, who of whom have done liiile but bring scandal did not hesitate to bestow ottice upon a few U()On I he public service. At least one is tainted relations of unquestioned merit, judge this with iVaud, and another, with ihe commission pretension. I quote his words: of the Uepublic abroad, has been guilty ol indis- '* Every public man should be honestly paid for cretions incon^istent with his trust. i.\ppointed his services. Uut he should be restrained from every jierquixite not known to the laws, and he oriuinally in open defiance of republican prin- should make no claims uijon the grratirude ot the ciples, they have been retained in office after ever conler an office within his patron- public, nor their unfitness became painfully manifest. By age upon a son, a brother, a Iriend, upon pretense that he is not paid for his services by the profits of the testimony before a congressional commit- bis office."— A^<^er to John Jebb, August 21, 1785; tee, one of these, a brother-in-law, was impli- Wurk-^, Vol. IX. p. 535. cated in bribery and corruption. It is said It is impossible to deny the soundness of that at last, after considerable delav, the Presi- this requirement and its completeness as an dent has consented to his removal. answer to of the apologies. one Here 1 leave for the present this enormous the defender is Sometimes more audacious, unrepubiican pretension, waiting to hear if it insisting openly upon the presidential preroga- can again find an apologist. Is there a single tive without question, until to we seem hear Senator who will not dismiss it to judgment? in ag'^ravated f()rm the obnoxious cry, "To the victor belong the spoils." 1 did not GIFT-TAKING OFFICIALLY COMPENSATED. suppose that this old cry could he revived in From one typical abuse I pass to another. form but since it is heard again, I choose any ; From a dropsical nepotism swollen to ele- to it, and here I use the language of expose phantiasis, which nobody can defend, I pass Madison, whose mi d wisdom has illumined so to gift-taking, which with our Pres dent has much of constitutional duty. In his judgment assumed an unprecedented form. Sometimes the pretension was odious, "that offices and public men even in our country have taken emoluments were the spoils of victory . ^Ae per- jiifts, but it is not known tliat any President sonal property of the successful candidate tor before has repaid the patron with office. For the Presidency, " and he adds in words not to a public man to take gifts is repreliensil)le ; be forgotten at this moment: for a President to select Cabinet c mncilors **The principle if avowed without the practice, and other officers among those from whom he or practiced without the avow.il, could not fail to has taken gilts is an anomaly in republican degrade any Administration —both together com- pletely so."—Lener to Bilionrd Coh, August 29, 1834. annals. Observe, sir, that I sj)eak of it geutly, Letters and Writings, Vol. IV, p. 356. unwilling to exhibit the indignation whicn such This is strong language. The rule in its a presidential pretension is calculated to early form could not fail to degrade any arouse. The country will judge it, and blot it Admitiistration. But now this degrading rule out as an example. is extended, and we are told that to the There have been througUout history corrupt President's family belong the spoils. characters in official staiioti, but, wheiher in Anoiher apology, vouchsafed even on this ancient or modern limes, the testimony is con- floor, is, that if the President c:umot appoint stant against the taking of gifts, and nowhere his relations they alone of all citizens are with more force than in our Scriptures, where excluded from office, wliich, it is said, should it is said, " Thou shalt not wresr, judgment, not be. But is it not for the public good that thou shalt not respect persons, neither talce a tbej should be excluded? Such was the wise gift', fur a gift doth blind the eyes of the 15 wise." (Deuteronomy, XVI, 19.) Here is the and the products of his estate had fallen off." inhibition and also the reason, which slight But he was not tempted. Thus he wrote : gift observation shows to be true. Does not a " ITow would this matter be viewed by the eye of blind the eyes of the wise? The influence of the world, an'l what would be its opinion when it conies to be related that George Washington accepted gifis is represented by Plutarch in the life of 82O,0u0? Under whatever pretense, and however a Spartan king: customarily these gifts are made in other countries, *' For he thought those ways of intrapping men by if I accepted this should I not henceforward be con- never for a gifts and presents, which other kings use, dishonest sidered as a dependent? I moment to be the entertained tbe idea of accei)ting \t."—ll>i(L, p. 85i. and inartiflcial ; and it seemed lo him most noble method and moft suitable to a king to Letter to Benjamin Uarrieon, January 22, 1785. of those that came near him by win the affections touches the point personal intercourse and agreeable conversation, How admirably he when eince between a friend and a mercenary the only he asks, ''If 1 accepted this, should I not distinction is, that we gain the one by our char- henceforward be considered as a dependent?" acter and conversation and the other by our to our Scripture the gift blinds the money."— Platarch'a Lives; Clouoh' a Edition Vol. According IV, p. 479. eyes; according to Washington it makes the receiver a dependent. In harmony with this What is done under the influence of gift is subject sentiment was his subsequent refusal when mercenary ; but whether from ruler to is recorded by an ingenious or from subject to ruler, the gift is equally per- President, as nicious. An ancient patriot feared "the Greeks writer : " bearing gifis," and these words have become He was exceedingly careful about committing himself, xcould receive no favors of any kind, and proverb, but there are Greeks bearin;? gilts a scrupulously paid for everything. A large house elsewhere than at Troy. A public man can was setapartforhimonNinthstreer.onthe grounds traffic with such only at his peril. At their now covered by trie Penn'^ylvania University, which he to accept."— Colonel Forney's Anecdotes. appearance the prayer should be said, ''Lead refused us not into temptation." By such instances brought to light recently, The best examples testify. Thus in the auto- and shining in contrast with our times, we learn biography of Lord Brougham, posthumously to admire anew the virtue of Washington. published, it appears that at a great meeting It would be easy to show how in all ages in Glasgow £500 were subscribed as a gift the refusal of gifts has been recognized as the to him for his public service, to be put in such sign of virtue, if not the requireuDeut of duty. form as he might think best. He hesitated. The story of St. Louis of France is beautiful "It required,'.' he records, " much considera- and suggestive. Leaving on a crusade he

tion, as such gifts were liable to abuse." Not I charged the Queen Regent, who remained be- '' content with his own judgment, he assembled ! hind, not to accept presents for herself or his friends to discuss it, "Lord Holland. her children." Such was one of the injunc-

| Lord Erskine, Romiliy and Baring," and he tions by which this monarch, when far away wrote Earl Grey, afterward Prime Minister, on a pious expedition, impressed himself upon who replied : Both Granville and I accepted his country. a piece of plate from the Catholics in Glas- ^ly own strong convictions on this presiden- gow, of no great value indeed, after we icere tial pretension were aroused in a conversation turned out. If you still feel scruples, I can which it was my privilege to enjoy with John | only add that it is impossible to err on the Quincy Adams, as he sat in his sick-chamber | side of delicacy with respect to matters of at his son's house in Boston, a short time

| this nature." It ended iu his accepting a before he fell at his post of duty in the House small gold inkstand. of Representatives. In a voice trembling In our country Washington keeps his lofty with age and with emotion, he said that no heights, setting himself against git\-taking as public man could take gifts without peril, and against nepotism. In 1785, while in private he confessed that his own judgment had been life, two years after he ceased to be com- quickened by the example of Count Roman- mander-in-chief of our armies and four years zoff, the eminent cliaticellor of the Russian before he became President, he could not be empire, who, after receiving costly gifts from induced to accept a certain amount of canal foreign sovereigns with whom he had nego- stock offered him by the State of Virginia, tiated treaties, felt a difficulty of conscience as appears in an official communication in keeping them, and at last handed over their ; " It gives me great pleasure to inform you that the value to a hospital, as he related to Mr. Adams, Assembly, without a dissenting voice, complimented then minister at St. Petersburg. The latter you with fifty shares in the Potomac Corapanv and was impressed by this Russian example. ar)d one hundred in the Jam^s River Company."— Wnxh- ivjjfon's Writings, Vul. IX, p. 83; Letter ot Benjamin through his long career, as minister abroad. Harrison. January 6. 1775. Secretary of State, President, and Representa- Fully to appreciate the reply of Washington tive, always refused gifts, unless a book or it must be borne in mind thar, according to some small article in its nature a token and Washington Irving, his biographer, ''Some not a reward or bribe. j

degree of economy was necessary, for his ! The Constituiion testifies against the taking fiuaucial affairs had suffered during the war, of gifts by officers of ihe United States, whea | IG

it provides that no person holding any office of h'lman conduct, touches more than once of profit or trust under ihem shall, without on the operation of the gift. "Til do thee the consent of tl.e Congress, accept of any service for so good a gift," said Gloster to present or emolument, from any kiiig, prince, Warwick, 'l lien, again, how truly spoke the or foreign State. The acceptance of a pres lord, who said of Tiinon, from our own citizens was ent or emolument "no gift to him left without constitutional inhihition, to he But breeds the giver a return exceeding constrained by the pubiic conscience and the All use of quittance ;" just aversion to any semblance of bargain and and such were the returns made by the Presi- Sale or bribery in the publ c service. dent. The case of our President is exceptional. Thus much for gift-taking, reciprocated by Notoriously he has taken gifts while in the office. The instance is original and without public service, some at least after he had been precedent in our history. elected Presi#i effusion of so replete with political wisdom, after declaring Beutiment natural toward a patron, but with- his "sincere consciousness that the task is out justification in the character of the retiring above his talents," s-iys: officer. " I approach it with those anxious and awful pre- Shakspeare, who saw intuitively the springs sentiments which the greatness of the charge and the 17

* weakness of my powers so justly inspire," * true idea of a Cabinet. Thongh not named ia * * myself belore the mag- "and I humble the Cotis'itution, yet by virtue otuf) broken u-^age nitude of the undertaking." among us, and in harmony wiili constitutional Our soldier, absolutely untried in civil life, ;rovernments everywhere, the Cabinet has be- entirely a new man, enfering upon the su!'- -ne a constitutional l)ody, hardly less than if limest duties, before which Washington ar; . CAi)ressly established by the Constitution itself. Jefferson had shrunk, said in his Inaugural: Its members, besides being the heads of great "The responsibilities of the position 1 feel, Def)arrments. are the counselors of the Presi- but accept them without fear.''' Great prede- dent, with the duty to advise him of all matters cessors, with aiDple preparation for the re- within the sphere of his office, b^-ing nothing sponsibilities, had shrunk back with fear. He less thati the great catalogue in the preamble had none. Either he did not see the responsi- of the Constitution, beginning with duty to ttio bilities, or the Ceesar began to stir in his Union, and ending with the duty to secure the bosom. blessings of liberty to ourselves and our pos- SELECTION' OP HIS CABINET. terity. Besides undoubted fimess for these Next after the Inaugural address, his first exalted responsibilities as head of a Defiart- official act was the selection of his Cabinet, and ment, and as counselor, a member should here the general disappointment was equaled have such acknowledged position in the coun- by the general wonder. As the President try thai his presence inspires cotitidence and was little known except from the victories gives strength #10 the administration. Wovr which had comm^^tided him. it was not then litile these things were regarded by the Presi- seen how completely characteris ic was this dent need not be said. initial act. Looking back upon it we recog- Unquestionably the President has a discre- nize the pretension by which all tradition, tion in the appointment of his Cabinet, but it usage, and propriety were discarded, by which is a constii uiional discretion, regulated by the just expecta ions of the party that had regard for the interests of the country, and not elected him were set at naught, and the mere personal will statesmanship and, by ; by safeguards of constituiional government were not by favoritism. A Cabinet is a national subordinated to the personal pretensions of institution and not a presidential perquisite, One Man. In this Cabinet were persons unless our President is allowed to copy the having small relations with the Republican example of imperial France. In all consti- parfy, and little position in the country, some tutional governtnents, the Cabinet is selected absolutely without claims from public service, on public reasons, and with a single eye to and some absolutely disqualified by the gifts the public servic-" ; it is noi in any respect the they had made to the President. Such was " family " of the sovereign, nor is it " to please the political phenomenon presented for the himself and nobody else." English monarcha first lime in American history, while reported have often accepted statesmen personally dis- sayings of the President showed the simpli- agreeable when they had become representa- city with which he acted. To a committee tives of the prevailing party, as when George he described his Cabinet as his "family" 111, the most obstinate of rulers, accepted Fox, with which no stranger could be allowed to and George IV, as prejudiced as his father interfere, and to a member of Congress he was obstinate, accepted Canning, each bring- announced that he selected his Cabinet "to ing to the service commanding abilities. It please himself and nobody else" — being good is related that the Duke of Wellington, with rules unquestionably for the organization of military frankness, encountered the personal a household and the choice of domestics, to objections of the King in the latter case by which the Cabinet seems to have been likened. saying, *• Your Majesty is the sovereigti of This personal government flowered in the England, with duties to your people far above Navy Department, wliere a gift-bearing Greek any to yourself; and these duties render it was suddenly changed to a Secretary. No less ioftperative that you should ai this time a personage than ihe grand old Admiral, the employ the abilities of the country." By such brave, yet modest Farragut, was reported as instances in a constitutional government is askinsr, on the 5th of March, the veiy day when the Cabinet fixed as a consiituiional and not the Cabinet was antiout»ced, in unatfected igno- a personal body. It is only by some extraor- rance, "Do you know anything of Borie?" dinary hallucination that the President of a And yet this unconspicuous citizen, bearer of Republic dedicated to constitutional iibertj gifts to the President, was constituted the can imagine himself iin^'ested with a transform- naval superior of that historic character. If ing prerogative above that of any English sov- others were less obscure, the Cabinet asaunit ereign, by which his cojuselors are changed was none the less notable as the creafure of from {)ublic otficers to personal attendants, presidential will where chance vied with lavor- and a great, constitutional body, in which all ilism as arbiter. citizens have a common interest, is made a Ail this is so strange when we consider the perquisite of the President. 18

APPROPRIATION OP TlIK OFPICKS. acquired the character of fundamental law. Markpcl araon^ the spectacles which fol- And yet the President, by a special message lowed. an

such : Generals Babcock, Porter. Badeau, Dent." feit to the United States $3,000, with removal and from office, and forever thereafter to be inca- This is to be regarded not only in its strange pable of hoiding any office under the United blazonry of the presidential pretension, but

Slates. { Statutes- at -Large^ Vol. 1, p. G7, also as the first apparition of that minor mili- tSeptember 2, 178'J.) From the beginn ng this tary ring in whicli the President has lived ever Statute had stood unquestioned, until it had since. : —:

19

Thus installed, Army officers became secre than that of their grade. As the Knox prece- taries of the President, delivering his messages dent is moonshine, the minor military ring can to both Houses of Congress, and even autlien- be vindicated only as a ''detail " for service in ticating presidential acts as if thev were mili- f'he Executive Mansion. tary orders. Here, for instance, is an official Here again tlje law sliall speak. By act of communication Congress of March 3, 1863, it is [)rovided thab ExRCUTiVE Maxsion, Marchlo, 1869. '•details to special service shall only hn made To RoBKRT Martin Douglas, esq. with the const-nt of the commjinding officer of Sir: You are hereby appointee! Assistant Private foices in the field; " but this, it will be seen, Secretary to the President, to date from March 15. reefers to a state of war. Congress bv act of 1869. July IG, 18GG, authorized the President By order of the President. "ta nOTlACE POKTER. detail from the Army all the officers and agents Brevet Brioudier General, Secretary. of this Bureau." [for the relief of Freedmen and Mark the words, "by order of the Presi- Refugees.] {Statutes- at- Large. Vol. XIV, p. dent," and then thesignature, " Horace Porter, 174;) also by act of July 28, 18G8, to '"detail" Brevet Brigadier General, Secretary." officers of the Army, not exceeding twenty at Tlie presidential pretension which T exhibit any time, to act as President, Superin'end^-nt,

|

' on the simple facts, besides being of doubtful or Professor in certain colleges. {Ibid , Vol. legality to say the least, was f)f evil example, XIV, p. 33G.) And then again by act of July demoralizitig alike to the military and civil 15, 1870, it provided that "any retired officer service, and an undoubted reproach to repub- may, on his own application, be detailed to lican institutions in that primary principle, serve as professor in any college." {Ibid., announced by Jefferson in liis first Inaugural Vol. XVI, p. 320 ) As there is no other stat- Address, " the supremacy of the civil over the ute auihorizing details, this exceptional trans- military authority." It seemed only to remain fer of Army officers to the Executive M-insion that the President should sign his messages can be maintained only on some undefined Commander-in Cliief of the Army of the prerogative. United States " Evidently a new order of The presidential pretension, which is con- things had arrived. tinued to the pre.setit time, is the more unnat- Observe the mildness of my language when ural when it is considered that there are at I call this presidential pretension of doubt- least three different statutes in which Congress ful legality. The law shall speak for itself has shown its purpose to limit the employment Obviously it was the same for our military of military officers in civil service. As long President as for his predecessors, and it was ago as July 5, 1838, it was positively provided that no Army officers should be st^iarated recent also : from their regiments and corps "for employ- " The President is hereby authorized to appoint a priviite secretary at an annual salary of 83.51)0. an ment on civil works of internal im})roveineut assistant secretary at an annunl salary of 82,500. or be allowed to engage in the service of in- a short-hand writer at an annual salary of 82.5U0, a nor any line officer clerk of p;irdons at an annual snlary of S2.000, and corporated companies;" three clfrks of the fourth class." Siatuten at Large, to be acting paymaster or disbursing agent Vol. XIV, p. 206. for the Indian d^-partment, "if such extra It cannot be doubted that this provision was employment require that he be separated from more than ample, for Congress by act of July his regiment or company or otherwise inter- 23, 18G8, repealed so much as authorized a fere with the performance of the military duties

clerk of pardons, and also one of ihe three proper." {Statutes at Large, Vol. V, p. 2G0 ) cleriss of the fourth class. Therefore, there Obviously the will of Congress is here declared could be no necessity for a levy of soldiers to that officers should not be allowed to leave perform the duties of secretaries, and the con- their posts for any service which might inter- duct of the President can be explained only fere with the performance of the viilitary by the supposition that he preferred to be sur- duties proper. This language is explicit. rounded by Army officers rather than civilians, Then came the act of March 30, 18G7, which continuing in the Executive Mansion the tra- provides that ''any officer of the Army or ditions ot headquarters—all of which, though Navy of the United States who shall, after agreeable to hiui and illustrating his character, tlie passage of this act, accept or hold any was an anomaly and a scandal. appointment in the diplomatic or consular ser* lu extenuation of this indefensible preten- vice of the Government, shall be considered sion, we have been reminded of two things: as having resigned his said office, and the place first, that according to tlie record Washington held by mm in the military or naval service shall sent his first message by General Knox, when be deemed and taken to be vacant." {Ibid.f in fact General Knox held no military office Vol. XV, p. 12-5.) To a considerate and cir- at that time, but was actually Secretary of cumspect President who recognized the law War; and s^^C0ll^ly, that the military officers in its spirit as well as its letter th s provision, now occupying the Executive Mansion, are especially when reenlorced by the earlier stat- detailed for this service without other salary ute, would have been a rule of action in anal- —

20 ogous cases, and therefore an insurmountable the War Department, and there we witness obstacle to a pretension which takes Army the same presidential pretensions by which otficers from their proper duties and makes law, usage, and correct principle are lost in them presidential secretaries. A later statute the will of One Man. The suprenncy of the adds to the obstacle. By act of Congress of civil power over the military is t) pitied in the July 15, 1870, it is provided Secretary of War, a civilian, from whom Army officers receive this beautiful rule, "That it shnll not be lawful for any oflacer of the orders. But Army of the United States on the active list to hold with its lesson of subordination to the military anu civil office, whether by election or appointment, and was suddenly set aside by our President, and i h© any such ollicer accepting or ejcerciting the functions of a civil o^ici-shall at once cease to be an officer of Secretary of War degraded to be a clerk. The the Army, .ind hiscomiuission shnll be vncated there- 6th of March witnessed a most important order by."— •i>''«'«'<''«-«<-/''i'-oe. Vol. XVI, p. 319. from the President reconstituting the military It is difficult to imagine anything plainer than departments covering the southern States and these words. No Army officer not on the placing them under officers of his choice, which retired list can hold any civil office; and then purported to be signed by the Adjutant Gen- to enforce the iniiibition, it is provided that in eral, by command of the General of the Army, " accep'ing or evercising the funciiotis'' of but actually ignoring the Secretary of VV^ar. such office the commission is vacated. Now, Three days later witnessed another order pro- the Blue Book, which is our political almanac, fessing to proceed from the President, whereby has under the head of "Executive Mansion," in express tertns the War Department was sub- a list of "secretaries and clerks," be*gimiing ordinated to the General-in-Chief, being Wil- as follows: " Secretaries, General F. T. Dent, liam T. Sherman, who at the time was promoted General Horace Porter, General 0. E. Bab- to that command. Here are the words: "The cock," when, in fact, there are no such offi- chiefs of staff, corps, departments, and bureaus cers authorized by law. Then follow the will report to and act under the immediate ''Private Secretary," "Assistant Private Sec- orders of the General commanding the Army." retary," and "Executive Clerks," authorized This act of revolution, exalting the military by law, but placed below those unauthorized. power above the civil, showed instant fruits Nothing is said of being detailed for this pur- in an order of the General, who, upon assum- pose. They are openly called " Secretaries," ing command, proceeded to place the several which is a title of office; and since it is at the bureau officers of the War Department upon Executive Mansion, it must be a civil office; his military staff, so that for the time there and yet, in defiance of law, these Army officers was a military dictatorship with the President continue to exercise its functions, and some as its head not merely in spirit, but in actual of them enter the Senate with messages from lorm. By and by John A. iiawlins, a civilian the President, The apology that they are by education and a respecter of the Constitu- "detailed " for this service is vain; no author- tion, became Secretary of War, and, though ity can be shown for it. But how absurd to bound to the President by personal ties, he suppose that a rule against the ext^rcise of a said " check to the King." By General Order, civil office can be evaded by a "detail." If issued from the War Department March 26, it may be done for three Army officers why 1869, and signed by the Secretary of War, the not for tiirpe dozen? Nay moie. if the civil offensive order was rescinded, and it was office of Secretary at the Executive Mansion etijoined that "all official business which by may be created without law, why not some law or regulation requires the action of the other civil office? Atjd what is to hinder the President or Secretary of War will be submitted President from surrounding himself not only by the chiefs of staff, corps, departments, and with Secretaries, but with messengers, stewards, bureaus to the Secretary of War." Public ar»d personal attendants, even a body guard, all report said that this restoration of the civil detailed from the Army ? Why may he not en- power to its rightful supremacy was not ob- large the military circle at the Executive Man- tained without an intimation of resignation on sion indehnitely ? If the President can be jus- the part of the Secretary. tified in his present course, ihere is no limit to SECRETARY OF THE NAVY BY DEPUTY. bis pretensions in open violation of the statute. THE Here the Blue Book testifies a}?ain, for it records Kindred in character was the unprecedented the names of the " Secretaries" in their proper attempt to devolve the duties of the Navy places as Army officers, thus prssenting them Department upon a deputy, so that orders were as holding two incompatible offices. to be signed " A. E. Borie, Secretary of the I dismiss this transaction as another instance Navy, perD. D. Porter, Admiral," as appears of presidential pretension which, in the in- in the official journal of May 11, 18(39, or, terest of republican governmsnt, should be according to another instance, "Daniel D. arrested, Porter, Vice Admiral, for the Secretary of the fllNUEPUBLICAX SUBORDINATION OP THE WAR DEPAET- Navy." The obvious object of this illegal ilKNT TO TUK GKNKRAL-lN-CillLK. arrangement was to enable the incumbent, From the Executive Mansion, pass now to who stood high on the list of gift makers, to 21 be Secretary without being troubled with the any act of violence except in their capacity as bu.siness of the office. Notoriout^ly he was an a posse comilatus duly summoned by the invalid unused to public business, who, accord- United States marshal and acting in his per- ing to liis own confession, modestly pleaded sotial presence." And so this military pre- that he could t)ot apfily himself to work more tension, invading civil affairs, was arrested. a the soothed than an hour day ; but President PRESIDENTIAL PRETENSION AGAIN. his anxieties by promising a deputy who would this presidential usurpation do the work. And thus was this great Depart- Meanwhile same subordinating all to himself, became palpable ment made a plaything ; but public opinion and other counsels arrested the sport. Here in another form. It whs said of Gustavus that he drilled his Diet to vote at I mention that when this incumbent left his Adolphus the of command. Such at the outset important post it is understood that he was word seemed presidential with allowed to nominate his successor. to be the policy regard to Congress, We were to vote as he desired. He INDIAN BUREAU. PRKSIDEXTIAL PRETENSION AT THE did not like the tenure of office act, and dur- At the same time occurred the effort to inj; the first month of his administration his absorb the Indian Bureau into the War influence was felt in both branches of Cottgresa Department, changing iis character as part of to secure its repeal —all of which seemed more the civil service. Congress had already repu- astonishing when it was considered that he en- diated such an attempt, but the President, not tered upon his high trust with the ostentatious dislieartened by legislative failure, sought to avowal that all laws would be faithfully exe- accomplish it by manipulation and indir^-ction. cuted whether they met his approval or not, First elevating a member of his late staff to the and that he should have no policy to enforce head of the bureau, he then by a military against the will of the people. That beneficent order, dated May 7, 18G9, proceeded to detail statute which he had upheld in the impeach- for the Indian service a long list of "officers ment of President Johnson was a limitation left out of their regimental organization by the on the presidential power of appointment, and consolidation of the infantry regiments," he could not brook it. Here was plain inter- assuming to do this by authority of the act of feretice wiih his great perquisite of office, and Congress of" June 30, 1834, which, after declar- Congress must be coerced to repeal it. The ing the number of Indian agents and how House acted promptly and passed tlie desired they shall be appointed, providesthat itshall bill. In the Senate there was delay and a be competent for the President to require any protracted debate, during which the official military officer of the United States to execute journal announced: thedutiesof Indian agent." {Statides-at-Large **The President, in conversation with a prominent Vol. IV, p. 73G.) Obviously this provision Senator a few days since, declared that it was his had reierence to some exceptional exigency intention not to send in any nomination until defin- ite action was taken by Congress upon the teuure- and can be no authority Ibr the general sub- of-oflice bill." stitute of military officers instead of civilians I venture to add that a member of the contirmed by the Senate and bound Avilh Here Cabinet pressed to withdraw opposition sureties for the faithlul discharge of their me my to the repeal, saying that the President felt duties. And yet upward of sixty Army strongly it. I could not understand a officers were in this way foisted into the upon how President could consetit to Indian service. I he act of Congress of July Republican weaken the limitations upon the Executive, and so I 15, 1870, already quoted, creating an incom- said, adding, that in should patibility between military service and civil, my judgment he forth his was aimed partly at this abuse, and these rather reach hands and ask to have tied. officers ceased to be Indian agents. But this them Better always a government of law than of men. attempt is another illustration of presidential pretension. PRESIDENTIAL INTERFERENCE IN LOCAL POLITICS.

MILITARY INTERFERENCE AT ELECTIONS. In this tyrannical spirit, and iti the assump- Then followed military interference in elec- tion of his centra! imperialism, he has inter- tions, and the repeated use of the military in aid fered with political questions and party move- of the Revenue Law under circumstances of ments in distant States, reaching into Missouri doubtful legality, until at last General Halleck and then into New York to dictate how the

and General Sherman protested ; the former, people should vote, then manipulating Louis- in his report of October 24, 1870, sayitig, " 1 iana through a broiher-in law appointed col- respectfully repeat the recommendation of my lector. With him a custom-house seems less last annual report, that military officers should a place for the collection ot' revenue than an not interfere in local civil difficulties, unless engine of political influence through which his called out in the manner provided by law;" dictatorship may be mainta ned. and the latter, in his report of November 10, Authentic tesiimony places this tyrannical 1870, "I think the soldiers ought not to be abuse beyond question. New York is the expected to make individual arrests, or to do scene and Thomas Murphy, collector, the 22

Presidential lieutenant. Nobody doubts the this multiform disobedience we behold our intimacy between the Presideiit and the eol- President. Already I have referred to this leeior, who are bound in friendship by other contrivance as marking an epoch in [tresiden- ties than those of sea side tteighborhood. The lial pretensions. It, is my du'y now lo show collector was determined to ol)tain the contri)! its true character as a warning against its of the Republican Slate convention, and ap- author. pealed to a patriot citizen for help, who re- A few weeks only after beginning his career plied that in his judt>ment "it would be a asacivilian, and while occupied with military delicate matter for office holders to undertake usurpations and the perquisites of office, he was to dictate to the associations in the different tempted by overtures of Dominican plotters, districts who should go from them to the Stale headed by the usurper Baez aiid the specu- convention, and still more delicate to attempt lator Cazneau, the first an atimony of General Palmer.) Plainly, the or any part of it, the President began his con- Kepuhlican party was his perquisite, and all trivance, and here we see abuse in every form Republicans were to do his bidding. From and at every step, absolutely without prece- the same testimony it appears that the Presi dent in our history. dent, according to the statement of his lieu The agent in this transaction was OrvilleE. tenant, "wanted to be represented in the con- Babcock, a young officer figuring in the Blue ventii)n," being the Republican State conven- Book of the lime as one of the unauthorized " tion of New York ; wanted to have his Iriends "secretaries" at the Executive Mansioti, atid therein the convention;" and the presiden- also as a major of engineers His imltlished tial lieutenant, being none other than the instructions under dat-e of July 17, ISG'J. were famous collector, offered to appoint four men simply to make inquiries ; but the f)lo' appears in the custom-house if the witness would secure in a communication of the same date fr^m the the nomination of certain persons as delegates Secretary of the Navy, directed to i he Semi- from his district, and he promised " lhat he nole, a wa,r-ship, with an armament of one would immediately send their names on to eleven-inch gun and four thiny-two pound- Washington and have ihem appointed." {Ibid., ers, to give him the moral support of its p. 02G. Testimony of William Aikinson.) And guns ;" and this was followed by a telegraphic so the presidential dictatorship was admin- instruction to Key West for another war-ship istered. Offices in the custom house were "to proceed without a moment's delay to San openly bartered for votes in the Stale conven Domingo City, to be placed at the disposal of tion. Here was intolerable tyranny, with de- General Babcock while on that coast." Wiih moralizaiion like that of the slave market. such " moral support" the emissary of the But New York is not the only scene of this President obtained from the usurper Baez that outrage. 'J'he presidential pretension extends famous protocol stipulating the annexion of everywhere; nor is it easy to measure ihe Dominica to the United States in considera- arrogance of corruption or the honest indigna- tion of $1,500,000, which the young officer, tion ii quickens inio life. fresh from the Executive Mansion, professed to execute as ''Aid de- Camp of his Excellency PRESIDENTIAL CONTRIVANCE AGAINST ST. DOMINGO. (Jeneral Ulysses S. Grant, President of' the These presidential pretensions in all their United States," as if, instead of Chief Magis- variety, personal and military, with reckless trate of a Republic, the Presitient were a mil- inditference to law, naturally ripened in the itary chiefta.n with his foot in ihe stirru[), sur- contrivance, nursed in hot-house secrecy, ri>uiidetl by a military staff. The same instru- against the peace of the island of St. Do ment contained the unblushing stipulation that mmgo—1 say deliberately, against the peace "his Excellency General Grant, President of of that island, for under the guise of annex- the Unitrd States, promises prioafeli/ to use ing a poriiun there was menace to the all his injluence in order that ttie idea of Black Republic of ilayti. This whole busi- annexing the Dominican Republic to the ness, absolutely indefensible from beginning Unittd States may acquire such a degree of to end, being wrong at every point, is the spe- popularity among the members of Congress ," cial and most characteristic product of the as will be necessary lor iis acrornplishmeni Administration, into which it infused and pro- which is simply that the President shall become jected itself more thau into anyihiug else. In a lobbyist to bniig about the annexion by 23

Congress. Such was the strange beginning, dential confederate Baez for fear of his hos- illegal, unconstitutional, and otfensive in every tility to the treaty if he were allowed to reach particular, but showing the presidential char- New York, all of which was known to his acter. subordinates, Babcock and Cazneau, and doubtless to himself. What was the liberty On his return to Washington the young offi- of an American citizen compared with the cer, who had assumed to be "Aid-de-Camp presidential prerogative? one who had of his Excellency General Ulysses S. Grant" To and had bound the President to become a defied the Constitution, on which depends the liberty of all, then International Law, sobbyist for a wretched scheme, instead of and defied being disowned and reprimanded, was sent on which depends the peaoe of the world, a single citizen in distant back to the usurper with instructions to nego- immured a dungeon this only tiate two treaties, one for the annexion of the was of small moment. But is an half island of Dominica and the other for the illustration. Add now the lawless occupation lease of the bay of Saraana. By the Consti- of the Bay of Samana for many months after tution ot the United Slates "embassadors and the lapse of the Treaty, keeping the national other public mitiisters" are appointed by the flag flying there and assuming a territorial sov- President, by and with the advice and consent ereignty which did not exist. Then add the pro- of the Senate; but our Aid-de Camp had no tracted support of Baez in his usurped power such commission. Presidential prerogative to the extent of placing the national flag at his empowered him, nor was naval force wanting. disposal, and girdling the island with our ships With three war ships at his disposal he entered of war, all at immense cost and to the neglect upon negotiation with Baez and obtained the of other service where the Navy was needed. two treaties. Naturally force was needed to PRESIDENTIAL EFFORTS FOR THE CONTRIVANCE. keep the usurper in power while he sold his country, and naturally such a transaction re- This strange succession of acts, which if quired a presideniial Aid-de-Carap unknown established for a precedent would overturn to Constitution or law, rather than a civilian Constitution and law, was followed by another duly appointed according to both. class of presidential manilestations, being, first, an unseemly importunity of .Senators PRESIDENTIAL VIOLATIONS OP CONSITUTIONAL AND during the pendency of the Treaty, visiting the INTKKNATIONAL LAW. Capitol as a lobbyist and summoning them to On Other occasions it has been my solemn his presence in squads in obvious pursuance duty to expose the outrages which attended of the stipulation made by his Aid-de-Camp this hateful business, where at each step we and never disowned by him, being intervention are brought face to face with presidential pre- in the Senate, reenforced by all the influence

tension ; first, in the open seizure of the war of the appointing power, whether by reward or powers of the Government, as if he were menace, all of which was as unconstitutional already Caesar, forcibly intervening in Domin in character as that warlike intervention on

ica and menacing war to Hayti, all ot which the island ; and then, after debate in the is proved by the official reports of the State Senate, when the treaty was lost on solemn Department and Navy Department, being vote, we were called to witness his self-willed nothing less than war by kingly prerogative in effrontery in proseeuting'the fatal error, return- defiance of that distinctive principle of repub- ing to the charge in his Annual ^Message at lican government, first embodied in our Con- the ensuing session, insisting upon his con- stitution, which places the war powers under trivance as nothing less than the means by the safeguard of the legislative branch, making which "our large debt abroad is to be ulti- any attempt by the President " to declare mately extinguished," and gravely charging war" an undoubted usurpation. But our the Senate with "folly " in rejecting the treaty, President, like Gallio, cares for none of these and yet while making this astounding charge things. The open violation of the Consiiiu against a coordinate branch of Government, tion was naturally followed by a barelaced and claiming such astounding profits, he disregard of that equality of nations, which is blundered geographically in describing the the first principle ot International Law, as the prize. equality of men is the first principle of the All this diversified performance, with its

Declaration of Independence ; and this sacred various eccentricity of effort, failed. The re- rule was set aside in order to insult and men- port of able commissioners transported to ace Hayti, doing unto the Black Republic the island in an expensive war-ship ended in what we would nut have that Republic do unto nothing. The American people rose against us, nor what we would have done to any white the undertaking and insisted upon its aban- Power. To these eminent and most painful donment. By a message charged with Parthian presidential pretensions, the first adverse to the shafts the President at length announced that Constitution and the second adverse to Inter- he would proceed no further in this business. national Law, add the imprisonment of an His senatorial partisans, being a majority of Auiericau citizen in Dominica by the presi- the Chamber, after denouncing those who had 24 exposed the business, arrested the discussion, holes ? Or was he insensible to the true char- lu obedience to iriepressible sentiments, and acter of his own conduct? 'J he facts are according to the logic of uiy life, 1 fell it my indisputable. For more than two generations duty to speak, but the President would not Hnyii had been independent, eniided under forgive ine, and his peculiar representatives International Law to equality among nations, found me disloyal to the party which I had and since emancipation in our couniry, com- served so long and helped to found. Then mended to us as an example of self-gov- was devotion to the President made the shib- ernment, being the first in the liistory of the boleth of party. African race and the promise i-f ihe future.

WHERE WAS THE GHAND INQUEST OP THE NATION ? And yet our President, in his effort to secure that Naboth's vineyard on which he had set Such is a summary of the St. Domingo busi- his eyes, not content with maintaining the ness in its characteristic features but here are ; usurper Baez m power, occupying the liarbors transgressions in every form open violation — of Dominica with war-ships, sent other war- of the Constitution in more than one essential ships, being none other than our m(jst power- requirement, open violation of International ful monitor, the Dictator, with thefngaie Sev- Law iti more than one of its most beautiful ern as consort, and with yet other monitors in principles, flagrant insult to the Black Repub- their train to strike at the independence of the lic with menace of war, complicity with tlie Black Republic and to menace it wiih war. wrongful imprisonment of an American citi- Do 1 err in any way, am 1 not entirely right zen, lawless assumption of territorial sov- when I say that here was unpardonahle oat- ereignty in a foreign jurisdiction, employment rage to the African race? As one who for of the national Navy to sustain a usurper, years has stood by the side of this much- being all acts of substance, maintained by an oppressed people, sympathizing always in agent calling himself " Aid-de Camp of Ulys- their woes and struggling for them, I fell the ses S. Grant, President of the Unitt-d States," blow which the President dealt, and it became and stipulating that his chief should play the the more intolerable from the lieariless at- lobbyist to help the contrivance through Con- tempts to defend it. Alas! that our Presi- gress, then urged by private appeals to Sen- dent should be willing to wield the giant ators and the influence of the appointing strength of the great Republic in trampling power tyrannically employed by the presi- upon the representative Government of the dential lobbyist, and finally urged anew in an African race, Alas I that he did not see the Annual Message where undisguised insult to infinite debt of friendship, kindness, and pro- the Senate vies with absurdity in declaring tection due to that people, so that instead of prospective profits and with geographical igno- monitors and war-ships, breathing violence, rance. Such, in brief, is this multiform dis- he had sent a messenger of peace and good obedience, where every particular is of such will. aggravation as to merit the most solemn judg- This outrage was followed by an incident ment. Why the Grand Inquest of the nation, in which the same sentiments were revealed. which brought Andrew Johnson to the bar of Frederick Douglass, remarkable for his intelli- the Senate, should have slept on this con- gence for his eloquence, always agree- glomerate misdemeanor, every part of which as and able in personal relations, whose only ofiense was offensive beyond any technical offense is a skin not entirely Caucasian, was selected charged against his predecessor, while it had by the President to accompany the St. Do- a back-ground of nepotism, gift-taking offi- mingo commissioners, and yet ou liis return, tially compensated, and various presidential and almost within sight of the Executive pretensions beyond all precedent—all this will Mansion, he was repelled from the common be one of the riddles of American history, to table of the mail steamer on the Potomac, be explained only by the extent to which the where his companions were already seated, One Man Power had succeeded in subjugating and thus through him was the African race Ihe Government. insulted, and their equal rights denied, but INDIGNITY TO THE AFEICiiN RACE. the President whose commission he had borne Let me confess, sir, that, while at each stage neither did or said anything to right this I have felt this tyranny most keenly, and never wrong, and a few days later, when entertain- doubted that it ought to be arrested by im- ing the commissioners at the Executive Man- peachment, my feelings have been most stirred sion, actually forgot the colored orator whose , by the outrage to llayti, which, besides being services he had sought. But this indignity is a wrong to the Black Republic, was an insult in unison with tlie rest. After insulting the to the colored race not only abroad but here Black Republic, it is easy to see how natural at home. How a Chief Magistrate with four it was to treat wiih itisensibiliiy the repre- millions of colored lellow-citizens could have sentative of the African race. done this thing passes comprehension. Did ALL THESE THINGS IN ISSUE NOW. he suppose it would not be known? Did he Here I stay this painful catalogue in its iixiagiue it could be hushed ia olficial pigeou- I —— —

25

various heads, beginning with Nepotism and right to quarrel with anybody. His position Gift-taking olticiH,lly compensated, and ending is too exalted. He cannot do it without in the contrivance against St. Domingo wiili offense to the requirements of patriotism, indignity to the Africafi race, not because it without a shock to the decencies of life, is complete, but because it is enough. With without a jar to the harmony of the universe. sorrow unspeakable have I made this ex- If lesson were needed for his conduct he posure of pretensions which for the sake of might find it in that King of France, who, on Republican Iiistiturions every good citizen ascending the throne, made haste to declare

history I should wish expunged from ; but that he did not remember injuries received as had no alternHtive, The President hirast-lf Dauphin. Perhaps a better model still would it) lie will insists upon glutting them issue ; not be Tancred, the acknowledged type of the per- allow them to be forgot'en. As a candidate fect Christian knight, who "disdained to speak for reelection he invites judgment, while par ill of whoever it might be, even when ill had tisans acting in his behalf make it absolutely been Sfioken of hitnself." Our soldier Pres- necessary by the brutality of their assault on ident could not err in following this knijihtly faiihful Republicans unwilling to see their example. If this were too much then at least party, like the firesideiitial otKce, a personal might we hope that he would consent to limit perquisite. Jf liis partisans are exacting, vin- the sphere of his quarrelsome operations, so dictive, and unjust, they act only in harmony that the public service might not be disturbed, "with his nature loo truly represented in theui. or this be assured. In every quarrel he is the Q'here is not a ring, whether military or offender, according to the fact, as according senatorial, that dofs not derive its distinctive to every reasonable presumption ; especially character from himself t herefore what they is he responsible for its continuance. The do and what they sny must be considered President can always choose his relations with as done and said by the chieftain they serve. any citizen. But he chooses discord. With And here is a new manifestation o( tliat sov- the arrogance of arms he resents any imped- eign egfitisin which no taciturnity can cover iment in his path, as wheti, in the spring of up, and a new motive for inquiry into its per- 1870, without allusion to himself, I felt it my nicious influence. duty to oppo'^e his St. Domingo contrivance. The verse of Juvenal, as tratislated by Dryden THE GREAT PRESIDENTIAL QUARRELER. {Satires, III, 4G4, 4G8,) describes his conduct. Any presentment of the President would be ** Poor me he fights, if that be fighting, where not sliow this utigov- imperfect which did how He only cudgels, and 1 only bear." ernable personal it}' breaks forth in quarrel, " making him the grefit [tresidential quarreler of Answer or answer not, 'tis all the same, lie lays me on and makes me bear the blame. our liisiory. As in nepotism, gift-taking offi- cially compensated, and presidential preien- Another scholarly translator gives to this sioiis generally, here a;j:ain he is foremost, h;iv- description of the presidential quarrel another

ing quarreled not, only more than any other form, which is also applicable : Piesident, but more than all others together " If that be deemed a qunrrel where, heaven knows. from George Washitigton to himself. His own Ho only gives and I receive tiie blows Cabinet, the Senate, the House of Itepresenta- Across my path he strides and bids me stand I I bow obsequious to the dread command." tives, the diplomatic service and the civil ser- vice getiorally, all have their victims, nearly If the latter verse is not entirely true in my

every one of whom , besides serving the Repub- case, something must be pardoned to that lican party, had helped to make him Piesident. liberty in which I was born. Nor liave Army officers, his companions in Met) take their places in history according the held, or even liis generous patrons, been to their deeds. The flattery of life is then exempt. To him a quarrel is not only a con- superseded by the truthlul record, and rulers stant necessity hut a perquisite of office. To do not escape judgment. Louis X, of France, nurse a quarrel, like tending a horse, is in his has the designation of Le Ilutin or The list of presidential duties. How idle must he Quarreler," by which he is known in the long be should the woi ds of Sliakspeare be fulfilled, line of French kinjrs. And so in the long line "I'his dayall quarrels die. " To him may be of American Chief Magistrates has our Pres-

applied those other words of Shakspeare, "as ident vindicated for himst If t he same title. He quarrelous as the weasel." must wear it. The French monarch was Evidently our President has never read the younger than our President; but there are Eleventh Commandment: ''A President of other points in his life which are not without the Ufiited States shall never quarrel." At parallel. According to a contemporary chron- least he lives in perpetual violation of it, lis- icle he was " well-disposed luit not very atten- tening to stoiies from horse cars, gobbling the tive to the neeiis of the kingdom" vnhntif gossip of his military ling, discoutsnig on itn- rnais pas Men euteiit/f en ce qti an royaume il aginary griefs, and nursing an unjust anger. J'alluit ; and then again it was his rare foriune Ihe elect of forty millions of people has no to sign one of the greatest ordinances of French ;

26 history, declaring that according to nature all " Let not Congress adjourn without passing the men have ihe riglit to be free; but the Quar One-Term amendment to the Constitution. reler was in no respect author of this illus- There has never been so favorable an opportun- trious act, and was moved to its adoption by ity. All partiesarein favor of it. General Grant considerations of personal advantage. It will is in favor of it. The party that su|)ports Gen- be for impartial history to determine if our eral Grunt demands it, and above all else pub- Quarreler, who treated his great office as a lic morality calls for it." Consideriiii? that these personal perquisite, and all his life long was pledijes were made by an organ of the pnrty, against that Enfranchisement to which lie put and in his very presence, they may be accepted bis name, does not fall into the same category. as prf)ceeding from liim. His name must be added to the list wirh DUTY OK THK REPUBLICAN PARTT. Andrew Jackson. William ilenry Harrison, Henry Clay, and Benjamia And now the question of duty is distinctly F. Wade, all of whom are enrolled against the presented to the Republican party. I like reeligibiiity of a President. It is at the mandate of duty that word. that But his example as President is more than we must act. Do the presidential pretensions his testimony in showing the necessity of merit the sanction of the party ? Can Kepub- this limitation. Andrew Jackson did not hes- licatis without departing from all obligations, itate to say that it was required in order to whether of party or patriotism, recognize our place the President " beyond the reach of any ambitious Caesar as a proper representative? improper influence and uncommitted to any Can we take the fearful responsibility of his other course than the strict line of constitu- prolonged empire? I put these questions tional duty." William Henry Harrison fol- solemnly, as a member of the Republican lowed in declaring that with the adoption of party, wiih all the earnestness of a life devoted this principle "the incumbent would devote this to the triumph of party, but which I all his time to the public interest and there served always with the conviction that 1 gave would be no cause to misrule the country." up notliir)g that was meant for country or Henry Clay was satisfied after much observa- mankind. With me the party was country tion and reflection " that too much of the and mankind; but with the adoption of all time the thoughts and the exertions of the presidential party these pretensions, the loses incumbent are occupied during the first term its distinctive character and drops from its in securing his reelection." Benjamin F. Its creed to sphere. ceases be Republicanism Wade, after denouncing the re'eli>4ibility of the Grantism its members cease to and becomes ; President, said: "There are defects in the Republicans and It be become Grant-men. Constitution, and this is among the most is no longer a political party, but a personal glaring." parly. For myself, I say openly, 1 am no And now our President by his example, nor do 1 belong to any personal man's man ; besides his testimony, vindicates all these party. authorities. He makes us see how all that has ONE TERM FOR PRKSIDKNT. been predicted of Presidents seeking reelec-

The attempt to change the character of the tion is fulfilled ; how this desire dominates Republican party begins by assault on the official conduct; how naturally the resources principle of One Term for President. There- of the Government are employed to serve a fore nmst our sup{>ort of this requirement be personal purpose; how the natiotial interests made inaniff St ; and here we have the testimony are subordinate to individual advancement of our President and what is stronger, his how all questions, foreign or domesiic, whether example, showing the necessity of such limita- of treaties or laws, are handled with a view to tion. Authentic report attests that before his electoral votes ; how the appointing power nomination he declared that " The liberties lends itself to a selfish will, acting no>v by tbe of the country cannot be maintained without a temptation of office and then by the menace One Term amendment of the Constitution." of removal; and, since every officeholder and At this time Mr. Wade was pressing this very every office seeker has a brevet commissisa in amend'nent. Then after his nomination, and the predominant political party, how the Pres- while his election was ppndir.g, the organ of ident, desiring reelection, becomes the active the Republican party at Washingtoti, wiiere he head of three cooperating armies, the army resided, commended him constantly as faithful of officeholders eighty thousand strong, the to the principle. The Morning Chronicle of larger army of officeseekers, and the army of June 3, 1800, a'ter the canva-*s hnd commenced, the political party, the whole constituting a proclaimed of the candidate, '"He u, moreover, consolidated power which no candida'e can an adcocate of the One Term principle as con- possess without peril to his country. Of these ducing towai d ihe proper administration of the vast cociperaiing armies the President is com- law —a principle with which so many prominent m inder-in-chief and generalissimo. 'J'hrough Republicans h;ive identi6ed themselves that it these he holds in submission even Represent- may be accepted as an article of party faith." atives and Senators, and m;ikes the country Then again, July 14, the same organ insisted, his vassal with a cuudition not unlike that of 27

martial law where the disobedient are shot, Term principle. But even if he fails we must while the vnritxi.s ring^^ help secure the prize. do our duty. Thut this is not too siroiig appears from testi- Therefore, in opposing the prolonged power mony before a S^-nute Coiiiininee. where a f)res- of the present incumbent, I be^iii by insisiing ideiitiMl lieuteriHiU boldly denounced an eminent that, for the good of the country and wiihout New York ciiizen, who was a prominent can- reference to any personal failure, no President " didate for Governor, as obnoxious to General should be a candidate for reelection ; and it ia Grant," and, then with an effrontery like our duty now to set an example wonhy of Re- the presidential pretension, announced lliat publican Insiiuitions. In the name of the One- ''President Grant whs the representative and Term principle, once recognized by him, and bead of tlie llepublican party, and ail cood wliich needs no other evidence of its necessity Republicans should support him iti all ids than his own Presidency, 1 protest against his measures and H[ipointrnents. and any one who attempt to ob ain another lease of power. did noi do it sliould be cru.shed uut.'^ Sucii But this protest is on the threshold. thitigs teach how wise were those statesmen UXKIT.VESS FOR THE PRESIDENTIAL OFFICE. who would not subject the Pre->idenr, to the I protest against him as radically unfit for temptation or even the suspicion of using his the presidential office, beiui^ esseniiaily mili- in vast powers promoting personal ends. tary in nature, without experience in civil life, Unquestionably the Que Man Power has in- without aptitude for civil dut'.es, and without latterly creased lieyond example, owing partly knowledge of republican institutions, ail of to the greater facilities of intercourse, espe- which is perfecily apparetit, unless we are cially i)y telej^raph, so that the whole country ready to assume that the matters and things is ea-ily reached partly tu inifirovemeuts it; or- ; i set forth to-day are of no account—and then

ganizaiion. by which distant ! f. laces are brought in furtlier support of the candidate, boldly uniiy partly into ; and through the protracted declare that nepotism in ; a President is noih- prevalence of the military spirit created by the ing, that gift-taking with repayment in official j war. There was a time in English history patronage is nothiui^, that violation of the when the House of Commons, on the motion \ Constitution and of law international and mu- of the f.imous lawyer, Mr. Dunning, adopted ! nicipal is nothing, ihat indignity to the African the resolution: "That the influence of the race is nothing, that quarrel wiih political as- j Crown has increased, is increasing, and ought sociates is notliing, and that all his presiden- j to be diminished.'' The same declaration is ' tial pretensions in their motley a^^gregaiion, needed with regard to the President ; and the being a new Caesarism or personal govern- very words of the parliamentary pa' riot may ment, are nothing. But if these are all noth- be repealed. In his memorable speech, Mr. ing, then is the Republican f)arry nothing^ Dunrnni^, aftersayingthat hcdid not recfufion nor is there any safeguard for republicaa proof idle to require,'* declared tliat the ques- institutions. } tion '"must be decided by the consciences of APOLOGIES.

| those who, as a jury, were called to determine Two apologies 1 hear. | what Was or was not within their own knowl- The first is that he means well and errs from j edge," (llansaid, Fatiiamentavy Uistory, want of knowledge. is not \ This much. It was April. ITSU, Vol. XXI, p. 317.) It was on said of Louis the Quarreller, tiiat \ he meant ground of notoriety cognizable to all that he ! well; nor is there a slate headstone in any acted. preci-^ely this And on ground, but also : village burial ground that does not record as with specific proofs, do I insist tiiat iiie influ- much of the humble lodger beneath. Some- ence of the President has increased, is increas- thing more is needed for a President. Nor ing, and ought to be diminished. But in this can we afford to perpetuate power in a ruler excellent work, well woriliy the best efforts of who errs so much from ignorance. Char.ty all, nothing is more important than the limit- for the past I concede , but no investiture for ation to (me term. ' the future. J'here is a demand for reform in the Civil The other apology is that his Presidency has |

Service, and the President formally adopts this ! been successful. How? When? Where? Not demand ; but he neglects the first step, which to j him can be attributed that general prosperity

' depends only on himself. From this we may whi. h is the natural outgrowth of our people judge his little earnestness in the cause. Be- and country, for his contribution is not traced in | yond all question. Civil Service Reform must the abounding resuit. golden fi-lds. j Oar pro- begin by a limitation of the President to one ductive mines, busy industry, diversified | com*, term, so that the tem{)taiiou to use the appoint- 1 merce owe nothing to him. Show, then, his ing power for personal ends may disappear from ' success. Is it in the finances? The national our system, and tliis great disturbittg force debt has been reduced ; but not to so large cease to exi'^t. If the President is sincere for an amount as by Andrew Johnson in the it will reform, be easy for him to set the exam- same space of time. Litile merit is due to ple by declaring again his adhesion to the Oue- either, tor each employed the means allowed —

28

by Congress. To the American people is of Ku Klux outrages. Here, as in payins the this reduction due, and not to any President. national debt, Congress has been the effect- And while our President in this respect is no ive power. Even the last extraordinary meas- better than his predecessor, he can chiiin no ure became necessary, in my judgment, to merit for any systetnatic effort to reduce taxa- supplement his little efficiency. Had the Pres- tion or restore specie payments. Perhaps, ident put into the protection of the colored then, it is in foreign relations that he claims people at the South half the effort and earn- the laurels he is to wear. Knowing some est will wiih which he maintained his St. thing of these from careful study and years of Domingo contrivance, the murderous Ku Klux practical acquaintance, I am bound to say would have been driven from the Held and that never betbre has their management been peace assured. Nor has he ever exhibited to 80 wanting in ability and so al)solutely without the colored people any true sympathy. His cliaracter. Wirh so much pretension an

j die— muddle with S[)ain, muddle with CuIm, the pending measure of Civil Rights. Some muddle with the Black itepublic, muddle with thought him indifferent; others found hirn distant Corea. muddle with Venezuela, mud insulting. Then came his recent letter to the die with Russia, muddle with Kui^land—on all great meeting at Washington, May 9, 1872, sides one diversilied muddle. If there is not called to assert these rights, where he could muddle with Germany and France, it must be say nothing more than this: "1 beg to assure from their forbearance. To this condition are you, however, that I sympath'ze most cordially we reduced. When before in our history have in any effort to secure for all our people of we reached any such bathos as that to wliich whatever race, nativity or color, the exercise we have been carried in our questions with of those rights to which every citizen shuidd England? Are the^e the laurels for a presi- be entitled.^' Of course everybody is in favor dential candidate? But where are they? Are of ''the rights to which every citizen should they found on the Indian frontier? Let the be entiiled." But what are these rights? cry of massacre and blood from that distant And this meaningless juggle of words, entirely region answer. Are they in reform of the civil worthy of the days of slaverv, is all that is service? But here the initial point is the lim- vouchsafed by a Republican President for the itation of the President to one term, so that equal rights of his colored fellow-citizens.

j he may be placed above temptation; but this ' 1 dismiss the apologies with the conclusion be opposes. Evidently he is no true retbrmer. that in the matters to which they inviie atten- Are these laurels found in the administration tion, his Presidency is an enormous failure. of the Departments? Let the discreditable THE PRESIDENT AS CANDIDATE. sale of artns to France in violation of neutral duties and of municipal statute be the answer, Lookingat his daily life as it becomes known and let the custom houses of New York and ' through tne press or conversation, his chief New Orleans with iheir tales of favoritism and einpl<)v ment seems the dispensation of patron- of nepotism, and with their prostitution as age, unless society is an employment. For agencies, mercenary and political, echo back tins he is visited daily by Senators and Repre- the answer, while senatorial committees organ- sentatives bringing distant constituents. The ized conirary lo a cardinal principle of Parlia- Executive Mansion has become that famous as to these scandals, tes- treasury tr(mgh, described so well by an early mentary Law a cover i titj also. And again hit the War Depart- Congressional orator :

j ment recall the disappearance of imponant ' "Such running, such jostling, such wrigrgling, such clamberiiis; over one another's baL-ks, sucli s

[

the laurels? At last I find them fresh and 1 To sit bt-hind is the Presidr^ntial occupation,

brilliant in the harmony which the President watching and feeding the animals. 1 f this were

|

has preserved among Republicans. Harmony an aniu-^ement only it mit;ht be pardoned ; but

j do I say ? This should have been his congeni.il it must be seen in a more serious li;?ht. Some

j

task ; nor would any aid or homage of mine nations are governeil by the sword, in other |

•been wanting. But instead he has organized 1 words by central force ccramau'ling obedience. discord operating through a succession of Our President governs by offices, in other words j rings, and for laurels we find only weeds and by the app<)inting povver, being a central force thistles. t)v which he coerces obedience to his personal But I hear that he is successful in the States will. Let a Senator or Representative hesi- once in rebellion. Strange that this should tate in the support of his autocracy or doubt be said while we are harrowed by the reports if he merits a second term, and forthwith 29

Bome distnnt, consul or postmaster, appointed reform the reformer? So, also, doe.9 the coun- by his influence, begins to irniuble. The try ask for purity. But is it not vain to seek *'Head Centre" makes himself fVit to the this boon from on*^ whose presideiitinl pre'en- most distant circumferpnce. Cjiti such tyrnnny. sions are so demoralizing? Who shall purify where the military spirit of our President finds the purifier? The country asks for relbruj in a congenial field, be permitted ro endure? ' the civil service, but how expect any such In adopting him as a candidate r<^r reelec- change from one who will not allow ihe pres- tion we underfalie to vindicate his Presidency, idential office to be secured against its worst and adopt in all things the insulting, incapable, temptation ? The country desires an exam- aid-de-campish dictatorship winch he has ple forthe youth of the land, where intelligence inaugurated. Presenting his name we vouch shall l)lend with character and both be elevated for his fitness, not onlv in original nature, but by a constant sense of duty with unseifi-h de- in experience of civil life, in ap'i'ude for civil votion to the public weal. But Iioa- accord duties, in knowledge of repul)lican institu- this place to a President who makes his great tions and elevation of purpose; and we must office a plaything and percpiisite, wliile his be ready to defend openly what he has openly highest industry is in quarrel'ug? Since San- dotie. Can Uepubiicans honestly do this thing ? cho Panza at Barataria no Governor h is done Let it be said that he is not only the greatest so well for his relations at the expense of his nepotist among Presidents, but greater than country, atid if aiiy other has made Cabinet all others toge'her, and what Republican apf)ointments the return for personal t'avors,

can reply? Let it be said that he is not only liifi iia;ne has di-0[)ped out of history. | A man is the greatest gift-taker atnong Presidents, but known by his acts ; so, also, by the company the only one who repaid his patrons at the lie keeps. And is not our President knowQ public expense, and what Republican can re- by his intimacy with those who are by words ply? Let it be said that he has openly vio of distrust? But all these by-words look to lated the Constitution and International Law, another term for perpetuation of iheir power. in the prosecution of a wretched contrivance Therefore, for the sake of reform and purity, against the peace of St. Domingo, and what which is a longing of the people, and also that Republican can reply? Let it be said that the Chief Magistrate may be an example, we wit-Ming the power of the Great Republic be must seek a retnedy. j has insulted the Black Republic witli a menace See for one moment how pertiicious must of war, involving iutU^iiiity to the Afiican race, he the presiden'ial examt^le. Fir.^t in place, and what Republican can reply? Let it be said his personal influence is fir-reaching beyond that he has set up presidential pretensions with- that of any other citizen. What he does others out number, constituting an undoubted Ccssar- will do. What he fails to do others will fail ism or personal government, and what Reiiub to do. His standard of conduct, will be ac- lican can reply ? And let it be added t!hat, cepted at least by his political supporter."?.

unconscious of all this misrule, he quarrelfe 'j His measure of industry an i his sense of duty

without cause even with political supporters !!I will be the pattern tor the country. If he ap- and on such a scale as to become the greatest points re'a'ions to office and ref)ay3 gifts by j " presidential quarreler of our history, quarrel- i official patronage making his Presidency. a

ing more than all other Presidents together, I great Gift Enterprise," may not every office- will and what Republican can reply? It not i liolder do likewise, each in his sphere, so that

be enough to say that he was triumphant in ! nepotism and gift-taking official;\ compensated war, as Scipio, the victor of Uannibal, re- will be general and gift enterprises be | multi- minded the Roman people that on this day plied indefinitely in tlie public service? If | he conquered at Zaina. Others have been he treats his trust as plaything and perquisite, | triumphant in war and failed in civil life, as why tiot every otHce-holder | ma> do the same? Marlborough, whose heroic victoiies seemed If he disreg;irds constitution and law iu [ the unaccountal)le in the frivolity, the ignorance, pursuit of personal obj'^crs how can we expect | and the heartlessness of his pretended states- a just suboidinatioii Irom othets? If he sets j

manship. To Washington was awarded that i up preten.-ions without number, repugnant to rarest tribute, ''first in war, first in peace, liepublicau institutions, must not tiie good j

and first in the hearts of his countrymen." i cause sut!er? If he is stubborn, obstinate, and oair Of President it will be said willingly, ! perverse are not stubb )rnness, obstinacy and ''first in war," but the candid historian will perversity commended for imitation ? If he | add,^ ''first in nepotism, first in gift-taking insults and wrongs associates in official trust, j repaid by official patronage, first in presi- who is safe from the malignant influence hav-

j

dent:al pretensions, and first in quarrel with I itig its propulsion from the Executive Man- his countrvmen." sion ? If he fra'erirzes with jobbers and Hes- j ' Anxiously, earnestly, the country asks for sians, where is the limit to the demoralization reform, and stands tip-toe to greet the com- that must ensue ? Necessarilv the puldic ser- ing. But how ex[»ect reform fn-.m a President |i vice takes its character from its elected chief Viho needs it so much himself? Who shall 11 and the whole country reflects the President h

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His example is u law. But a bad example a candidate whose name is a synonym of pre- must be corrected as a bad law. tensions unrejtublican in character and hostile to gocd government, it will be for earnest APPEAL TO THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. ltepul)licans to consider well how clearly party To tbe Republican parfy. devoted to idea>^ is subordinate to country. Such a nominaiiua and principles, I turn now with more ihaii c^n have no just obligaiion. 'i'herefore wii ordinary solicitude. Not willii:g!y can I see it unspeakable interest will the country watch Saciiticed. Not without earne.vt effdrt atrairist the National Convention at Philadelphia. It the betrjiyal can I suffer its ideas and princi- may be an assembly (and such is my hope!) ples 10 be I'^st in the personal pretensions of where ideas and principles are above ail per- one man. B'>th the old parties are in a crisis, sonal pretensions, atid the unity of the party with ihis ditference between the two. 'l"he is symbolized in the candidate or it may add

Democracy is dissolvins; : the itepublican party another to presidental rings, beiiig an expan- is being absorbed. The Democracy is falling sion of the miljtaiy ring at the Executive apart, thus visibly losing vs vital unity ; the Mansion, the senatorial rinj; in this Chamber, llepuhlican party is submitting to a pers'mal and the political ring in the custom houses influence, thus visibly losing its viial charac- of New York and New Orleans. A National ter. The Democracy is ceasing to exist, 'i'he Convention whi( h is a presidental ring cannot Kepublican party is losing its identi'y. Let represent the lle[>ublicun party. the process be completed, and it will he no Much rather would i see the party, to which

' longer that liepublicati jiarty which I helped I am dedicated, under the image of a life-boat to found and have always served, but onlv a not to be sunk by wind or wave. How often personal party, while instead of those ideas have 1 said this to cheer my comrades. 1 do and principles which we have been so proud not fear the Democratic party. Nothing from to uphold will be presidential pretensions, them can harm our life-boat. But I do tear a and instead of Ivepublicanisin there will be quarrelsome pilot, unused to the sea, but pre- nothing but Grantism. tentious in command, who occupies himself in Political parties are losing their sway. loading aboard his own unserviceable relauons Higher than party are country and the duty to and personal patrons while he drives aw;iy the save it fi om Caesar. The caucus is at last un experienced seamen who know the craU and derstood as a political engine, moved by wire- her voj au'e. Here is a peril which no life-boat pullers. :itid it becomes more insupportable in can s'and. j)roportion as directed to personal ends ; nor is Meanwhile I wait the- determination of the Its character changed when called a National National Convention, where are delegates Convt^ntion. Here too are wire-pullers, and from my own much honored Commonwealth when the great Officeholder and the great with whom I rejoice to act. Not without Officeseekcr arc one and the same, it is easy to anxiety do I wait, but with the earnest hope see how naturally the engine responds to the that the Convention will bring the ltef)ublicaQ Central touch. A polincal convention is an party into ancient harmony, saving it espe- agency and convenience, but never a law. least cially from the suicidal lolly of an issue on the 01 all a ucbpotism and when ii seeks to impose personal pretensions of one man. ; \