Iheya village
Ie village Kunigami village Izenajima village Iejima Kourijima Nakijin village Ōgimi village Yagajijima Motobu town Higashi village Urasoe city Ōjima Sesokojima Ginowan city Nago city Chatan town
Kadena town Kerama Islands Onna village Ginoza village Yomitan village Zamami village Kin town Akajima Kubajima Okinawa city Gerumajima Tokashiki village Uruma city Ikeijima Miyakojima Islands Henzajima Miyagijima Ikemajima Irabujima
Kita Daitōjima Miyakojima city Hamahigajima village Kitanakagusuku village Shimojijima Nakagusuku village Kurimajima Minami Daitōjima Nishihara town village Tsukenjima Naha city Yonabaru town Haebaru town Oki Daitōjima Tarama village Ishigakijima
Nanjō city Yaeyama Islands Kudakajima Kohamajima Yaese town Ishigaki city
Iriomotejima
Itoman city Taketomi town Aguni village Taketomijima Yonaguni town Haterumajima Kuroshima Tomigusuku city Kumejima town Tonaki village Aragusukujima
Map 12.1 The administrative units of Okinawa Prefecture (2019)
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This book is based on my Ph.D. dissertation entitled “Koreans and the Politics of ‘Sex and Life’ During the Battle of Okinawa: Military ‘Comfort Stations’ in the Popular Memory,”1 submitted to Waseda University’s Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies in 2012. It was published in Japanese in 2016 by Inpakuto Shuppankai as Memories of the Okinawan Battlefield and “Comfort Stations”2 thanks to a Grant-in-Aid for the Publication of Scientific Research Results from the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (jsps KAKENHI Grant Number JP 17HP6009). In 2017, to assist the production of the English translation, I was also the recipient of a jsps grant for overseas publications. I am overjoyed that Brill, a venerable publishing house in the Netherlands with 333 years of aca- demic publishing expertise has agreed to bring this work to an English reader- ship. After all, one of my heroes is an extraordinary woman of Dutch heritage. When many former Korean “comfort women” went public with their war- time experiences in 1992, a woman named Jan Ruff-O’Herne sent the equiva- lent of a “#withyou” message from the Netherlands to Korean survivors on the other side of the globe.3 Ruff-O’Herne was a survivor of sexual violence by the Japanese military in occupied Indonesia during the Asia-Pacific War. She had watched news coverage of the women who courageously broke their silence using their real names. At the same time, she was also stunned by news ac- counts of the horrendous pain of victims of sexual abuse during the Bosnian War (1992–95), when Serbian forces employed systematic rape as an instru- ment of ethnic cleansing. Angered that military violence against women’s bod- ies was an ongoing issue, she decided to speak out about her personal war ex- periences. Jan’s fortitude in denouncing the comfort-women system as an egregious offense against her family, society, the international community, and “human security” in general heartened victim-survivors in Asia, including those in South Korea. For me, the Netherlands will always be the country where human-rights activist Jan Ruff-O’Herne lived until her death in 2019. I lament her passing on August 19 at the age of 96 and offer my deepest respect and gratitude for her extraordinary bravery.
1 Hong, “Okinawa senka no Chōsenjin to ‘sei/sei’ no poritikusu: Kioku no ba toshite no ‘ianjo.’” 2 Hong, “Okinawasenjō no kioku to ‘ianjo.’” 3 At the same time, in Okinawa, too, researchers inspired by the survivors who had stepped forward pinpointed the former locations of some 130 comfort stations, many of which had been set up in people’s homes. Ordinary Okinawans also began organizing to support the claims of these women against the denials of the Japanese state.
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1 The Comfort Stations as Sites of Remembrance
My specialty is international studies, particularly theoretical research on hu- man security, which aims to understand and resolve violent conflicts, political and economic crises, endemic poverty, and other ills that threaten the survival, livelihood, and empowerment of people. In reexamining the modern history of Okinawa, I hoped to use the view from Okinawa to confront the seemingly intractable problem of nationalism in Japan-South Korea relations from a dif- ferent angle. As my research progressed, however, the possibility of a totally different approach presented itself—that of studying Japanese military comfort sta- tions on the Okinawan battlefield from 1944 to 1945. The reason was simple and basic. Many of the Okinawans I met and conversed with recalled Kore- ans and other comfort women and freely shared their memories and experi- ences with me. As a young researcher, I wondered naively, “Why do Oki- nawans remember all this so well?” I came to feel that war survivors had something important to communicate and wondered, “What can one learn from their perspective?” This book took shape as I slowly came to terms with the various feelings my own questions had aroused in me. For instance, I experienced real discomfort in situations where I was forced to become self- conscious of myself as a “South Korean,” something I had not paid much attention to until then. I was also obliged to wonder about my own “posi- tionality” when listening to eyewitness accounts of war and sexual violence in the course of my research. Behind my personal unease were doubts about what I hoped to accomplish. Could focusing on Okinawa’s war experience help “overcome” the nationalist strains in the Japan-South Korea relation- ship? I was no longer so sure. One misgiving led to another. Could resolving the comfort-women issue somehow mitigate Japanese and South Korean nationalism? Rather than tackle such an abstract proposition, I decided it was best to examine other questions that had been neglected because they did not fit that particular narrative. What about the sensitivities and treatment of people like Okina wans and Koreans, who were imperial subjects but could not integrate easily into the imperial state and never become completely “Japanese?” What about the “hesitant,” the “indecisive,” the “bewildered”—those who lived through the war but despite the traumas they endured now lead “ordinary” lives? How could their experiences of war have become stereotyped in the postwar years as uniquely “Korean” or “Japanese” or “Okinawan?” Isn’t the first step in “over- coming” nationalism to renounce the ethnocentric adjectives of “Korean,” “ Japanese,” and “Okinawan?” On the Okinawan battlefield, where comfort women, Okinawans, and Japanese and American soldiers intermingled, how
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2 A Note on Documentary Sources
Primary military documents pertaining to the “memory of the battlefield” were largely destroyed by the Japanese army, and those that remain are few and frag- mentary. Nonetheless, surviving historical records have been opened to the public, and many of these are now available in South Korea as well. I have in- cluded many relevant military records in this book as tables or figures (most in English translation). Among these are written materials that Okinawa Prefec- ture used in compiling its monumental chronicles of the Okinawan war (see references). Raw data on the Battle of Okinawa include not only the staff after- action reports and field diaries of various army units (jinchū nisshi), but also a wide array of hist orical materials held by the National Archives and Records Administration (nara) in the United States.
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The former War History Office—since 2011, the Military Archives of the Center for Military History, National Institute for Defense Studies—acquired many of the nara materials and organized them systematically so that they are not only easy to access but also suggest lines of inquiry. Following the Cen- ter for Military History guidelines, it is even possible to obtain copies of docu- ments archived overseas. As noted in the introduction, the Okinawa Prefec- tural Archives in Naha and the Okinawa War Materials Reading Room (Cabinet Okinawa Development and Promotion Bureau, Cabinet Office) in Tokyo hold comparable collections that are indispensable for serious research. The so-called comfort-women issue is viewed by political elites in Tokyo and Seoul as a bilateral diplomatic dispute, but in fact comfort women came from more than a dozen occupied countries and territories in Asia and the Pacific. Ready access to historical documents on this issue and the Battle of Okinawa via government reading rooms and the Internet are vital to the maintenance of academic freedom. Thanks to that institutional support, the days of having to rely solely on partial survivor testimonials are gone. Without that backup, I could never have completed my dissertation in Japan in 2012. Today, some eight years later, I remain convinced that scholars, researchers, and the general public must continue to encourage the government’s vast scholarly apparatus to hew to the task of ensuring unrestricted access to public records and foster- ing the spirit of open inquiry.
Acknowledgements
The bulk of my sources, however, are not military and other official documents, but interviews with Okinawan war survivors and the large body of published testimonies they have bequeathed. It is the memories, the oral histories, of their lived experiences on the Okinawan battlefield that interest me and con- stitute my primary source of data. I first visited Okinawa in the summer of 2002, but didn’t begin conducting interviews on the Battle of Okinawa and comfort stations until 2004. I traveled back and forth between Okinawa and South Korea over a period of nearly 12 years, interviewing Koreans and Okinawans and gathering research materials. If I can share with readers my personal struggle to answer the basic question, “What am I really looking at and seeing now?” that guided me in my research, I will be content. Many people have assisted in writing this book. In particular, I would like to express my gratitude to five Waseda University professors who supported me during the long years of completing my dissertation. From the outset, the act of reading Japanese army activity reports would have been impossible without
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4 The agreement was reached in secret just before the signing of the bilateral accord on the reversion of Okinawa to Japan, which went into effect in 1972. It permitted, in time of military emergency, “the re-entry of nuclear weapons and transit rights” and the “activation of nucle- ar storage locations” in Okinawa. Wakaizumi was Japan’s official envoy to the reversion nego- tiations at the time. Gotō, “Okinawa no kakumitsuyaku” o seotte: Wakaizumi Kei no shōgai.
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5 Kabira, Okinawa: Kūhaku no ichinen, 1945–1946.
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survivor narratives it recorded have become an indispensable research tool. Although I conducted personal interviews in the north, it was only when I worked with Kawamitsu Akira and other Nago city historians that I felt I was engaging in deep learning, discovering the passion that local historical re- search can arouse. I spent much of 2018 in Canada as a visiting lecturer at the University of Brit- ish Columbia’s Department of Asian Studies. I would like to extend a special word of appreciation to Professor Hur Nam-Lin and Professor CedarBough T. Saeji of the Department of Asian Studies, and to my very good friends and English teachers Andy Wilkins, Manjit Pawa, Anushka Agarwala, Suh Jiyoung, and Kim Jinsung. I also wish to express my appreciation to Norimatsu Oka Sa- toko (director of the Peace Philosophy Centre), historian Kage Tatsuo, and Ryuko Kubota for introducing me to the Japanese-Canadian peace movement. I am equally grateful to my former professor, Lee Sun Hee, who aided me in every way during my stay in Canada. The person I was in contact with most frequently during my year in Canada was the translator/editor Robert Ricketts. In the English edition, much of Part 3 has been rewritten and differs substantially in some respects from the origi- nal version. Those sections of the work reflect an intense but friendly and con- tinuing dialogue between Ricketts-san and myself.
It is impossible to list the names of all the Okinawan survivors who inspired and assisted me. Most are acknowledged in the footnotes. Here, I will simply honor the special debt I owe to Yoshikawa Yoshikatsu, a resident of Tokashiki Island, who responded enthusiastically to my fledgling’s request to participate in a field survey. I remember one long day when we could not find anything else to ask or say to each other. We just walked around in silence taking photos of the island’s butterflies. I had terrible difficulty capturing a butterfly at the instant of flight. When I finally succeeded, I was as happy as a child who has just seen a baby goat for the first time. That night, Yoshikawa-san, overcoming strong emotions, told me the story of how his mother, who had survived an induced “mass suicide,” buried comfort women who had been killed on the battlefield. “Don’t hold it against anyone,” she told her son. “It was wartime, see? Go back to that place inside where you truly belong.” I will never forget the day, September 29, 2007, when Yoshikawa-san stood on the stage at a rally organized by the Prefectural Association for the With- drawal of the [Government] Opinion on Textbook Screening, which drew 116,000 Okinawans. The audience was protesting the Education Ministry’s elimination from middle-school history texts of references to military -instigated “group suicides” during the Battle of Okinawa. Yoshikawa-san was relating his experience as an eyewitness to one such atrocity. The Education Ministry was
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