Masaryk University Faculty of Arts

Department of English and American Studies

English Language and Literature

Vojtěch Ulrich

Pierre Elliott Trudeau and His Influence on Canadian Politics

Bachelor’s Diploma Thesis

Supervisor: Mgr. Kateřina Prajznerová, Ph.D.

2010

I declare that I have worked on this thesis independently, using only the primary and secondary sources listed in the bibliography.

…………………………………………….. Author’s signature

2

I would like to thank Mgr. Kateřina Prajznerová, Ph.D. for her kind help and valuable suggestions throughout the writing of this thesis.

3 Table of Contents

1. Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..5

2. Trudeau’s Personality and Public Image...... 7

2.1. Trudeau‟s Public Appeal………………………………………………………….7

2.2. Events Which Influenced Trudeau‟s Popularity……………………………….....9

2.3. Trudeaumania…………………………………………………………………...10

2.4. Problems with Inappropriate Behaviour………………………………………...12

3. Trudeau and Quebec……………………………………………………………….15

3.1. Nationalism in Quebec………………………………………………………….15

3.2. Language Issues…………….…………………………………………………...17

3.3. October Crisis…………………………………………………………………...19

3.4. Democratic Attempts at Separation……………………………………………..22

3.5. Constitutional Reform…………………………………………………………..24

4. Trudeau and Canada’s Foreign Relations………………………………………...26

4.1. Trudeau‟s Early Life and Its Impact on His Views on International Politics…...26

4.2. Trudeau‟s Approach to International Politics and Canada as a Middle Power….28

4.3. International Summits…………………………………………………………...30

4.4. Trudeau Doctrine and the Reassessment of Canada‟s Foreign Relations……….32

4.5. Canada‟s Relations with the United States……………………………………...35

4.6. French Support of Quebec‟s Separatist Efforts…………………………………38

4.7. Peace Initiative………………………………………………………………….40

5. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………..43

6. Works Cited…………………………………………………………………………45

7. English Résumé……………………..………………………………………………50

8. Czech Résumé………………………………………………………………………51

4 1. Introduction

Pierre Elliott Trudeau was the Prime Minister of Canada from 1968 to 1979 and again from 1980 to 1984. During that time, he had profound impact on the entire

Canadian country and he became one of the most important political figures in

Canadian history. Through his political actions, as well as through his personality, he aroused a great deal of emotions, both positive and negative, among the Canadian public, and this made him a very memorable figure. He also introduced important political initiatives, which strongly influenced many aspects of Canadian political and private life. His significance is still recognized by Canadians at present, which is illustrated by the fact that in 2004, he was chosen as the third greatest Canadian of all times (CBC Digital Archives). The aim of this thesis is to explore what made him such an important political figure and discuss the influence he had on Canada.

The first area I will explore is Trudeau‟s personality. For a Canadian politician,

Trudeau‟s character was highly unusual and it helped him achieve great popularity very early in his career. He attracted a great deal of attention of the media and received great support of the public. He led many young people to become interested in politics, which also had impact on Canada. His immense popularity was something Canada had never seen before and the public interest in politics was one of the areas Trudeau had a significant impact on.

Secondly, I will discuss Trudeau‟s influence on the relationship between the province of Quebec and the rest of the Canadian federation. This relationship had always been a complicated issue and during Trudeau‟s time in office, it became the area of domestic politics which he had the most profound impact on. He had to deal with growing Quebec nationalism as well as with the threat of terrorism. He championed the cause for Canadian unity and greatly contributed to the fact that Canada withstood the

5 attempts, both democratic and terrorist, at Quebec‟s separation from the rest of the federation.

Lastly, I will discuss Trudeau‟s effect on Canadian external relations. Trudeau introduced an unconventional approach, which led to a reassessment of Canadian foreign policies and a change in Canada‟s position in the world. He was a very cosmopolitan figure, with deep knowledge of the world, which made him very respectable among world leaders and it influenced Canada‟s image in international politics. Trudeau also launched several important international initiatives and under his government, Canada often took a leading role in dealing with important international issues. All of these aspects will illustrate what significant impact Trudeau had in the sphere of international politics.

To support my arguments, I will draw on a variety of sources. Among them, there will be a number of books about Trudeau‟s time in office, including several anthologies of essays focusing on specific issues of his tenure, as well as books that study Canadian politics in general. In order to discuss Trudeau‟s own views on politics,

I will also use a collection of his own essays. To illustrate certain important events of

Trudeau‟s career, I will use news reports of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation.

Another important source of information will be Trudeau‟s television memoirs, where his entire career is mapped. Lastly, I will use several essays from an internet database, which will provide additional perspective on some of the issues discussed.

6 2. Trudeau’s Personality and Public Image

Trudeau‟s great popularity and the fact that he is such an interesting figure in

Canadian politics, are largely due to his personality and image. He was a very unusual politician with remarkable personal characteristics and his public image created an unprecedented wave of popularity among Canadian public. In this chapter, I will discuss the characteristics which helped him achieve that popularity. I will also focus on two events from the beginning of his career which contributed to his popular image. Then, I will discuss what is known as Trudeaumania – the extraordinary excitement around

Trudeau from the time when he was entering the top levels of politics. I will conclude with the problematic issues around his behaviour and the more questionable aspects of his personality. All of these points will illustrate what a remarkable figure Trudeau was and how this made him into one of the most memorable politicians in the Canadian history. They will also show what significant influence he had on Canadian public.

2.1. Trudeau’s Public Appeal

The aspects of Trudeau‟s personality that helped him the most to become popular among Canadians were the ones that made him stand out from most other politicians. He was very energetic and determined as well as courageous and tough in dealing with difficult issues. At the beginning of his career, he was also quite young and tended to make a lot of jokes, which helped his image among young Canadians who saw him as a representation of a new generation in politics (Mulhallen 98). These traits, combined with his charisma, made Trudeau an extraordinary character in Canadian politics, which can be seen in the words of Michel Vastel,

7 The country had finally found its Kennedy: a man with a brilliant mind,

often surrounded by pretty women, with an athletic air even though he

was on the verge of turning fifty. A very different man from the

unfathomable Mackenzie King, the plodding Louis St. Laurent, the

cantankerous John Diefenbaker, or the austere Lester Pearson. (1-2)

This shows that Trudeau was perceived as a bringer of fresh air to Canadians who were ready for a change from what Stuebing, Marshall and Oakes described as “stodgy, careful, middle-of-the-road” politicians of Canada‟s past (3).

Trudeau also became popular thanks to his unusual views on politics. These were very unorthodox, and as such, they also supported the notion that Trudeau was bringing new style to Canadian politics (Bothwell, Drummond and English 421).

Trudeau himself commented on his political views in this way,

The only constant factor to be found in my thinking over the years has

been opposition to accepted opinions. Had I applied this principle to the

stock market, I might have made a fortune. I chose to apply it to politics,

and it led me to power – a result I had not really desired, or even

expected. (xix)

This shows Trudeau‟s opposition to established ideas, which is something that can also be seen in one of the topics Trudeau felt very strongly about – the issue of nationalism in Quebec. Trudeau himself came from Quebec and spoke French fluently, but he was strongly opposed to French nationalism and any form of special status for that province

(Vastel 122). This also greatly contributed to Trudeau‟s public appeal, since he was seen as someone who could effectively deal with the problematic situation in that province

(Bothwell, Drummond and English 363).

8 2.2. Events Which Influenced Trudeau’s Popularity

Before Trudeau was elected Prime Minister, two events occurred which significantly improved his public image and showcased his daring personality. The first one was Trudeau‟s introduction of the Criminal Law Amendment Act in 1967. As described by Lorraine Weinrib, it restricted the ownership of firearms, legalized therapeutic abortion and decriminalized most sexual practices, mainly homosexuality, which were all “forbidden” issues most politicians did not want to deal with (264).

Trudeau, however, felt the need to modernize these laws and famously defended this act by saying, “There‟s no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation” (CBC Digital

Archives). Christina McCall and Stephen Clarkson commented on Trudeau‟s famous sentence,

Delivered by a minister of the Crown wearing a leather coat and sporting

a Caesar haircut, it had an electrifying effect on the public imagination. It

expressed a widely felt need to bring Canada up to date in a way that

everybody could understand. Here was a man who was willing to declare

himself in opposition to the established order. (107)

This account shows the significant impact the reform had on Trudeau‟s public image and how much it helped him in the later elections. It also showed Trudeau‟s boldness, since he was willing to tackle problematic issues other politicians were reluctant to start dealing with.

The second iconic event which influenced Trudeau‟s image occurred on the night before federal elections, in 1968 in Montreal, during the Saint Jean-Baptiste parade. As described in a television documentary, Trudeau and several other officials were watching the parade, when a crowd of Quebec separatists started throwing empty bottles at the stage where the politicians were seated. The officials started fleeing and

9 the police insisted Trudeau did the same, but he refused and firmly stood his ground against the protesters (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). This act showed Trudeau‟s impressive courage and boosted his public image. Jim Coutts described Trudeau‟s reaction in this way,

As separatists began to jeer and throw objects at the reviewing platform,

all the dignitaries except Trudeau scurried out of range to the back. Only

Trudeau remained defiantly in his place, leaning forward in scorn of the

demonstrators. This picture of Trudeau, “standing up for Canada,” swept

the front pages and TV screens, helping to catapult him to a majority

victory. (158)

This account of the event also shows that Trudeau‟s public display of courage helped him to win the elections the next day. This supports the claim that when Trudeau was first elected, it was not mainly for his political views or experience, but rather for his personal image (Winham and Cunningham 38).

2.3. Trudeaumania

The two events described on preceding pages, combined with Trudeau‟s charisma, personal image and youth, led to a curious phenomenon – Trudeaumania, which is a term used for the excitement around Trudeau early in his career. At that time,

Trudeau was often surrounded by crowds of people, mostly young women, who wanted to shake his hand or kiss him and followed him everywhere he went. Trudeau virtually acquired the image of a rock star, which was unprecedented in Canadian political life

(Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). This had a positive impact on Trudeau‟s campaign, as well as on Canadian public, because, as Stuebing, Marshall and Oakes argued,

10 Trudeau “provided the image that attracted all Canadians to take the kind of active interest in politics that the country has never seen before” (3). Thus, Trudeau inspired many people who were previously uninterested to get involved in political issues of their country. They were often young Canadians, but the Trudeaumania was not restricted only to the young generation, which can be seen from McCall‟s and

Clarkson‟s description of the April leadership convention, “Trudeau was repeatedly mobbed by delegates who wanted to reach out and touch him as though he were some kind of messiah” (111). This wild excitement around Trudeau did not last throughout his career, but, as Jim Coutts argued, he did retain unusually strong appeal for Canadian public well after the end of his tenure. Coutts himself described his personal experience in this way,

Because Canadians continue to identify with him, no week has passed

since 1984 without someone, somewhere, asking me about him. “Do you

ever see him?” “What is he doing?” People who inquire after him often

say, “He made us so proud to be Canadians.” And many add, “He had

such charisma!” (145)

This illustrates that Trudeau had truly profound impact on Canadian society and remained a well-remembered figure until this day.

Trudeaumania and the emotional hysteria around Trudeau‟s personality also led to an interesting paradox. From the time he entered politics, Trudeau‟s motto was

“reason over passion,” which Coutts described as a desire to change the way Canadians participated in politics. He wanted to end the time when Canadians simply followed their political leaders, and wanted them to start playing an active role in Canadian politics, so that it could become truly “participatory” (145). As described in the preceding paragraph, however, Trudeau‟s popularity in the early years of his tenure was

11 strongly based on emotions concerning his personality. Coutts commented on this issue in the following manner,

Reason does not motivate the followers of the charismatic figure. They

want the leader to pass down the message and show the path. They do

not want to participate in a national debate in which they have to find

their own way. Though Trudeau talked of “participatory democracy,” he

had little idea how it would work. (146)

This account illustrates the conflict between Trudeau‟s political motto and the emotional way many people thought about him. Trudeau himself was aware of the discrepancy between his calls for reason and his public image and he worried about it, which can be seen in his own description of Trudeaumania,

I sensed that there was obviously an emotive, emotional aspect to this . . .

It was having fun, which politics should be, but how closely were they

listening to my ideas? . . . I was a bit uneasy, sort of feeling that maybe

there were expectations being created which I wouldn‟t be able to fulfil.

(Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs)

Trudeau‟s words show that he was anxious that the public might not actually be paying attention to what he had to say as a politician and that the mania around his person might result in disenchantment if the public built up unreasonable expectations of him.

2.4. Problems with Inappropriate Behaviour

Trudeau sometimes tended to have problems with his behaviour and one of the issues which led to these problems was his relationship with the media and journalists, which was quite an ambiguous one. As it was described in the television memoirs,

12 Trudeau, at the beginning of his career, did not take politics very seriously. He made a lot of jokes and kept clowning in front of the cameras. The media loved him for this and contributed to his popular image which gave rise to Trudeaumania (Pierre Elliott

Trudeau: Memoirs). However, even though the media helped popularise his image,

Trudeau did not have very positive feelings about the media‟s role in society, which can be seen in his own writings, “There is the danger that mass media . . . constitute a vehicle for error, if not indeed an instrument for oppression . . . They follow their customers and are therefore always lagging behind reality” (xxii). This attitude of

Trudeau‟s resulted in his disregarding of cordialities with the press and often in treating journalists in a disrespectful manner, which can be seen in the account by Coutts, “He also thought many Ottawa journalists were lazy, uninformed, and lacking long-term political perspective. As a result, he treated many reporters‟ questions with scorn, ignoring or making fun of them” (157). This problematic behaviour with the press in turn led the journalists to turn against him. Eventually, they started to dislike him and often reacted with negativity towards his political actions (Zolf 56).

Trudeau‟s problems with inappropriate behaviour, however, were not associated only with the journalists. In the course of his tenure, Trudeau caused several small scandals through his intemperate remarks or actions aimed at the public or other politicians. On one occasion, for example, he raised his middle finger at a group of demonstrators in British Columbia (Vastel 4). Another time, he did not try to be very polite when he was harassed by a protester, which can be seen in Vastel‟s description of the incident, “one young demonstrator kept heckling him throughout his speech and threw handfuls of wheat at him. „Cut that out or I‟ll come down and kick your ass,‟

Trudeau snapped at him from the podium.” This shows that Trudeau did not mind being tough with the public, which led to him being regarded as arrogant and rude by some

13 people. Trudeau also offended some other politicians, for example when he mouthed an insult against two Members of Parliament, which he later described with his famous phrase “Fuddle Duddle” (Kingwell 84). Donald S. Macdonald, a member of cabinet under Trudeau, also described his personal experience which came about after his questioning of one of the cabinet‟s decisions, “Trudeau exploded. He would have no discussion, the matter had been agreed upon by the generals, and that was that. I would like to say that I had a rapier-like riposte, but I was so stunned at the rudeness that I said nothing more” (169). These examples illustrate that Trudeau sometimes went too far with his tough attitude, which gave rise to some negative feelings towards him, but in a way it also contributed to his memorable image.

The last area where Trudeau‟s behaviour caused certain commotion was the official relations between Queen Elizabeth II and himself. Trudeau was not against the monarchy, but he did not seem to be taking the queen very seriously (Pierre Elliott

Trudeau: Memoirs). However, as it was argued by Coutts, he did object to the protocol in Buckingham Palace and he showed his opposition by the famous pirouette he did behind the Queen‟s back (149). This playful breach of code of behaviour in official situations also contributed to his remarkable political image.

14 3. Trudeau and Quebec

In domestic politics, the area which Trudeau influenced the most profoundly was the relationship between Quebec and the rest of Canada. He was a strong opponent of

Quebec nationalism and he championed the vision of Canada as a united country and an egalitarian society. The fact that federalism prevailed over separatism was largely due to his actions. He also greatly contributed to stopping terrorism and to assuring that attempts at Quebec‟s separation would take a democratic form. In this chapter, I will discuss the nationalist trends in Quebec, as well as Trudeau‟s own views on the issue.

Then, I will move on to the issue of language laws in Quebec, and in Canada as a whole. I will also discuss the October Crisis, which was the culmination of terrorist attempts at separation. After that, I will focus on the democratic initiatives which sought

Quebec‟s separation and I will conclude with Trudeau‟s constitutional reform and its significant impact on Canadian unity. All of this will show that Trudeau significantly affected this sphere of Canadian society and that his actions regarding Quebec were among the most important aspects of that part of Canadian history.

3.1. Nationalism in Quebec

When Trudeau came into office, one of the difficult issues that he would have to face was the discontent in the province of Quebec. According to the findings of the

Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, the mood in Quebec signalled that Canadian federalism was going through the most serious crisis in its history

(Pelletier 207). Many people in that province felt that Quebec and the French culture did not enjoy the status it deserved. These feelings led to a rise of strong nationalist ideology in Quebec politics (Trudeau 106), as well as to several initiatives that wanted to achieve either increase of powers for the province, or even full separation from

15 Canadian federation. As described by Bothwell, Drummond and English, the initiatives that sought increase in powers were built around the idea that Canada was a union of two nations, both of which should have equal powers (364). This vision of Canada implied that Quebec should have power equal to the combined power of all the other provinces, which can be seen in Ramsay Cook‟s description of the argument,

[Quebec] must be accepted as a province pas comme les autres – not like

the others . . . Quebec is the nation-state of French Canada and must

therefore be granted powers more extensive than the powers of other

Canadian provinces, for English Canadians have their nation-state in the

government at Ottawa. (“French Canada and Confederation” 87)

This description illustrates what the nationalists in Quebec understood as equality between French and English Canada. Should the rest of the country refuse this vision of

Canada, they were often prepared to try for complete independence, with Quebec separating from the Canadian federation and becoming a sovereign state in itself (Cook,

“French Canada and Confederation” 79).

English Canadians were aware of the problematic situation in Quebec and many of them came to see Trudeau as a person best suited to deal with it. Trudeau himself was from Quebec and he could speak both English and French fluently. According to

Bothwell, Drummond and English, it was these qualities that led people outside Quebec to believe that he was the person that could solve the problems with growing Quebec nationalism (363). As it was argued in the television memoirs, some French Canadians saw Trudeau as a traitor and thought he was trying to put Quebec in its place. Trudeau responded to this by saying, “Well, I am trying to put Quebec in its place and the place of Quebec is in Canada and nowhere else” (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). This

16 showed Trudeau‟s firm believe in federalism and in Canada as a united country, which I will now discuss in more detail.

Trudeau was strongly opposed to all political systems based on nationalism. He described such systems in this way, “All such politics are reactionary, and for the past

150 years, nationalism has been an anachronistic notion . . . I believe that humanity‟s hope resides in multinationalism” (qtd. in Vastel 45). His view on the issue was that

Canada was a single nation and he therefore rejected all the initiatives seeking separation, as well as all the claims that Quebec should have a special status within the federation (Leslie 125). Despite his opposition to these ideas, Trudeau was aware that

Quebec‟s claims for equality were based on real problems which he paid attention to.

This can be seen in Saywell‟s account, “Trudeau is no less concerned about the preservation and enrichment of French culture and values than the most determined separatist, nor any less critical of English-Canadian opposition to the development of a genuine bilingualism and biculturalism in Canada” (xi). This description shows that

Trudeau acknowledged the seriousness of the issue, but for him, the solution did not lie in separation or any form of special status. He believed that Quebec should remain within the federation and that equality could only be achieved through constitutional reform (Cook, “I never thought” 353). Efforts to make Canada truly equal for both

English and French Canadians would then become one of the cornerstones of his political agenda.

3.2. Language Issues

Trudeau, therefore, set out to correct the injustices in the Canadian federal system. Among these, as Pelletier argued, the one that was the most serious was linguistic inequality. At the beginning of Trudeau‟s tenure, it was impossible to

17 communicate with federal authorities in French (212-15). Trudeau, however, introduced the Official Languages Act in 1969, which gave English and French equal status on the federal level, and made all parts of the federal government officially bilingual (Weinrib

264). Although this was something that French Canadians had been waiting for a long time, it created a great deal of controversy in English Canada. The critics accused

Trudeau of trying to make the entire Canadian population bilingual, which he responded to by explaining that the aim of this piece of legislation was to allow everyone to communicate in the language of their choice, thereby making it possible for them to stay unilingual (Pelletier 216). In spite of the initial controversy, the Official Languages Act soon received support of the anglophone public and the notion of bilingual Canada became firmly entrenched in the minds of Canadians. This was argued by Pelletier when he wrote,

In a remarkably short time, French had indeed become “respectable” in

English Canada. Except for the incurable fanatics, no one talked about

the Quebec “patois” anymore . . . In the most open-minded circles, tens

of thousands of English-speaking parents demanded (and obtained)

French immersion courses for their children. (222)

This account shows what a significant impact Trudeau had on the Canadian society. By introducing official bilingualism, Trudeau put an end to the inferior status of the French language and helped Canada on the way to becoming a country with equal opportunities for all.

Paradoxically, while in English Canada there were changes towards linguistic equality of both English and French, in Quebec, the changes went in the opposite direction. The provincial governments in Quebec introduced first the Official Language

Act, or Bill 22, in 1974, and then took the changes even further with the Charter of the

18 French Language, or Bill 101, in 1977 (Castonguay 7). These laws, as described by

Mordecai Richler, made French the sole official language of the province of Quebec.

Furthermore, they outlawed the use of both English and bilingual signs in the streets and they took away the freedom of choice of parents regarding the language of education for their children. Since these laws were established, all immigrants, even the ones who came from the English provinces of Canada, had to send their children to French schools, unless one of the parents had studied in Quebec in English (15). These laws were in direct opposition to the idea that stood behind Trudeau‟s official bilingualism and supported the isolationist and nationalist trends in Quebec. Bothwell, Drummond and English commented on the Bill 101 in this way,

In protecting the language of the majority against imagined terrors, the

PQ saw fit to negate the rights of a minority of close to one million

people, to treat them almost as non-citizens, and their language as a non-

entity. In so doing it violated basic individual rights and appealed for the

first time to the power of the state to coerce private citizens with respect

to the language they speak in their private, business lives. (381)

This description shows the nationalism behind that legislation, which was unacceptable to Trudeau. Since his aim was linguistic equality, not just strengthening of the French culture, he would later go against these laws and campaign for linguistic equality to become part of the Canadian constitution.

3.3. October Crisis

One of the important events associated with the issues of growing nationalism in

Quebec was the October Crisis of 1970. As described by J. L. Granatstein, the crisis had

19 its origins in the sixties, when members of the terrorist organisation Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) started placing bombs in public places. They were nationalists whose aim it was to achieve Quebec‟s separation from the federation, using whatever means necessary (302). In October 1970, the terrorist attacks reached their peak when two groups of terrorists abducted first James Cross, a British diplomat, and then Pierre

Laporte, a minister in Quebec provincial government (Vastel 163). According to the account by Bothwell, Drummond and English, the kidnappers then presented the authorities with a list of demands which had to be met in order for them to release the hostages. These included a ransom of $500,000, safe passage out of the country, broadcasting of the FLQ manifesto and, most importantly, release of “political prisoners,” who were, in fact, criminals serving sentences for their part in the 1960s bombings (368).

Despite the voices from some parts of Quebec society asking for the release of the “political prisoners,” Trudeau refused to meet the terrorists‟ demands, other than those that where the least dangerous. Among these, there were the broadcasting of the manifesto and the safe passage out of the country (Vastel 166). As Macdonald argued,

Trudeau‟s position was that a democratically elected government could not negotiate with terrorist forces, since it would only lead to the vicious circle of more attacks and greater demands (170). Trudeau, therefore, adopted a hard-line approach, refused to negotiate and instead, he increased the security and protection of political figures. Since the police were no longer capable of dealing with the situation (Vastel 169), Trudeau called in the army to support it, and, on the request of the premier of Quebec, Robert

Bourassa, he also invoked the War Measures Act (171). The act gave police extraordinary powers to arrest people suspected of connections with the FLQ, which led to the arrests of more than 400 people (Bothwell, Drummond and English 371). This

20 step created certain controversy and there were people who accused Trudeau of despotism (Powe 90). Trudeau, however, despite the fact that he had always championed civil liberties, now continued his hard-line approach. He showed his determination in a famous interview about the arrival of the army, “Well, there are a lot of bleeding hearts around who just don‟t like to see people with helmets and guns. All I can say is, go on and bleed, but it is more important to keep law and order in the society than to be worried about weak-kneed people,” and when the reporter asked him how far he was willing to go, he answered with the famous, “Just watch me” (CBC Digital

Archives). This well-known sentence showed Trudeau‟s toughness in that complicated situation and can be seen as a symbol of his determination to oppose the terrorists.

Then, one night after the imposition of the War Measures Act, Pierre Laporte was murdered. Trudeau‟s approach, however, resulted in the arrest of the culprits and the eventual release of James Cross (Bothwell, Drummond and English 372).

Furthermore, his tough actions led to the complete cessation of all terrorist activities, which can be seen in the account by Granatstein,

Since October 1970 there have been no acts of terrorism, no bombings,

and no kidnappings . . . Trudeau‟s bold actions had moved the idea of

separatism completely out of the conspiracy-charged FLQ cells and into

the bright light of public debate. That, at least, was a major

accomplishment, and the issue ever after would be fought out in a

civilized fashion in public forums. (304)

This description shows what an important part Trudeau played in assuring that any future initiatives for separation of Quebec would take a democratic form. At the time, his toughness and hard-line approach received wide support of the public, but since then, there was a certain change in public opinion (Granatstein 299). Despite that shift,

21 the protection of democracy would remain one of the most important parts of Trudeau‟s legacy.

3.4. Democratic Attempts at Separation

As it was mentioned above, there were also democratic initiatives which aimed at Quebec‟s separation from Canada. These were represented mainly by the Parti

Québécois, which was established in 1968 under the leader René Lévesque (Cook, “I never thought” 346). According to Cook, Lévesque saw separation as the only possible way for Quebec to achieve equality (“French Canada and Confederation” 80). Thus, there would be a clash between two charismatic leaders, Trudeau and Lévesque, who were on opposite sides of the political spectrum, but who both shared the belief that whatever the future of Quebec would be, it had to be decided in a democratic manner

(Cook, “I never thought” 348). As it was described by McCall and Clarkson, when the

Parti Québécois won the provincial elections in 1976, the question of separation came to a head and it would be settled by a referendum called by the PQ (194). Contrary to what might have been expected, Trudeau felt positively about the creation of PQ, which can be seen in his own words from the television memoirs, “I, in a sense, welcomed this creation of Parti Québécois, because I said, well, there are a lot of people who are toying with separatism in Quebec, let them form a party and let them see if they can gain votes and gain support and we‟ll have a fight out in the open” (Pierre Elliott

Trudeau: Memoirs). These words show that Trudeau appreciated the fact that the opposition to his views took a legitimate form and was prepared for the upcoming referendum where Quebec‟s future would be decided.

The referendum on Quebec‟s separation from Canada was to be held in 1980.

Lévesque saw it as a purely provincial matter and believed that the federal government

22 should not interfere (Bothwell, Drummond and English 386). Trudeau, however, felt very strongly about this issue, since it concerned the future of the entire Canada, and he, therefore, decided to intervene. In the television memoirs, he described the duel between himself and Lévesque as a battle between reason, which was what Trudeau championed, and emotions, which Lévesque appealed to. “It would be a good fight,”

Trudeau said (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). Lévesque introduced the so-called

White Paper, which proposed the idea of sovereignty-association. As described by

Bothwell, Drummond and English, the White Paper also appealed to people‟s emotions, when it presented an account of Canadian history in which the cooperation between

French and English Canadians was forgotten and the conflicts were highlighted. The sovereignty-association then proposed a relationship between Canada and Quebec, which would be taking advantage of existing Canadian institutions. Bothwell,

Drummond and English described this proposed relationship in this way, “An adult national existence, perhaps, but one might suggest that in this plan the adolescent was leaving home with the keys to father‟s house and mother‟s Mastercard” (382-83).

Further problems of this proposition also lied in the fact that there was no guarantee for the Quebeckers that Canada would actually accept the new terms of coexistence.

Trudeau then campaigned against the separation, by making several public speeches, in which he denounced the proposed sovereignty-association and which were seen as among the best speeches he had given throughout his career (McCall and

Clarkson 231-32). According to Bothwell, Drummond and English, these speeches had a great influence on the voters and contributed to the eventual victory of the federation

(386). Thus, Trudeau helped Canada to remain a united country, which is still today one of his most important legacies.

23 3.5. Constitutional Reform

When separatism was defeated in the referendum, federalism gained new strength and it provided support for Trudeau‟s attempts at constitutional reform (McCall and Clarkson 239), which had started already in the early seventies (Russell 45).

Trudeau‟s vision of a new constitution, which would include a charter of rights, had always been opposed in Quebec, where the nationalists kept demanding special status

(Richler 10). As mentioned in one of the preceding sections, Quebec provincial government also introduced new laws which took away the language rights of minorities in Quebec. Trudeau opposed this and championed the view that all of

Canada‟s population should be equal (Bothwell, Drummond and English 391). He saw the way to achieving this goal in a charter of rights which would be entrenched in the new constitution and by which all the provinces would have to abide. Over strong opposition, mainly from Quebec, he eventually succeeded at negotiating the reform that was accepted by every province except for Quebec, which would, however, still be bound to obey the new legislation (Weinrib 274).

Thus, Trudeau successfully introduced the Constitution Act, 1982 which included the new Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. One of its impacts was a change in the issue of Quebec nationalism, which can be seen in Weinrib‟s description of the reform,

The provision of constitutional protection for language and educational

rights, as well as for other basic liberties, would undercut growing

French-Canadian nationalism in Quebec by releasing French Canadians

from their notional Quebec „ghetto.‟ A bill of rights would fulfil one goal

of the original Canadian constitution – to allow all its citizens to

24 „consider the whole of Canada their country and field of endeavour.‟

(260)

This account shows that the charter had a great effect on Canadian unity. Furthermore, it established a true equality of all Canadians, which, besides linguistic rights, also advanced gender equality and aboriginal rights (Chrétien 307). The constitutional reform had a profound and positive impact on Canada and it became one of Trudeau‟s greatest accomplishments.

With regards to the constitution, Trudeau had an important influence on

Canadian politics even after he had retired from office, and it revolved around the issue of two constitutional amendments. In 1987, there was the Meech Lake Accord and in

1992, the Charlottetown Accord, both of which were opposed by Trudeau, by that time a private citizen, on the grounds that they jeopardized the equality of all citizens by granting a special status to Quebec (Bothwell, Drummond and English 396). Trudeau publicly denounced both of the accords, and he did so with great persuasiveness, which can be seen in Weinrib‟s account, “In the debate on both the Meech and Charlottetown initiatives, Canadians re-experienced Trudeau‟s ability to mobilize public support for his vision of the relationship between the individual and the state” (279). This shows that

Trudeau played an important role in the eventual defeat of both of the accords. Through his public opposition to both of the amendments, Trudeau succeeded in defending his idea of Canada as a truly egalitarian society. The fact that he was able to exercise influence on Canadian politics even after his retirement also showed that he was a truly significant figure and that he was recognized as such by the Canadian public.

25 4. Trudeau and Canada’s Foreign Relations

Trudeau‟s great significance does not lie solely in his actions in the sphere of domestic politics. He was also very important in the field of external relations. As in other areas of Canadian politics, he brought with him a major change in the conduct of governmental policies and through his influence, Canada‟s role in world politics changed significantly. In several areas, he introduced new approaches to international issues and under his government, Canada often took the lead of the international scene and was not afraid to challenge powers much greater than itself. Trudeau‟s actions as an international figure were often very bold and reflected his daring personality. All this led to him leaving a big mark on Canada as a country, on Canada‟s image in the world and on the world itself.

In this chapter, I will discuss the influences which formed Trudeau‟s views on international politics as well as his views themselves. I will also focus on international summits as an important part of Trudeau‟s international policies and on the so-called

Trudeau Doctrine which reassessed Canada‟s position in the world. Then, I will move on to the problematic issues connected to Canada‟s relations with the United States and

France. Lastly, I will discuss Trudeau‟s unique initiative for world peace.

4.1. Trudeau’s Early Life and Its Impact on His Views on International Politics

As it was said above, Trudeau introduced several changes in the sphere of

Canada‟s external relations. The first change came from his own knowledge of the international scene, which was unprecedented in Canadian history. To explain this, one has to look back to the times before Trudeau became the Prime Minister, to the years after the Second World War. As documented by Stuebing, Marshall and Oakes, it was

26 then that Trudeau went to study abroad at world-famous universities. These were, respectively, Harvard, Sorbonne and the London School of Economics. There, he succeeded in receiving world-class education as well as gaining a great deal of experience with the world. His exploration of foreign countries did not stop at that, however. In 1948, Trudeau left London and set out on a solitary journey around the world that would last for 18 months. This journey took him around half the globe, to many dangerous and seldom visited places, including countries which were being ravaged by war. It enabled him to gain firsthand experience with these countries and their regimes, and it gave him a chance to exchange ideas about politics with many people from abroad (17-24). This resulted in such knowledge of the world that it was not matched by any other Canadian politician of that time, which can be seen in writings of Bothwell, Drummond and English, “No previous Canadian prime minister attracted so much international attention as Pierre Elliott Trudeau: none seemed so well prepared by academic training and breadth of interest to play a large part in international affairs, and certainly none was so cosmopolitan in style” (421). This contact with the world also resulted in several early articles in which Trudeau criticized the conduct of

Canadian foreign policies.

Another important impact of Trudeau‟s travels was that they inspired him to dislike nationalism, which was argued by Stuebing, Marshall and Oakes. In their writings, one can see that Trudeau had a chance to get to know political systems based on this idea, he saw what such systems led to and this experience also reflected itself in his future political career. The three authors put it this way, “The greatest impact of his travels was to enforce a growing distrust of nationalism. „I saw policies based on a pride of frontier, not on the desires of the people‟” (25). This clearly illustrates where

Trudeau‟s opposition to policies based on nationalism initially came from.

27 Trudeau was a politician who was very cosmopolitan in style and had impressive knowledge of the world. It was these qualities, according to Thomas Axworthy, that contributed to Trudeau being regarded as a “citizen of the world” – an expression that came from a sign he once put up on his door during his studies at Harvard (Vastel 42) – and this image accompanied him on his later foreign visits as the Prime Minister (17).

From the writings of Tom Keating, it is apparent that Trudeau was held in very high esteem by many world leaders and he often succeeded in improving Canada‟s image in the world through personal relationships with other leaders and through his brilliant and knowledgeable performance on the international scene. Keating himself assessed

Trudeau‟s standing among the world leaders in this way, “Trudeau carried an image abroad that, in many respects, was more personal and public than that of his predecessors. He was an international figure, and his personality, along with his country, gave him a prominent place in the councils of global politics” (206). This account acknowledges Trudeau‟s image as a statesman respected throughout the world.

4.2. Trudeau’s Approach to International Politics and Canada as a Middle

Power

In this section, I will discuss Trudeau‟s approach to external relations. As it was argued by Axworthy, there have always been two competing views on how a nation should go about securing its safety and achieving its goals. The first approach is called power politics and it is based on the belief that all nations are egoistic and that the only reasonable way of achieving one‟s goals on the international scene is through military power. The second approach is called liberal idealism and it championed international peace through noninterference in other nations‟ domestic affairs. It also called for free trade because it placed strong economy ahead of military power. At the time when

28 Trudeau became the Prime Minister, the world was locked in Cold War and divided into two parts, both of which were heavily armed with nuclear weapons and following the idea that military power and fear were the proper means to securing each nation‟s safety.

At that time, Trudeau adopted the approach of liberalism and consistently called for integration rather than division in international politics. He was one of the few world leaders of the period that followed this idea (13-16).

Trudeau also introduced a rather unusual view on what kind of a role Canada should play in international politics. In general, he shared the well-established notion that Canada should be a middle power (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). However, he often tried to remind Canadians that they should be humble in considering their country‟s real power in international politics, which was argued by Kim Richard Nossal.

Writing about Trudeau‟s early foreign policies, Nossal described the importance

Trudeau saw in realising Canada‟s limitations in this way, “his emphasis in the late

1960s was on modesty and realism, which demanded that „we should not exaggerate our influence upon the course of world events,‟” (59) and it can also be seen in Trudeau‟s own words from the year 1968, “we‟re perhaps more the largest of the small powers than the smallest of the large powers” (qtd. in Axworthy 19). This shows Trudeau‟s awareness of Canada‟s limited possibilities of controlling the world affairs, but it never stopped him from trying to use the position of a mediator to influence the big powers in dealing with important international issues. Under Trudeau‟s leadership, Canada tried to call attention of the big powers to pressing international issues and it often set a good example for them to follow. This can be seen in Trudeau‟s initiative concerning the

Third World (Melakopides 9), which will be discussed in the following section. When necessary, Trudeau was also bold enough to lead the way in international politics, an

29 example of which can be found in Canada‟s official recognition of People‟s Republic of

China (Melakopides 88), which will also be discussed in more detail later on.

4.3. International Summits

International summitry is an issue closely associated with the notion of Canada as a middle power. Trudeau viewed summits very favourably because it was on these summits that he often found a possibility for using Canada‟s position of a middle power to bring up important issues of the time and have them discussed by world leaders.

Trudeau himself expressed these views on summitry when he was talking about the summits of the Commonwealth, “This is perhaps the greatest strength of the

Commonwealth, this opportunity on a regular basis for men of goodwill to sit down together and discuss one with another the problems which affect them and the 850 million people whom they represent” (qtd. in Keating 202). These words illustrate

Trudeau‟s fondness of the summits as a political instrument.

One of the great successes of the Trudeau administration connected to international summitry was gaining entry to the highly significant forum of G7 (or G6 at the time). Its first summit was held in 1975 in Paris and, according to Nossal‟s account,

France refused to issue an invitation to Canada, despite Canadian diplomats‟ concerted efforts at securing one. One year later, however, Canada received an invitation (over strong objections from France) to the next summit which was hosted by the United

States in Puerto Rico. The United States justified the invitation by the fact that the summit was held in the western hemisphere. At that summit, Trudeau managed to use his skill in international politics and persuaded the foreign leaders that Canada had a right to become a member. After that, Canada was automatically invited to the next meeting and it was no longer necessary to provide any justification for inviting it (197).

30 The positive consequences of Canada‟s entry to G7 were also assessed by Axworthy when he wrote,

In 1976 Prime Minister Trudeau used Canada‟s economic clout to gain

one of his greatest foreign policy victories when Canada was admitted as

a fully fledged member to the Western Economic Summit. As one of the

seven members of the summit, Canada has gained entry into one of the

most exclusive forums in the world. (20)

This account illustrates the great significance of Trudeau‟s accomplishment in this area of international politics.

As it was mentioned above, Trudeau used international summits to put forward his ideas and initiatives concerning important world issues, one of which was the problem of the North-South division. According to Axworthy, Trudeau felt strongly about the economic difficulties that the Third World nations were facing and so he took a leading role in an effort to call attention of the world to this issue. The result of his initiative was the 1981 summit in Cancun, Mexico. As with several other summits,

Trudeau was asked to chair the meeting (42). This shows that Trudeau‟s skill in being a mediator for the world, as well as his efforts regarding this issue, were recognized by the world leaders. It is true, however, that the summit in Cancun failed to bring about any real change in this problem, at least in the short run (42). This failure served as a case in point for Trudeau‟s critics, who saw a discrepancy between Trudeau‟s ambitious initiatives and the actual impact on the world. An example of this view can be found in the words of Tom Keating,

He personalized Canada‟s foreign policy in these areas and cultivated

supporters abroad, while leaving undeveloped the necessary diplomatic,

military, and financial resources at home to support his initiatives. The

31 end result was often a gap between rhetoric and reality, between principle

and practice. (203)

Although it is true that some of Trudeau‟s initiatives did not succeed when he was still in office, the importance of calling attention to neglected issues cannot be denied

(Axworthy 39). Furthermore, even if Trudeau failed to change the position of other world leaders on this issue, he did manage to use Canada‟s growing economy to increase the foreign aid for the Third World countries nearly tenfold over his tenure (20) and thus he did have an important impact on this issue.

4.4. Trudeau Doctrine and the Reassessment of Canada’s Foreign Relations

Having discussed the general ideas and opinions Trudeau had about the international politics, I will move on to the specific things he did during his time in office. Before he became the Prime Minister, Trudeau had written several critical articles on the issue of Canadian external relations (Keating 197) and so one of the first actions he took in office was ordering a thorough review of Canadian foreign policies.

This review came to be known as the Trudeau Doctrine (Nossal 181) and it consisted of two initiatives. The first was reorganization of the administration system dealing with foreign politics (Keating 199). According to Nossal‟s account, external relations under

Lester Pearson had been controlled mainly by the Department of External Affairs

(DEA) and members of the rest of the cabinet were often left out from the deliberations.

Trudeau weakened the influence of the DEA and introduced a system in which the decisions on foreign policies were made in a more collective manner (230).

The second part of the Trudeau doctrine was reassessment of Canada‟s position in the world. Trudeau believed that Canadian foreign policy should more strongly

32 reflect Canada‟s economic interests (Keating 198). He also asserted that Canadian policies of the time were based too much on defence and bipolar division of the world, which was no longer appropriate in the late 1960s, when the cold war was easing

(Axworthy 18). Building on this premise, Trudeau decided to reduce Canadian participation in NATO. As described by Bothwell, Drummond and English, it was greeted with resentment by some of Canada‟s allies, especially the British, who thought that Canada was passing the responsibility on others. In Canada, however, NATO was often regarded as an organization that reacted to the state of the world which was no longer valid and as an unnecessary waste of money which was much needed elsewhere

(422). Furthermore, Trudeau saw NATO as a step in the wrong direction, which can be seen in the television memoirs. He always believed that the correct approach was trying to bring the world together, whereas NATO tended to increase the divisions. In the documentary, Trudeau himself put it this way,

When you have an Atlantic alliance like NATO, you‟re bound to create a

contrary alliance, which the Warsaw Pact followed hard on the heels of

NATO. And when you have two hostile alliances glaring at each other

across the no man‟s land then you have the elements of what will become

a Cold War . . . I felt that the way of peace is a road of exchange, of

building bridges rather than digging ditches. (Pierre Elliott Trudeau:

Memoirs)

This reasoning also stood behind another one of Trudeau‟s important acts in foreign politics, the official recognition of People‟s Republic of China.

Trudeau had been arguing for the recognition of China for several years in the

1960s, during the tenure of Lester Pearson. As recounted by Trudeau, Pearson opposed his views, suggesting it would be unwise to disturb the relations with the western allies.

33 Trudeau interpreted this as mere dependency of Canada‟s foreign relations on the policies of the United States. Basically, Canada was waiting with the recognition until the United States deemed it acceptable. Trudeau, however, did not want Canadian foreign policies to merely reflect the American ones and so when he entered the office he was not willing to wait (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). As it was said above,

Trudeau believed that the right solution to the problem of the East-West division was inclusion. According to Axworthy‟s account, Eastern nations needed to become a part of the international community and to achieve this goal, Trudeau was willing to take the lead of the international scene. Canada officially recognized the People‟s Republic of

China in 1970 and so became the first among the western allies to do so (40). It was a bold move which reflected Trudeau‟s daring personality. He had to go against the official position of the United States and against Richard Nixon, who privately tried to dissuade him from doing so (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). Trudeau‟s view on the eastern nations was exemplified by Axworthy,

He believed that the Soviet Union and the People‟s Republic of China

had to be encouraged, enticed or cajoled into becoming full participants

in the community of nations. The way to reduce their revolutionary zeal

was to bind them to the world, not to cast them beyond the pale. (44)

Trudeau‟s approach was a successful one, at least judging by the fact that other nations decided to follow in Canada‟s footsteps. Trudeau dared to take the lead of the international scene and he showed that a good possibility for a middle power to influence the world affairs is by providing a good example for other countries to follow.

34 4.5. Canada’s Relations with the United States

Recognizing China had certain impact on the relationship between Canada and the United States, and this relationship is an interesting issue in itself. According to John

Holmes, it had tended to be perceived as different from all the other Canadian external relations. There seemed to be unique economic ties, as well as a special bond between the two countries‟ foreign policies. Holmes himself put it this way, “The concept of partnership flourished during the war and postwar decades when the need to stand shoulder to shoulder against a clearly perceived threat from abroad was regarded as the basic national interest” (632). Trudeau‟s predecessor, Lester Pearson, followed the notion of a unique relationship and he often allowed Canadian foreign policies to be dominated by the attitude of the United States. An example of this was his reluctance to recognize China. Trudeau, however, diverged from this view, which was well put by

Robert Bothwell,

The United States was not “special” to Trudeau, either positively or

negatively, and some Americans found this indifference irritating. But

Trudeau was quite aware of the power and size of the United States, and

of the fact that economics and geography dictated as a cordial a

relationship as he could manage. (212)

This also shows that Trudeau recognized the need to stay on friendly terms with the

United States. Therefore, he was willing to make concessions from time to time, which can be seen in Trudeau‟s approval when the Americans asked Canada to allow testing of missiles over Canadian territory. Canadian public was very much opposed to the testing but Trudeau allowed it, partly to satisfy the Americans (Axworthy 43) and partly to compensate other members of NATO for Canadian withdrawal (Keating 205). In most other cases, however, Trudeau felt the need to distance Canadian foreign politics from

35 the United States and he even dared to challenge American authority on the international scene (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). This is reflected in such actions as recognition of China or Canadian criticism of the way the United States led the war in Vietnam (Bothwell 215), as well as in Canadian response to the “Nixon shock” and the protection of the Arctic, last two of which will be discussed in more detail later on.

All of these events illustrated Trudeau‟s success in leading foreign policies more independent of the United States. They also showed the change in the “unique” relationship and, as it was argued by Bothwell, even led to some friction between the two nations and, particularly, between Trudeau and Nixon themselves. Thus, Trudeau was addressed by some unflattering remarks and for a time, Canada was even added to what was referred to as Nixon‟s “shit list” (215).

One of the issues that contributed towards the ending of the unique relationship between Canada and the United States was the so-called “Nixon Shock.” As described by Bothwell, the shock was a series of measures introduced by Nixon and designed to help domestic production and block imported goods from abroad. Canada was one of the United States‟ biggest trading partners and so it was a serious threat to Canadian economy (213). Trudeau reacted by going to Washington where he managed to work out a deal with Nixon which led to the cancellation of the measures (Nossal 207). Trudeau, however, did not stop there. The entire issue made it very clear that Canadian economy was too much dependent on the United States, which was recognized even by the

Americans and it can be seen in the memoirs of Henry Kissinger, the Secretary of State under Nixon, who wrote, “Two-thirds of Canadian trade was with us; the dependence of its economy on ours was so great as to be a significant domestic issue within Canada”

(459). In fact, according to figures used by Axworthy, 37 percent of Canadian economy was foreign-owned and the United States alone owned 28 percent (33).

36 As the “Nixon Shock” showed, this situation was no longer sustainable and so the Trudeau administration came up with an initiative called the “Third Option.” As described by Bothwell, Drummond and English, the first two options were the continuation in the current direction and strengthening of the economic ties. The initiative argued for the third option which aimed at reducing economic dependency on the United States. Thus Trudeau opened contractual links with Europe, as well as Japan to diversify Canadian trade (425). He also supported domestic ownership of the economy and created Foreign Investment Review Agency (FIRA) to check foreign takeovers of domestic companies (345). Since the oil industry was only about 10 percent Canadian-owned, Trudeau also introduced Petro-Canada whose aim it was to increase Canadian ownership of the industry (Axworthy 33-34). All of these measures were met with resentment from other countries, especially the United States, and

Trudeau had to go against many protests to carry them out, while he pointed to the fact that other countries did the same (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs). According to

Axworthy, by the end of Trudeau‟s tenure, foreign ownership of Canadian economy fell to 23 percent and Canadian ownership of the oil industry rose to 49 percent. Trudeau succeeded in decreasing the vulnerability of Canadian economy and increasing

Canadian control over both Canadian and American economy (34). However, he did not manage to persuade Canadian exporters to diversify their trade and so vast majority of

Canadian export still went to the United States (Bothwell 216).

One more important issue connected with the United States, as well as a good example of Trudeau‟s skill in international affairs, was Canada‟s protection of the

Arctic. According to the account by Axworthy, the entire issue started in 1968, when oil was discovered in Alaska and an American company called Humble Oil sent a tanker through Canadian Northwest Passage. This was seen as a big threat to Canada on

37 several levels. First, it was a hazard to environment and the very fragile ecosystem of the Arctic. Second, it threatened the livelihood of the Inuit. And third, it was a direct challenge to Canada‟s sovereignty over its territory. Trudeau‟s administration reacted by passing the Arctic Waters Pollution Prevention Act which established a new system of pollution zones. The United States, who were a very important international power in this field, strongly opposed this Canadian policy but Trudeau managed to win wide international support. Many countries (e.g. Sweden, Iceland and Soviet Union) stood by

Canada on its initiative, which led to the United States losing control over this field (28-

30). Thus, Trudeau managed to succeed in a dispute with a much stronger power.

Furthermore, Canada applied its new system of pollution zones to the Conference on the

Law of the Sea where it was widely accepted by many other countries. According to

John Holmes1, it was one of Trudeau most important achievements on the international scene, “It launched the Trudeau administration on its most effective and laudable international enterprise, a leading and highly constructive role in the most important contribution to world order since [the founding of the United Nations at] San Francisco”

(qtd. in Axworthy 28). The high significance of this accomplishment also lies in the fact that it showed how small powers can successfully oppose the big powers‟ dominance over international politics, which Trudeau often dared to do.

4.6. French Support of Quebec’s Separatist Efforts

Another serious international issue of Trudeau‟s tenure was to do with Quebec and France. Trudeau was quite open to some of Quebec‟s initiatives in international politics and so Quebec was allowed to negotiate certain issues abroad for itself,

1 Holmes, John W. “Most Safely in the Middle.”

38 Quebec‟s representation was often invited to international conferences and when those were about education, Quebec was allowed to play a prominent role (Nossal 328).

However, nationalist forces in Quebec wanted more than that. They wanted Quebec to become a sovereign state and, as it can be seen from the account by Nossal, Quebec‟s external policies started to mirror its efforts for independence in domestic policies,

The Lévesque government tended to act as though it already possessed

the attributes of a sovereign state. It tried to project the image of an

independent international actor by attempting to acquire the symbols of

statehood, such as diplomatic immunity for its representatives abroad or

“participating-government” status at international summits. (319)

Such actions are explained by the nationalists‟ belief that if Quebec were recognized as an independent entity by the rest of the world, then the cause for separation would become stronger in Quebec itself (Axworthy 24).

Since the provincial government was aware who would be most useful to the separatist cause, Quebec aimed its attempts at international support mainly at two countries, the United States and France. To the United States, independent Quebec would mean unnecessary complications and so they remained neutral on the issue and refused to provide any support to the separatist cause (Bothwell 219). France, however, often interfered in this internal Canadian issue and its support for independent Quebec ranged from symbolic gestures, such as President de Gaulle‟s notorious exclamation of the separatist slogan “Vive le Québec libre,” during his visit to Montreal in 1967

(McCall and Clarkson 104), to very serious threats to Canadian sovereignty on the international scene. Perhaps the most serious challenge Canada had to face from France was described by Nossal and it occurred in 1968, when there was an international conference in Gabon. France used its influence over Gabon to persuade it to invite

39 Quebec alone, without issuing an invitation to Canada. Despite protests from Ottawa, the conference took place without Canadian presence. This was a direct threat to

Canadian authority over its internal issues, which was reflected in Trudeau‟s reaction

(326-27). As it was described by Axworthy, Trudeau acted with characteristic audacity and issues of politeness were set aside. He publicly criticized the actions of de Gaulle and other French diplomats, he made it clear that they were interfering with what was none of their business and that Canada would not stand for it (25). As described by

Nossal, Trudeau also ended relations with Gabon and informed other member states of la francophonie that Canada‟s generous financial aid could be cut off should such interference occur again. The result of Trudeau‟s assertion of authority was that members of la francophonie no longer interfered in Canada‟s domestic affairs and the zeal with which France supported Quebec was also significantly reduced (327).

Axworthy depicted the effect of Trudeau‟s reaction to the French interference in this way, “By deflecting France‟s immediate challenge to federal authority and through the long-term development of a new emphasis on francophone Africa, the Trudeau government demonstrated that it knew how to use power” (25). This confirms Trudeau‟s great skill in dealing with countries with strong international power.

4.7. Peace Initiative

The final significant international initiative Trudeau undertook during his tenure was the peace initiative on which he set out in 1983. For quite some time, Trudeau had been very worried about the increasing East-West division (Bothwell, Drummond and

English 427). As it was said above, Trudeau believed in bringing the world together but towards the end of his tenure, things seemed to be going in the opposite direction. By

1983, according to Axworthy, there was no reasonable dialogue between the two sides,

40 there were more and more nuclear weapons and the newly-elected Ronald Reagan was not very inclined towards negotiations. Several armed conflicts also took place, for example between the Soviet Union and Afghanistan and between the United States and

Grenada. With all these events, the Cold War was entering one of its most serious stages

(45-46). In this situation, Trudeau decided to embark on an initiative which was truly unique in international politics. Talking about it for the television documentary, Trudeau said,

I was seeing these retired admirals and generals and retired politicians

after they leave office, sort of becoming almost peaceniks and I said,

well, I‟m not going to do that, I was for peace before entering politics

and I‟m not going to wait until I‟m out to do some very deeply felt

gesture. (Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs)

However, it was impossible for Trudeau to affect the situation directly and so he decided to use his position of a skilled mediator and a highly respected figure in international politics to try to bring the leaders of bigger powers to the negotiating table. He went around the world, visiting many countries, while he championed nuclear disarmament and tried to persuade world leaders to renew the political dialogues (Axworthy 46).

Although it is true that this initiative did not achieve most of what Trudeau wanted while he was still in office, his arguments were incorporated in a peace treaty signed by the United States and Soviet Union in 1987 (Pierre Elliott Trudeau:

Memoirs). The initiative was also very significant and unique in the way that a leader of a small power tried to use what little means he had to improve a global crisis. Trying to bring up important issues for discussion is surely worth the risk of some criticism which might – and indeed did – follow from several observers. Trudeau also backed up his international initiative by his actions at home when he succeeded in denuclearizing

41 Canadian army. Thus, Canada set a good example for the countries it tried to persuade.

Assessing Canada‟s role in preserving global peace, Trudeau himself said,

Let it be said of Canada and of Canadians, that we saw the crisis; that we

did act; that we took risks; that we were loyal to our friends and open

with our adversaries; that we have lived up to our ideals; and that we

have done what we could to lift the shadow of war. (qtd. in Melakopides

106)

These words can also serve very well as a summary of Trudeau‟s own efforts regarding his peace initiative.

42 5. Conclusion

As I showed in the preceding pages, Pierre Elliott Trudeau was a truly significant political figure with a very strong influence on Canadian politics. When he entered politics, he introduced a new image of a politician, one that attracted the attention of many Canadians and led them to take active interest in Canadian political life. He also projected unusual boldness and confidence in dealing with many problematic issues and became extremely popular for his courage and charisma. These personal characteristics, combined with his unorthodox behaviour and image, made him into one of the most memorable figures in Canadian history.

In domestic politics, among his most significant accomplishments was the introduction of the new Canadian Constitution and the Canadian Charter of Rights and

Freedoms, which had a unifying effect on all of Canada and entrenched linguistic rights, as well as other civil rights, in the constitution. He also received credit for his opposition to terrorism, since his tough approach greatly contributed to the stopping of all violent attempts at Quebec‟s separation from Canada. His opposition to the PQ‟s sovereignty-association initiative helped sway public opinion against separation and assured that Canada would remain a united country. His influence on the issues around

Quebec was very strong and it is largely thanks to his efforts that Canada became a more egalitarian and a more unified society.

In the sphere of external relations, Trudeau projected his characteristic boldness, which can be seen in his successful opposition to powers much greater than Canada. He also introduced a new approach to foreign policies which was reflected in his Trudeau

Doctrine and which led to a change and improvement of Canada‟s position in the world.

He himself became a respected international figure which also had a positive effect on

Canada‟s image in the world. His international initiatives, among them for example the

43 peace initiative, may have been regarded as inconclusive in the short run, but they helped raise awareness of important issues and brought many countries to the negotiating table where solutions to significant problems were debated. Sometimes, for example with his official recognition of China, Trudeau also took a leading role in international politics and set a good example which other countries chose to follow.

Through all of these actions, he had a strong influence on Canadian, as well as international, politics.

44 6. Works Cited

And the Greatest Canadian of All Time Is...Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. 29

Nov. 2004. The CBC Digital Archives. Web. 18 Nov. 2010.

.

Axworthy, Thomas S. “„To Stand Not So High Perhaps but Always Alone‟: The

Foreign Policy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau.” Towards a Just Society: The Trudeau

Years. Ed. Thomas S. Axworthy and Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Markham: Viking,

1990. 12-48. Print.

Bothwell, Robert. “„Small Problems‟: Trudeau and the Americans.” Trudeau’s

Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed. Andrew Cohen and

J. L. Granatstein. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 207-21. Print.

Bothwell, Robert, Ian Drummond, and John English. Canada since 1945: Power,

Politics and Provincialism. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1989. Print.

Castonguay, Charles. "Why Hide the Facts? The Federalist Approach to the Language

Crisis in Canada." Canadian Public Policy 5.1 (1979): 4-15. JSTOR. Web. 13

Nov. 2010 .

Chrétien, Jean. “Bringing the Constitution Home.” Towards a Just Society: The

Trudeau Years. Ed. Thomas S. Axworthy and Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Markham:

Viking, 1990. 282-309. Print.

Cook, Ramsay. "French Canada and Confederation: The Quest for Equality." The

Canadian Political Tradition: Basic Readings. Ed. R. S. Blair and J. T. McLeod.

Scarborough: Nelson Canada, 1989. 79-88. Print.

45 ---. “„I never thought I could be as proud . . . ‟: The Trudeau-Lévesque Debate.”

Towards a Just Society: The Trudeau Years. Ed. Thomas S. Axworthy and Pierre

Elliott Trudeau. Markham: Viking, 1990. 342-56. Print.

Coutts, Jim. “Trudeau in Power: A View from Inside the Prime Minister‟s Office.”

Trudeau’s Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed. Andrew

Cohen and J. L. Granatstein. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 143-60. Print.

Granatstein, J. L. “Changing Positions: Reflections on Pierre Trudeau and the October

Crisis.” Trudeau’s Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed.

Andrew Cohen and J. L. Granatstein. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 295-305.

Print.

Holmes, John W. “Impact of Domestic Political Factors on Canadian-American

Relations: Canada.” International Organization 28.4 (1974): 611-35. JSTOR.

Web. 26 Oct. 2010 .

Just Watch Me. Canadian Broadcasting Corporation. 13 Oct. 1970. The CBC Digital

Archives. Web. 17 Nov. 2010.

.

Keating, Tom. “Continuity and Change: Trudeau and the World.” Trudeau’s Shadow:

The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed. Andrew Cohen and J. L.

Granatstein. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 195-206. Print.

Kingwell, Mark. “Six Scenes of Separation: Confessions of a Post-Facto

Trudeaumaniac in Pursuit of the Personality Cult.” Trudeau’s Shadow: The Life

and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed. Andrew Cohen and J. L. Granatstein.

Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 79-94. Print.

46 Kissinger, Henry. The White House Years. Boston: Little, 1979. Print.

Leslie, Peter M. "Bicommunalism and Canadian Constitutional Reform." Publius 18.2

(1988): 115-29. JSTOR. Web. 11 Nov. 2010 .

Macdonald, Donald S. “The Trudeau Cabinet: A Memoir.” Trudeau’s Shadow: The

Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed. Andrew Cohen and J. L.

Granatstein. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 161-76. Print.

McCall, Christina, and Stephen Clarkson. Trudeau and Our Times. Volume 1: The

Magnificent Obsession. Toronto: McClelland, 1991. Print.

Melakopides, Costas. Pragmatic Idealism: Canadian Foreign Policy, 1945-1995.

Montreal: McGill-Queen‟s University Press, 1998. Print.

Mulhallen, Karen. “Of Wardrobe and Mask: Seven Takes on Stitching a Prime

Minister.” Trudeau’s Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed.

Andrew Cohen and J. L. Granatstein. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 95-109.

Print.

Nossal, Kim Richard. The Politics of Canadian Foreign Policy. Scarborough: Prentice

Hall Canada, 1997. Print.

Pelletier, Gérard. “1968: Language Policy and the Mood in Quebec.” Towards a Just

Society: The Trudeau Years. Ed. Thomas S. Axworthy and Pierre Elliott Trudeau.

Markham: Viking, 1990. 207-25. Print.

Pierre Elliott Trudeau: Memoirs. Dir. Brian McKenna. BFS Entertainment &

Multimedia Limited, 2008. DVD.

Powe, B. W. The Solitary Outlaw: Trudeau, Lewis, Gould, Canetti, McLuhan.

47 Toronto: Somerville House Publishing, 1996. Print.

Richler, Mordecai. Oh Canada! Oh Quebec! Requiem for a Divided Country. Toronto:

Penguin Books Canada, 1992. Print.

Russell, Peter H. "The Political Purposes of the Canadian Charter of Rights and

Freedoms." The Canadian Political Tradition: Basic Readings. Ed. R. S. Blair

and J. T. McLeod. Scarborough: Nelson Canada, 1989. 42-61. Print.

Saywell, John T. "Introduction." Federalism and the French Canadians. Pierre Elliott

Trudeau. Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1968. Print.

Stuebing, Douglas, John Marshall, and Gary Oakes. Trudeau: A Man for Tomorrow.

Toronto: Clarke, 1968. Print.

There's no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation. Canadian

Broadcasting Corporation. 21 Dec. 1967. The CBC Digital Archives. Web. 16

Nov. 2010. .

Trudeau, Pierre Elliott. Federalism and the French Canadians. Toronto: Macmillan of

Canada, 1968. Print.

Vastel, Michel. The Outsider: The Life of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Toronto: Macmillan

of Canada, 1990. Print.

Weinrib, Lorraine Eisenstat. “Trudeau and the Canadian Charter of Rights and

Freedoms: A Question of Constitutional Maturation.” Trudeau’s Shadow: The

Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed. Andrew Cohen and J. L.

Granatstein. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 257-82. Print.

Winham, Gilbert R., and Robert B. Cunningham. “Party Leader Images in the 1968

48 Federal Election.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 3.1 (1970): 37-55.

JSTOR. Web. 26 Oct. 2010 .

Zolf, Larry. “Humble Arrogance: A Cautionary Tale of Trudeau and the Media.”

Trudeau’s Shadow: The Life and Legacy of Pierre Elliott Trudeau. Ed. Andrew

Cohen and J. L. Granatstein. Toronto: Vintage Canada, 1999. 47-61. Print.

49 7. English Résumé

This thesis discusses the influence of Pierre Elliott Trudeau on Canadian society and politics. In the first chapter, it explores Trudeau‟s remarkable personality and shows how it contributed to his great popularity. It also focuses on two events from the beginning of his career which enhanced his popular image and gave rise to

Trudeaumania – the excitement around Trudeau in his early years in politics. It concludes with the more questionable aspects of his personality.

The second chapter focuses on Trudeau‟s influence on the province of Quebec, and the relationship between that province and the rest of Canada. It explores the growing nationalism in Quebec, as well as Trudeau‟s views on the situation, and it discusses the problematic issue of two languages in the federation. It also focuses on

Trudeau‟s actions concerning the terrorist, as well as democratic, attempts at Quebec‟s separation from Canada and his contribution to Canadian unity. It concludes with his constitutional reform and its impact on Canadian society.

The final chapter deals with Trudeau‟s approach to Canada‟s foreign relations. It starts with an exploration of his early life and its impact on his views on international politics. It then focuses on international summits, which formed an important part of

Trudeau‟s international policies, and it discusses the Trudeau Doctrine, which lead to a reassessment of Canada‟s role in the world. It also explores the issues of Canada‟s relations with the United States and France, and it concludes with Trudeau‟s unique initiative for world peace.

50 8. Czech Résumé

Tato práce zkoumá vliv Pierra Elliotta Trudeaua na kanadskou společnost a politiku. První kapitola se zabývá jeho pozoruhodnou osobností a ukazuje, jak přispěla k jeho veliké popularitě. Dále pak rozebírá dvě události z počátku jeho kariéry, které vylepšily jeho politickou image a vedly k Trudeaumánii, což byla neobvyklá vlna popularity, které se těšil v prvních letech své kariéry. Na závěr se tato kapitola věnuje několika problematickým aspektům jeho osobnosti.

Druhá kapitola se zabývá Trudeauovým vlivem na provincii Québec a na vztah mezi touto provincií a zbytkem Kanady. Zkoumá také rostoucí nacionalismus v

Québecu a Trudeauovy názory na tuto problematiku. Dále také studuje problematickou situaci dvou jazyků v kanadské federaci. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována také jeho reakcím na teroristické i demokratické snahy o oddělení Québecu od Kanady a jeho přispění ke kanadské jednotě. Tato kapitola končí jeho ústavní reformou a jejím vlivem na kanadskou společnost.

Poslední kapitola zkoumá jeho přístup ke kanadské zahraniční politice. Začátek je věnován Trudeauovu mládí a tomu, jak se podepsalo na jeho názorech na mezinárodní politiku. Dále se pak zabývá mezinárodními sumity, které tvořily důležitou součást jeho zahraniční politiky, a také se věnuje takzvané Trudeauově doktríně, která vedla k přehodnocení pozice Kanady ve světě. Tato kapitola také studuje kanadské vztahy se Spojenými Státy a Francií a končí Trudeauovou unikátní iniciativou za světový mír.

51