Corpus, 14 | 2015, « Constitution Et Usage De Corpus En Linguistique Berbère » [Online], Online Since 28 August 2017, Connection on 25 September 2020

Corpus

14 | 2015 Constitution et usage de corpus en linguistique berbère

Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/corpus/2588 DOI: 10.4000/corpus.2588 ISSN: 1765-3126

Publisher Bases ; corpus et langage - UMR 6039

Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2015 ISBN: 1 638-9808 ISSN: 1638-9808

Electronic reference Corpus, 14 | 2015, « Constitution et usage de corpus en linguistique berbère » [Online], Online since 28 August 2017, connection on 25 September 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/corpus/2588 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/corpus.2588

This text was automatically generated on 25 September 2020.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Constitution et usage de corpus en linguistique berbère : introduction Sabrina Bendjaballah and Samir Ben Si Saïd

I. Descriptions et analyses de langues berbères particulières

Attrition and revival in Awjila BerberFacebook posts as a new data source for an endangered Berber language Marijn van Putten and Lameen Souag

The interplay of style, information structure and definiteness: Double indirect objects in Figuig Berber narratives Maarten Kossmann

Copulative Predication in Tarifit Berber Abdelhak El Hankari

Written in stones: The Amazigh colonization of the Canary Islands José Farrujia de la Rosa

II. Typologie et (micro)variation dans la famille berbère

Méthodologie de recherche en géolinguistique Mena Lafkioui bu-nouns in TashlhitAn oft-overlooked complex morphosyntactic corpus Karim Bensoukas

Deictic directionality and Space in BerberA typological survey of the semantics of =d and =nn Aicha Belkadi

Wh-Cliticisation: The derivation of operator-variable links and wh-words in Berber Jamal Ouhalla and Abdelhak El Hankari

Le syntagme prépositionnel à la périphérie gauche en Taqbaylit Sabrina Bendjaballah, Samir Ben Si Saïd and Martin Haiden

Comptes rendus

Marc DEBONO (dir.) — Corpus numériques, langues et sens. Enjeux épistémologiques et politiques. Bruxelles : Peter Lang, 2014.

Bénédicte GUILLAUME — A Corpus-Based Study of Since Clauses in Contemporary English. Toulouse : PU du Mirail, 2014, 195 pages.

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Constitution et usage de corpus en linguistique berbère : introduction

Sabrina Bendjaballah and Samir Ben Si Saïd

1 Ce numéro de la revue CORPUS est consacré au domaine berbère, l’une des branches de la famille afro-asiatique, et en particulier à la constitution et aux usages de corpus en linguistique berbère. Certains aspects de la structure grammaticale des langues berbères ainsi que de leur diversité étant encore peu connus, l’objectif général de ce volume est de faire progresser notre connaissance de la (micro)variation dans la famille berbère.

2 Tout d’abord, il importe de garder à l’esprit que les langues berbères constituent une famille de langues. L’organisation de cette famille étant sujette à débats, nous suivons Kossmann (2012) et présentons ci-dessous la liste des langues berbères les plus connues, en fonction du pays dans lequel elles sont parlées :

MAURITANIE sud ouest : zenaga

MAROC sud ouest : tashelhiyt

centre et sud est : tamazight

nord : tarifit

nord est : Beni Iznasen

Sahara septentrional : Figuig

ALGERIE nord ouest : Beni Snous, Chenoua

nord est : Kabyle, Chaouia

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Sahara septentrional : Ouargla, Mzab, Gourara, Touat (éteint)

TUNISIE Djerba

LIBYE nord ouest : Djebel Nefusa

Sahara : Ghadames, Awjila, Elfoqaha (éteint ?), Sokna (éteint ?)

EGYPTE Sahara : Siwa

Algérie, Libye : Ahaggar ; Niger : Ayer, Iwellemmeden ; Mali : Adagh des Ifoghas ; TOUAREG Burkina Faso : Oudalan

ILES Guanche (éteint au XVIIe siècle) CANARIES

D’après Kossmann (2012 : 18)

3 Si certains sous-groupes de la famille berbère sont bien connus (taqbaylit, tachelhit par exemple), d’autres restent aujourd’hui encore largement sous-étudiés (awjila, guanche par exemple). L’un des objectifs de ce volume est donc d’apporter de nouvelles informations sur ces langues. Ainsi, les contributions de van Putten & Souag sur le berbère awjila, de Farrujia de la Rosa sur les inscriptions lybico-berbères des îles Canaries et de Kossmann sur le berbère de l’oasis de Figuig, apportent-elles des données et analyses peu connues, de nature à faire significativement avancer notre connaissance de ces langues et au-delà de la famille berbère.

4 Tout travail de terrain précis révèle que les différences entre les langues berbères ne se réduisent pas à des variations dialectales minimes ou insignifiantes. Il s’agit donc tout d’abord de documenter cette variation. Les sources sont d’une part la littérature et d’autre part l’élicitation de données linguistiques. Celle-ci se fait de diverses manières : enquêtes de terrain, travail avec locuteur(s) natif(s) et constitution de corpus. Les articles rassemblés dans ce volume illustrent cette diversité : corpus émergents sur les réseaux sociaux (van Putten & Souag), corpus oraux et écrits en comparaison (Kossmann), inscriptions lapidaires (Farrujia de la Rosa), ou bien données élicitées auprès de locuteurs natifs dans un réseau structuré de points d’enquête (par exemple Lafkioui et Bendjaballah, Ben Si Saïd & Haiden).

5 La description linguistique cependant, ne fait sens que si elle est éclairée par la théorie : recueil de données et questionnements théoriques doivent être menés de pair et l’objectif premier reste la validation d’hypothèses ou de prédictions scientifiques. L’objectif est donc de mettre au jour les paramètres sous-tendant les différences observées dans les langues berbères. Les neuf contributions rassemblées dans ce volume abordent ainsi des problèmes précis d’analyse linguistique dans les domaines principaux de la discipline : phonologie, morphologie, syntaxe et sémantique. Elles mettent en évidence de nouvelles généralisations linguistiques, formulées dans un cadre théorique clair, à partir de l’analyse des différents (micro)systèmes que constituent les langues berbères.

6 Ce volume est organisé en deux parties : la première porte sur la documentation et l’analyse de phénomènes et/ou de langues berbères peu connus, la seconde aborde divers phénomènes linguistiques d’un point de vue typologique et comparatif.

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I. Descriptions et analyses de langues berbères particulières

7 Dans leur article intitulé Attrition and revival in Awjila Berber, Marijn van Putten & Lameen Souag s’intéressent au berbère d’Awjila, une langue berbère parlée dans l’est de la Libye. Cette langue, en danger de disparition, possède certains traits uniques dans la famille berbère. Elle est donc d’un intérêt exceptionnel pour les études comparatives et historiques. Pour des raisons politiques, aucune recherche sur le terrain n’a été possible depuis plusieurs décennies. Cependant, plusieurs citoyens d’Awjila ont récemment créé un groupe sur Facebook, Ašal=ənnax (« notre village »), où ils écrivent en awjili. Analysant ce corpus, Marijn van Putten & Lameen Souag font avancer notre connaissance de cette langue de façon significative. L’étude des traits grammaticaux du corpus révèle une influence claire de l’arabe et un degré d’attrition absent dans les rares données anciennes disponibles. L’article aide par ailleurs à mieux évaluer l’utilité et les limites des médias sociaux comme sources de données linguistiques.

8 La contribution de Maarten Kossmann, The interplay of style, information structure and definiteness : Double indirect objects in Figuig Berber narratives, est consacrée au redoublement datif en berbère de Figuig. Dans cette langue, comme dans d’autres langues berbères, il est possible d’exprimer deux fois l’objet indirect dans le même énoncé, une première fois par une expression lexicale et une seconde fois par un élément pronominal (« redoublement datif »). Cette construction est en variation avec des constructions où l’expression pronominale fait défaut. Comparant un corpus écrit (Benamara 2011) et un corpus oral (recueilli par l’auteur), Maarten Kossmann met en évidence que le redoublement datif est quasiment absent du corpus écrit tandis qu’il est bien attesté dans le corpus oral et montre que, dans le corpus oral, son emploi est clairement corrélé à la structure informative de la phrase.

9 Abdelhak El Hankari explore dans son article, The Copulative Predication in Tarifit Berber, la typologie de la prédication copulative en berbère tarifit. Il identifie trois copules principales : verbale, nominale et locative. Étant donné que tous ces éléments peuvent être employés comme prédicats, l’auteur propose une configuration uniforme qui rend compte de leur dérivation. Cette structure consiste en un niveau lexical inférieur occupé par le prédicat (VP, NP etc.) et une projection fonctionnelle plus haute représentée par le Predicate Phrase (PredP). La tête Pred entre ensuite dans une relation d’accord avec la tête basse située en position de complément, créant une phrase à copule prédicative. Cette analyse unifiée permet de ramener la différence entre les divers prédicats copulatifs au statut catégoriel du prédicat de base occupant la projection lexicale basse.

10 Le dernier article de cette section, celui de José Farrujia de la Rosa, Written on stones. The amazigh colonization of the Canary Islands and the Libyco-Berber and Latino Canarian scripts, est consacré aux inscriptions libyco-berbères des Iles Canaries. L’auteur présente des données archéologiques qui montrent que l’ancienne colonisation des Iles Canaries fut initiée au début du 1er millénaire avant notre ère par des populations Imazighen. Cette colonisation s’accompagna de l’introduction, dans l’archipel des Canaries, d’inscriptions lybico-berbères, parmi d’autres éléments culturels du monde Amazigh d’Afrique du Nord. Dans son article, José Farrujia de la Rosa analyse la

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colonisation ancienne des Iles Canaries à la lumière des inscriptions libyco-berbères, des écritures latines des Iles Canaries et de la culture matérielle indigène.

II. Typologie et (micro)variation dans la famille berbère

11 Le premier article de la seconde section du volume, consacrée à la typologie et à la (micro)variation dans la famille berbère, est celui de Mena Lafkioui, Méthodologie de recherche en géolinguistique. L’auteur présente les méthodes principales des études en géolinguistique (outils d’enquêtes de terrain nécessaires à la constitution de corpus de matériaux oraux et visuels qui permettent des analyses géolinguistiques, dont également celles de type comparatif) ainsi que les méthodes cartographiques appropriées pour la représentation de la variation géolinguistique. Ces méthodes sont illustrées à l’aide de l’Atlas linguistique des variétés berbères du Rif (2007) réalisé par l’auteur.

12 Karim Bensoukas présente dans son article, bu-nouns in Tashlhit - An Oft-overlooked Complex Morpho-syntactic Corpus, un corpus de noms tachelhit en bu- (bu- exprime généralement le possesseur de ce que désigne le nom interne). Ces noms sont intéressants à deux égards. D’une part, une approche comparatiste avec d’autres parlers amazighs révèle leur complexité inter-dialectale. D’autre part, leur complexité morphosyntaxique représente un défi pour l’Universel 28 de Greenberg, à savoir l’Hypothèse de l’Intégrité Lexicale et l’Absence de Syntagme (No Phrase Constraint). Ces noms n’ont cependant été traités que de façon sporadique dans la littérature. L’article pallie ce manque et met en évidence diverses caractéristiques de ces noms : alternances flexionnelles inhérentes, existence d’une expression périphrastique analogue, pluralisation, modes de possession aliénable et inaliénable, et récurrence des affixes.

13 Le premier but de l’article d’Aïcha Belkadi, Deictic directionality and Space in Berber - A preliminary typological investigation of the semantics of =d and =nn, est de présenter une description pan-berbère des sens des clitiques directionnels =d and =n, particules qui marquent la trajectoire déictique des verbes de mouvement dans les langues berbères. Le deuxième but est de mettre en évidence le rôle joué par la sémantique verbale dans la distribution de ces clitiques. Adoptant la théorie de lexicalisation de concepts sémantiques de Talmy (2000), l’auteur propose que le type de concept lexicalisé par le verbe modifié par les particules en question gouverne la présence des clitiques et leur sémantique.

14 L’article de Jamal Ouhalla & Abdelhak El Hankari, Wh-clitic-doubling and wh- cliticisation : A comparative examination of wh-questions and wh-words in Berber, explore un phénomène selon lequel l’extraction d’arguments datifs (de verbes, noms et prépositions) en berbère donne naissance à deux occurrences de wh. L’une est un mot wh situé en Spec, C et l’autre un clitique wh datif situé en C. Un examen précis des données révèle que le mot wh en Spec, C fonctionne comme un opérateur et que le clitique wh datif en C lui fournit un lien dérivationnel avec la variable dans la position de datif qu’il lie. L’analyse proposée a diverses implications théoriques sur le statut de ce type de cliticisation dans la grammaire, implications explicitées par les auteurs.

15 Enfin, Sabrina Bendjaballah, Samir Ben Si Saïd & Martin Haiden, dans le dernier article du volume, intitulé Le syntagme prépositionnel à la périphérie gauche en Taqbaylit,

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examinent les constructions interrogatives portant sur un groupe prépositionnel dans un réseau de 10 points d’enquête en Kabylie. Certaines de ces constructions sont caractérisées par la préfixation de la préposition (P) sur le complémenteur (C). Les auteurs mettent en évidence que si, dans une construction interrogative portant sur un complément prépositionnel, C est spécifié par un constituant interrogatif, alors C ne porte pas de P préfixée. Si C est spécifié par un constituant non interrogatif ou bien si le spécificateur de C n’est pas réalisé morphologiquement, alors C est préfixé par P. Cet article fait partie d’un projet plus large portant sur la phonologie, la morphologie et la syntaxe des groupes prépositionnels dans différentes variétés du taqbaylit.

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I. Descriptions et analyses de langues berbères particulières

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Attrition and revival in Awjila BerberFacebook posts as a new data source for an endangered Berber language

Marijn van Putten and Lameen Souag

1. Introduction

One of the smallest Berber languages of Libya is Awjili, spoken in Cyrenaica, about 350 km west of the Egyptian border1. Our knowledge of the language is limited to a few texts and wordlists, of which only Paradisi (1960a, b) is of much use; Van Putten (2014) analyses these to produce a grammar and wordlist with a new phonemic analysis. Despite its incompleteness, this material reveals that the language contains a lot of basic vocabulary unattested elsewhere in Berber, and falls outside of any of the dialect continua into which Berber may be divided (Kossmann 1999: 31), making its documentation all the more important. The new data discussed below indicates that Awjili is also seriously endangered, approaching Stage 7 of Fishman’s (1991) 8-level Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale. After the rise to power of Gaddafi, linguistic work on Libyan Berber became nearly impossible. In 2011, Simone Mauri (pc) visited Awjila and found that the language was still spoken, but was unable to gather much data due to political difficulties. As of the time of writing, fieldwork remains too dangerous to be seriously contemplated. However, recently a good deal of linguistic data has become available in written form on the internet. During the time of Gaddafi, Libyan Berbers were effectively made invisible: the state’s position was that there were no minorities in Libya, and efforts to suggest otherwise risked severe punishment (Joffe 2014, Al-Rumi 2009). The Libyan revolution, in which the Berber towns of the Nefusa mountains and Zuwara in the northwest played a significant role, gave Berber identity sudden new prominence, expressed publicly

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through the creation of Berber-language mass media and schools. With 20% of the population Internet users (CIA 2013), an important forum for discussing this identity re-creation was inevitably Facebook. Facebook groups dedicated to Libyan Berber identity and/or language –usually writing in Arabic– were created in substantial numbers. Many were region-specific, but this trend did not affect only the “core” Berber-speaking regions of the northwest; Internet users of Awjila, among others, joined in enthusiastically. On 19 February, 2012, just a few months after the end of the revolution, a number of Awjilis started a Facebook group named Ašal=ənnax2 (lit. ‘our village’), with the slogan:

كليد حارطما ليواد ناو نصرغ خنلجا ديا ناو نيلغ ندملا خنﻼجا dilak aməṭraḥ d=awil wan ɣar-ṣin əžlan=nax id=wan ɣəlliy-ən a=lmədən əžlan=n- ax3 ‘This place is Awjili, (for) those who have our language and those who want to learn our language.’

Over the next couple of years, they would use it to converse with each other in Awjila Berber (exchanging jokes, discussing politics, sharing news, and more), to challenge one another to identify obsolescent words, and to share lists of traditional vocabulary and stories. Their usage often shows major differences from the system described by Van Putten (2014) based on older sources. In particular, there are frequent signs of grammatical attrition –not surprising, in view of users’ modest assessment of their own language abilities and of their age-mates’:

كن انيشن هحير ديا نيزما خنلشا مهليللب انيشي هحير هحير nək n-əššin=a riḥa id=aməẓẓin ašal=ənn-ax bəlil-həm y-əššin=a riḥa riḥa ‘I know a little, and our town’s children all know a little bit.’ انيشي طنسا انشي اك تورشا ... انشي حير y-əššin=a riḥa… y-əššin=a i-sənnəṭ y-əššin=a ka i-šərwit ‘He knows a little (Awjili)… he knows how to listen, but not how to speak.’

Founded slightly later, with the motto “You are Awjili, therefore you are Amazigh”, the group Amaziɣ Awjilah: Tmaziɣt n Tiniri 4 (lit. “Amazigh of Awjila: Tamazight of the Desert”) was primarily dedicated to general Amazigh issues, but made several postings on Awjili, giving wordlists and short phrasebooks. Its members comment on the state of the language, confirming the picture given by Ašal=ənnax:

اوسن ةغللا 20 بابشلا نود نسلا ‘Young people under 20 years have forgotten the language.’ نيبايش هلجوا نيدعاق وملكتي اهيب ىلا اوت يدنع يبحاص هدج ملكتي اهيب هوبو مهفي سب ‘The elders of Awjila have continued to speak it up to now; my friend’s grandmother speaks it, and his father only understands it.’ ببس راثدنإ ةغللا نأ ةنيدم ةلجوأ […] يه ةنيدملا هديحولا يف قرشلا يتلا ملكتت ةيغيزامﻷاب عمو اهطﻼتخإ برعلاب اريثك تأدب رثدتنت ةغللا اصوصخ دنع جاوزلا ]…[ ‘The reason for its disappearance is that the town of Awjila ]...[ is the only town in the east which speaks Tamazight, and through its extensive contact with Arabs the language began to disappear, especially through marriage ]…[’

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Certain members of these groups also posted Awjili materials on personal accounts, some of which they kindly allowed us to view, or on more general Berber groups, notably Multaqà šabāb wa banāt ’Amāzīɣ5. In addition to providing new data on the language and its situation, this unusual corpus makes it possible to examine the process of language attrition. In this paper we will look at unexpected features of the phonology, grammar and vocabulary of the Facebook Awjila corpus, and we will discuss methodological issues around the use of social media for linguistic ‘fieldwork’. While the materials used here have been made س/publicly visible by the users themselves, we have replaced personal names with X in order to preserve anonymity.

2. Phonology and orthography

Awjila Berber has some phonetic features that distinguish it from Arabic phonology, and some that distinguish it from the phonology of most other Berber varieties. Since the forum’s members consistently use Arabic script, as frequently found in Saharan Berber online activity (Souag 2014), this poses some difficulties of transcription which must be addressed in order to interpret the data appropriately. In one case, it also confirms the continued presence –and suggests the incipient retreat– of a phoneme absent from local Arabic, /v/. Despite such orthographic issues, the forum data repeatedly confirms the reliability of Paradisi’s transcriptions, including ones that are تمقلا ,’alů́ġŏm> ‘camel> مغوللا :surprising in a comparative Berber perspective ssûk>+<-i> ‘at the> يكوسلا ,’n>+<ámmī> ‘of my paternal uncle> يـمـن ,’alégmet> ‘Friday> ترازات ,’ḥíddan> ‘anyone> ناديح , اديح ,’aġå̂st> ‘bone> ساغأ ت ,’tīt> ‘eye> تيت ,’market ‘hand-mill’.

2.1 Transcription gan ناق :/is used to represent both /g/ and /q/, since in Libya, Ar. q has shifted to /g ق yəqqima ‘he has remained’. Unlike local Arabic, Awjila Berber هميقي ,’there‘ ميلازبا :eg ,ز phonemically distinguishes z from ẓ; both are transcribed identically as .’ə)ẓwàn ‘palm trees) ناوزا ,’ə)bẓalìm ‘onion) Word-internally, vowels are usually represented plene, but fairly often omitted, :eg ,ا, ءا , ه, ة especially in unstressed closed syllables. Final a can be written as any of usually ,ة .’ən-ɣərra ‘I read ةرغنا ,’akka ‘here is ءاكا / هكا / اكا ,’ašfa ‘today افشا / ءافشا .’ənṭər-t ‘leave it : ةرطنا limited to obvious Arabic loans, may also be read t but (on nouns as well as verbs) is occasionally ,و Final u is usually simply written with gilu ‘Jalu وليق , اوليق :as if it were an Arabic 3pl.m. perfective ending او written with ’?əddiwa ‘what : اويدا may also be read wa او .’(oasis)

2.2 Phonotactics tamurt ترومات .In the middle of a three-consonant cluster, x and ɣ seem to vanish; cp ‘big locust’, presumably < tamúrəɣ ‘grasshoppers (coll.)’ with f.sg. circumfix t-...-t, or:

مكشاغط ﻼعلا (1) təɣɣaš=kəm əlʕəlla6

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love:impf=DO.2sgf much ‘I love you very much’ contrast Paradisi: təɣɣáš-x=kəm.

كن تنشا اك (2) nək əššən=t ka I know:1sg=DO.3sgm neg ‘I don’t know it.’ expected: əššən-x=t.

2.3 Representation of Awjila v

Unlike most Berber languages, Awjili retains a reflex of Proto-Berber *β, transcribed by Paradisi. Arabic lacks this phoneme, and standard Arabic keyboards have no letter for it. In wordlists, v is often indicated using Latin script inside or after the word, eg:

’əvdrirən‘palm fiber فيللا = نريردجا ج : v ’yəvəlla ‘he criesﻻ vَي ’yəvdid=a (r typed for d) ‘he standsدِيِ ار vي

:ف Outside of the wordlists, however, it is normally just written as

’ažəvu=nnəs ‘his hair سنوفجا ’ižvin ‘palm fiber نيفجيإ ’avun ‘rain نوفا

Instances of .ق One poster often transcribes it in wordlists with Latin or Arabic commonly used in Arabic to represent the phoneme v ,ڤ may be intended for ق Arabic but absent from standard keyboards. This explanation, however, does not account for attestations with the Latin letter g. Such cases perhaps suggest that, to this poster, the v has a different phonetic value in certain contexts – perhaps de-labialised to g◌̱, or simply g:

’avun ‘rain نو gأَ َ ’avur ‘plate made of palm leavesأg رو ْ ’tavurit ‘small plateتَ روْق ِ تي ْ ’təvurt, tavvurt ‘door روٌقت ْ ْت َ ’avir ‘wall ري gْأ

3. Grammar

3.1 Nominals

3.1.1 Plurals

Berber languages, like Arabic, have a complex system of plural formation. Much of the complexity recorded by Paradisi for Awjili seems to be intact: the few plural forms attested in this corpus mostly correspond to Paradisi’s, eg:

َ ’amədən pl. mədinən ‘person َمدِ ني َ ْن .pl أ َمدَ ْن ’tɣaṭ) pl. tɣaṭṭən, (n=)tɣittən ‘goat) نَتْغِ طي َ ْن , نطغتا

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’isəmpl.smiwən ‘ear نويمس .pl مسيإ ’aqəlliz) pl. əqlazən‘lie نزﻼق (

The regular feminine plural suffix -in is almost never written with a long vowel in the final syllable. This might suggest that it has merged with the masculine plural suffix - ən. However, there are many other cases where (especially) long vowels in final closed syllables are not written, so this is probably merely orthographic, eg:

əddriwin ‘thorns’.7 نويردلا .əddəri, pl يردلا

At least one case is found of a noun which is written both with and without the -in suffix:

’təgiliwin ‘heads نيويليقت نويلقت ,

Most masculine nouns in Paradisi’s material have a prefix a- in the singular that is dropped in the plural. This morphological pattern does not seem to be fully retained for all posters. We find several masculine plurals that retain the prefix a- in the plural:

(aṭarən/aṭarin ‘legs’ (Paradisi: aṭar pl. ṭarín نراطا ~ ṭarin نيراط :aməqqranən ‘big (pl.)’ (Paradisi ننارقما ’(.aməqqran ‘big (sg نراقما aməqqrán pl. məqqránən) .afissən ‘hands’ (Paradisi: afús pl نسفا ’afus(=ənnəs) ‘(his) hand سنسوفا físsən) (ašərɣinən ‘Bedouins/Arabs’ (Paradisi: ašərɣín pl. šərɣínən ننغرشا

The suppletive plural to iwi ‘(my) son’ in Paradisi’s material is aməẓẓin. In the corpus this word has the broader meaning ‘boys, children’. This word, which in morphology is ننيزما :not obviously plural, receives a masculine -ən suffix four times in our corpus -aməẓẓinən=nax .8 Forms without this plural suffix are also well خننيزما aməẓẓinən .aməẓẓin=nəkim مكنيزما aməẓẓin نيزما :attested, eg

At least one poster has back-formed a singular from the plural smiwən ‘ears’, .smiw rather than expected isəm ويمسا using

3.1.2 Genitive construction

Genitive constructions in Awjila are formed by placing the preposition n ‘of’ after the possessed and before the possessor, eg: (3) d=əlʕə́dəd n=ažə́vu n=aẓiṭ=ənn-ùk pred.=number of=hair of=donkey=of-1sg. ‘It is the number of hairs of my donkey’ (Van Putten 2014: 130)

This preposition can take pronominal endings, and such pronominal possessives are cliticized to the noun they modify (as in aẓiṭ=ənn-ùk ‘my donkey’ above). Libyan Arabic differs in this regard. Besides an analytic construction with the particle imtāʕ, Arabic genitive constructions can be formed by the simple juxtaposition of two nouns:

(4) finžāl ga̱hwa̱ cup coffee ‘a cup of coffee’ (Owens 1984: 83)

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The Facebook Awjila material has many examples of the original genitive constructions with the preposition n ‘of’:

نشيإ اك نﻼج ان نليو س!! (5) i-ššən ka žlan n=awilən X 3-know neg words of=Awjilans X ‘He doesn’t know the language of the Awjilans, X!!’ including clearly original coinages, such as the following name suggested for a radio station:

حس رارحﻼنا خنلاشا (6) ḥass ən=əlʾaḥrār ašal=ənn-ax sound of=free(pl.) village=of-1pl ‘Sound of the Free, our town’

However, a significant number of genitive constructions instead use the Arabic syntax of simple juxtaposition:

افشد اخيشتا نيزابلا موصقاو طجاقا خنلشا (7) dašfa əčči-x=a əlbazin w=əqṣum aqažiṭ ašal=ənn-ax today eat-1sg=res bazeen and=meat chicken village=of-1pl ‘Today I have eaten bazeen and chicken meat in/of our town.’ اياو يلغي موصكا نطغتا نوكشم (8) waya y-əɣəlli əkṣum ətɣəṭṭən məškun ]...[ prox:ms3-want meat goats small ]...[ ‘This one wants little goats’ meat ]...[’

Both in Awjili and in Arabic, pronominal possession is expressed by the suffixation of pronominal suffixes to the noun. The pronominal possessive suffixes are accordingly largely unaffected in this material, with the exception of rare instances of possible borrowing, such as -na in the following phrase:

افشد اننزما نيلغي نلوللقتإ دا نزما انغ (9) dašfa aməzzin=na y-əɣəlli-n i-təglula-n id aməzzin (n) ɣana today boys=1pl 3-want-3pl 3-play.impf-3pl with boys (of) Ghana ‘Today our boys (ie the Libyan football team) will be playing against the Ghana boys.’

3.1.3 Quantification

In previous data, kəra is attested only with the meanings ‘thing, nothing’. One example in the present data confirms that kəra followed by a genitive can be used as an indefinite quantifier, like cognates elsewhere in Berber:

ناكو مييلغتا نارك تجاحلنا ميمصوصت اك (10) u=kan ət-ɣəlli-m kəra n=əlḥažət t-ṣuṣm-im ka and=if 2-want-2pl some of=thing 2-be.quiet-2pl neg ‘And if you pl. want something, don’t be quiet.’

However, most instances of kəra in this corpus fulfill neither of these functions, instead serving to mark emphatic negation (see below). In the Facebook corpus, a universal quantifier unattested in earlier material occurs presumably b(ə)lil-(ət)-). This quantifier is probably based on) ( ليلب (ت :very frequently

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an Arabic form like Classical bi-kalīlat- ‘with the entirety of’, but no documented attestations of it have been found in Arabic dialects. This quantifier is always followed by a pronominal suffix, usually Arabic but occasionally Berber, in one of two constructions. In the commonest construction, the quantifier is feminine bəlil-(ə)t-, and the suffix is invariant 3sg. m/f -a irrespective of the referent’s person, number, and gender, yielding bəlilta.

س انيشي خنﻼجا اتليلب نيابلا كنو انيشن احير (11) X y-əššin=a əžlan=n-ax bəlilta əlbayən u=nək n-əššin=a riḥa X 3-know=res words=of-1pl all clearly and=I 1l-know=res little ‘X knows our language completely, clearly, and I know little.’ س انيشي اتليلب ريغ ﻼيعزت اك (12) X y-əššin=a bəlilta ɣer t-əzʕil=a ka X 3-know=res all just 2-get.angry=res neg ‘X knows everything, just don’t get angry.’ يبر ظفحي مكاما ديا مكابا اتليلب (13) rəbbi y-əḥfəḍ əmma-kim id abba-kim bəlilta God 3-preserve mother-2plm and father-2plm all. ‘May God preserve both your (pl.) mother and father.’ اتليلب يلغن ياشن (14) bəlilta n-ɣelli n-iša=y(a) all 1-want 1-sleep=res ‘All of us want to sleep.’ قامس لوري نيزما اتليلب (15) smag y-ərwəl aməẓẓin bəlilta where 3-flee boys all ‘Where have the boys all fled?’

However, we also find an alternative construction in which the quantifier remains masculine bəlil- and the pronominal suffix agrees with the referent. In most such cases, the suffix is Arabic in form:

يتح كن توشن ودنا ناق توشن انليلب (16) ḥətta nək n-šu=t əndu gan n-šu-t bəlil-na even I 1-drink=DO.3sgm if there 1-drink=DO.3sgm all-1pl ‘even I will drink it, if all of us drink it there’ هلجوﻻا ديا وليق اك انافنت مكليلب سيني س (17) X y-ənn=is bəlil-kəm t-ənfa-n=a ka gilu id=ložəla X 3-say=IO.3sg all-2pl 2-benefit-pl=res Jalu and Awjila ‘X says you all do not benefit Jalu and Awjila’ ام ءاش هللا مهليلب انيصتي (18) mašallah bəlil-həm y-ətṣi-n=a Mashallah all-3plm 3-laugh-3pl=res big ‘Mashallah, they have all laughed.’

In this context, masculine plurals are sometimes found to take 3pl. fem. agreement:

نفاطشا نهليلب انيعيوري (19) əšṭafənbəlil-hən y-ərw(i)ʕ-in=a black.pl. all-3plf 3-be.afraid-3pl=res ‘All the blacks are afraid’ نييزما قرشلا ديا برغلا نهليلب داعي يترفكلا (20) aməẓẓin əššərq id=əlɣərb bəlil-hən y-əʕadd əlkəfrət=i

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boys east and=west all-3plf 3-go Kufra=loc ‘All the boys/sons (of) the east and west went to Kufra’

In one case, which is grammatically anomalous for other reasons, the 1pl. form is attested with a Berber rather than Arabic pronominal ending:

يبر سنظفحي خنليلب (21) rəbbi y-əḥfəḍ-ən=is bəlil-nax God 3m-preserve-3pl=IO.3sg all=1pl. ‘May God preserve all of us’

3.1.4 Relativisation

Awjili as described by Van Putten (2014:116-118) introduces relative clauses using a set of pre-modifier pronominal heads wa/wi/ta/ti (m.sg./m.pl./f.sg./f.pl.), or using the general relative pronouns wasa and ala. The former strategy is attested occasionally in this corpus:

نﻼج يو هستينت (22) žlan wi t-ni-t=is=a words PMPH:mpl 2-say-2sg=IO.3sg=res ‘the words you said’ او ناجار ريخ نم او نانمت (23) wa raža-n xer mən wa təmənna-n PMPH:msg wait-ptc better from PMPH:msg hope-ptc ‘He who waits is better than he who hopes.’ (a proverb)

More commonly, however, the formation of relative clauses in this corpus uses previously unattested relative markers - not wa etc., but rather wan:

ناو نصرغ خنلجا ديا ناو نيلغ ندملا خنﻼجا (24) wan ɣar-sin əžlan=nn-ax id=wan ɣəlli-n a=lməd-ən əžlan= nn-ax rel to-3plm word=of-1pl and=rel want-ptc fut=learn-3pl words=of-1pl ‘those who have our language/words and those who want to learn our language/words’ ىنارطنيو نسيندما ناو نين ترفكلا ىنيزولا (25) u=y-ənṭeṛ-an=a amədinn=nə-sin wan nni-n əlkufrət=i əlluz-in=a and=3-abandoned-3pl=res people=of-3plm rel be.at-3pl Kufra= loc hungry-3pl=res ‘and they have abandoned their people who are in Kufra hungry’ رزغا ناو يني سنرفد (26) əɣzər wan y-ənni dəffər=nn-əs look:imp.2sg rel 3-be.at behind=of-3sg ‘Look at the one who’s behind him’ or, less often, win:

نيو سراغ نﻼجا تيورشي خنﻼجا (27) win ɣar-əs əžlan y-əšərwit əžlan=n-ax rel to-3sg words 3-speak words=of-1pl ‘Let him who has the language/words speak our language/words.’ نﻼجا نيو تنشت اك (28) əžlan win t-əššən-t ka words rel 2-know-2sg neg ‘words that you don’t know’

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There is no corpus-internal evidence that either of these markers show agreement. Reminiscent of the Siwi relative marker wən (m/pl), tən (f), this feature is obviously not a result of Arabic influence, but rather must indicate the existence of previously unattested dialect differentiation within Awjili. Free relative clauses formed with mani ‘who?’ are not attested in Paradisi’s corpus, but occur several times here:

ينام ناق ةرايس ايافنت يكشي سلجملل (29) mani gan səyyarət t-ənfa=ya y-əški l=əlmažləs who there car 3sgf-become.useful=res 3-leave to=council ‘Whoever has a useful car should go to the council.’ نييلغيا نم يتفطي نييلغيو نم يتفطي ندما ايفني عوريو هللا (30) i-ɣəlliy-ən mani y-əṭṭəf=ti w=i-ɣəlliy-ən mani y-əṭṭəf=ti amədən y-ənfa=ya u=y-ərwəʕ əḷḷah 3-want-3pl who take=DO.3sgm and=3-want-3pl who take=DO.3sgm man 3- become.useful=res and=3-fear God ‘They need someone to take charge of it, and they need the one who takes charge of it to be a person who is useful and fears God.’

3.1.5 Prepositions

A previously unattested locative preposition ṭan occurs several times in the corpus; context suggests that it means something like ‘at, by, around’:

وشيما اميقي ناط ينم (31) amišiw y-əqqim=a ṭan mani? dinner 3-stay=res at who ‘There’s still dinner left at whose place?’ نامقي نويلد ناط سلبارط (32) y-əqqima-n diliwan ṭan ṭrabləs 3-remain-3pl there at Tripoli ‘They (the government) are staying there in Tripoli’ سينانن انيلغيا ناقي ةشاشلا تنارقما نويلد ناط يدوما (33) n-əna-n=is i-ɣəlli-n=a y-əgga-n əššašət aməqqran-ət diliwan ṭan ammud=i 1-say:pf-pl=IO.3sg 3-want-3pl=res 3-bring-3pl big-fsg?9 there at mosque=loc ‘We said they should put a big screen up there by the mosque’ (to screen a football match, so presumably not inside the mosque).

The etymology of this preposition is unclear, especially given the uncertainty in its meaning. The most attractive possibilities are aṭar n ‘foot of’, or uṭa n ‘under’ (Van Putten 2014:133). Other new prepositions, by contrast, are obvious Arabic loans. mən ‘from’ (already attested in Paradisi following agur ‘near’) is attested with unambiguously non-Arabic objects, both in the ablative sense:

ناق قيرطلا زودجملا اديدمي نم خانلاشا ديا ايبادجا (34) gan əṭṭriq əlməždur y-əmməddid=a mən ašal=ənn-ax id=aždabiya there road potholed 3-stretch=res from village=of-1pl and=Ajdabiya ‘there is a potholed road stretching from our town and Ajdabiya’ and as a comparative marker, eg in 23 or:

لكو نيويا يلغي سويا ريخا مهنم لكا (35)

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u=kull iwin y-əɣəlli iwi-s axir mən-hum əkkull and=each one 3-wants son-3sg better from-3plm all ‘and each one wanted his own son to be the best of them all.’

However, the ablative sense is normally expressed by inherited s/sɣar/sar, while the comparative sense may also be expressed by genitive ən or the inherited ablative marker:

قامسا ادنشوا يزاغنبس غن هتارصم (36) əs=mag uša-n=d=a s=bənɣazi naɣ miṣrata? from=where come:pf-3pl=come=res from=Benghazi or Misrata ‘Where did they come from, from Benghazi or Misrata?’ ناق ءارك ريخا يدومنا (37) gan kəra axir ən=ammud=i there neg better of=mosque=loc ‘There is nothing better than in the mosque.’ هب نيميا ناوزا محرا راغس ناخدلا (38) bah imin əẓwan ərḥəm sɣar ədduxxan fine water palms merciful/better from smoking ‘fine, lagbi is more merciful/better than smoking.’

Arabic fī ‘in’ is also frequently attested, at least once with a Berber noun, and once in combination with the inherited locative clitic =i that normally expresses the same function:

كن ما صيصبلا يف لاشا نايمعلا (39) nək am əlbəṣiṣ fi ašal əlʕamyan I like one-eye in land blind ‘I am like the one-eyed man in the land of the blind.’ يلغنو ميقي خﻼجا يف يروتسيدلا (40) u=n-ɣəlli y-əqqim əžla{n=n-}ax fi ddəstur=i and=1-want 3-stay words=of-1pl in constitution=loc ‘and we want our language to be in the constitution’ اكانامقي يف سيفلا (41) y-əqqima-n=a ka fi lfes 3-stay-3pl=res neg in Facebook ‘they have not remained on Facebook’

All attestations of l= ‘for’ so far observed combine with Arabic objects, and hence may be code-switches; nevertheless, it occurs repeatedly:

يلغن ميلكا يناوسلل (42) n-ɣəlli akəllim l=əsswani 1-want servant to=farm ‘I want a servant for the farm.’ ينام ناق ةرايس ايافنت يكشي سلجملل (43) mani gan səyyarət t-ənfa=ya y-əški l=əlmažləs who there car 3sgf-become.useful=res 3-leave to=council ‘Whoever has a useful car should go to the council.’

Rarer loan prepositions in the corpus include wəsṭ ‘in the middle of’, badal/bdəl ‘instead of’.

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3.1.6 Copula

Traditional Awjili used the Berber copula marker d, sometimes retained in this data:

كن ليواد !!! (44) nək d=awil!!! I pred=Awjili ‘I’m Awjili!!!’

However, the new data also seems to include null copulas, as in Arabic –this usage is notably common in insults:

هللاو وك ملسغأ (45) wəḷḷah ku aɣəsləm by.god you lizard ‘By God you’re a lizard.’ اياو طيصا ﻼب نويمس رفغتسا هللا (46) waya aẓiṭ bla smiwən astaɣfiruḷḷāh this:ms donkey without ears, god.forgive.me ‘This (person) is a donkey without ears, God forgive me.’

3.2 Verbal morphology

3.2.1 Subject agreement

The subject agreement in Awjili in the Facebook material is considerably different compared to Paradisi’s material. Paradisi’s Awjili has a fairly typical Berber agreement system. Facebook Awjili however has a very chaotic one, heavily influenced by dialectal Arabic prefix conjugation. The complete PNG-marking of Awjili can be represented as follows (Van Putten 2014: 71):

sg. pl.

1 -x, -ɣ n-

2 t-…-t m t-…-im

f t-…-mət

3m y- -ən

3f t- -nət

Table 1. Awjili PNG-marking

Assuming that imperfect learners are likely to reduce the number of morphemes involved in this system, its most internally vulnerable aspect should be the gender distinctions made in the plural, since gender distinction in the plural statistically implies gender distinction in the singular (Greenberg 1963; Plank & Schellinger 1997).

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This is, in fact, observed; many posters have, as in Siwi, lost the gender distinctions in plural agreement in favour of the former masculine plural forms. However, the effects of interference are more significant. Eastern Libyan Arabic has a Maghrebi prefix conjugation, in which the historical 1pl. marker n- has spread to the 1sg., and the 1pl. has been extended with the 3pl.m. marker -u (Owens 1984: 104) - although, unlike many Maghrebi dialects, it has retained gender distinctions in the plural:

sg. pl.

1 n- n-…-u, -a̱w

2m t- n-…-u, -a̱w

2f t-…-i, -ay t-…-an, -a̱n

3m y- y-…-u, -a̱w

3f t- y-…-an, -a̱n

Table 2. Libyan prefix conjugation

Due to Afroasiatic common inheritance, 3m.sg. and 3f.sg. agree perfectly between Awjila Berber and Libyan Arabic, while 2sg./pl. and 1pl. overlap. Moreover, the Libyan 1sg. prefix is identical to the Awjili 1pl. prefix, while the Libyan f.pl. suffix is identical to the Awjili 3m.pl. suffix. In both languages, the prefixes of 2sg. and 3f.sg. are identical; the only difference is that in Awjili 2sg. takes an additional suffix -t, while in Arabic 2m.sg. = 3f.sg., and 2f.sg. takes a distinct suffix -i. This extensive overlap creates optimal conditions for interference, which in fact we find. For these posters, 1sg. and 1pl. are both often n-, and 2sg. and 3f.sg. are both often t- as in Arabic –reducing the affixes to those shared across the two paradigms– while partial homophony has probably also encouraged the replacement of f.pl. forms with m.pl., notwithstanding the possible internal motivations discussed. Moreover, they have variably copied the identity within Arabic of the 2m.pl. and 3m.pl. suffixes. At the extreme (although no one poster consistently uses all of these innovations), this yields the following heavily restructured and simplified paradigm:

sg. pl.

1 n- n-

2 t- t-…-n

3m y- y-…-n

3f t-

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Table 3. Restructured Awjili PNG marking

Insofar as this is the result of interference, aspect might be expected to be relevant. In Arabic, the prefix conjugation is imperfective, while perfectives use a distinct suffix conjugation, in which the only overlap is 2sg., and the only cross-linguistic equation that still applies is Libyan f.pl. = Awjili 3m.pl. A priori, we might therefore expect interference to be stronger with imperfectives than with perfectives. However, no evidence for this has been observed. Perhaps this is because, whereas Arabic distinguishes aspect by agreement affix selection as well as by stem selection, Berber does so only by stem selection (except in the imperative or in stative verbs); aspect is thus not relevant to agreement affix selection in Berber.

3.2.1.1 1st person marking

Usually, the 1sg. marking is marked with the n- prefix, as in Libyan Arabic:

كن يلغن اك موصقلا (47) nək n-ɣəlli ka əlqṣum I 1sg-want not meat ‘I do not want meat.’ كن اداشون ينام هميقي (48) nək n-ušad=a mani y-əqqim=a I 1sg-come=res who 3-stay=res ‘I’ve come, who remains?’

This creates systematic ambiguity with 1pl., which remains n-:

ينكن يلغنا ةيلاردفلا (49) nəkkəni ən-ɣəlli əlfədraliya we 1pl-want federalism ‘We want federalism.’ ينكن انيشن احير احير نﻼجا (50) nəkkəni n-əššin=a riḥa riḥa əžlan we 1pl-know=res little ittle words ‘We know the language/words a little bit.’

In some cases, however, the original 1sg. suffix -ɣ/-x is retained:

اكا تغاشوا (51) akka uša-ɣ=t look come:pf-1sg=come=hither ‘Look, I’ve come!’ وكخيوا سا تيرغت (52) a=wi-x=ku əs=təɣarit fut=hit:fut-1sg=DO.2sgm with=stick ‘I will hit you with a stick’

Occasionally we find double 1sg. marking: n-...-x:

كن وكخيلغن وك ىميقت انرقما خنلاشا (53) nek n-ɣəlli-x=ku ku t-əqqim=a aməqqran=a ašal=ənn-ax I 1-want-1sg=DO.2sgm you 2sgstay=res big=res village=of-1pl ‘I want you to stay great, (oh) our village’ اخميقن ينميس اتنشن اك ﻼعل نﻼجا (54) n-əqqimi-x=a s=iman-i n-əššin=t=a lʕəlla əžlan

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1-stay-1sg=res with=oneself-1sg 1-know=DO.3sgm=res many words ‘I have stayed by myself, I don’t know it a lot of words’

Posters occasionally seem to express the 1sg. with -a, previously attested only as a allomorph used when 1sg. is followed by an indirect object clitic (Van Putten 2014: 72):

كن اميقا كلد (55) nək əqqim-a dilak I stay-1sg here ‘I am here’ خيلغ ﻼسا كونليهلاف لكا رطيس سلبا ريا خانلاشا (56) ɣəlli-x a=sl-a (a)f əlhil=ənn-uk əkkull s{i}=ṭrabləs ir=ašal= ənn-ax want-1sg fut=hear-1sg on family=of-1sg. all from=Tripoli until=town=of-1pl ‘I want to hear about all my family from Tripoli to our town’

Once, we even find 3sg.m. marking for expected 1sg:

كن اطاغيا اك (57) nək i-ɣaṭ=a ka I 3-become.angry=res neg ‘I isn’t angry’

3.2.1.2 2nd person marking

The 2sg. is often represented with only a t- prefix, which makes it look identical to the 3sg.f. prefix.

س ﻼيعزت غان اويدا (58) X t-əzʕil=a naɣ əddiwa X 2-become.angry=res or what ‘X (name of male addressee), are you angry or what?’ س انيشت ةناطرأ وك غان اويدزأ (59) X t-əššin=a ərṭana ku naɣ əz=ddiwa? X 2sg-know=res. jargon you or with=what? ‘X, do you know the jargon or how much?’

In Paradisi’s material, əz-ddiwa means ‘how much?’ (litt. ‘with what’); here, it might be understood as ddiwa ‘what?’, or as a question about how much Awjili the other person knows. The original Berber marking t-…-t is less commonly also still attested.

ول ناك تيوشت نيما ناوزا كماق نيكشا نﻼجا ا س (60) lukan t-əšwi-t imin əẓwan qamak a=ški-n əžlan a=X if 2sg-drink:pf-2sg water palms now fut=leave-3pl words voc=X ‘If you drink lagbi, words will immediately leave (you), O X’ ههههه اكيتبجعت اك وك ههههههه (61) hhhh t-əʕžəb-t=iy={k}a ka ku hhhhhh LOL 2-please-2sg=DO.1sg=res neg you LOL ‘LOL I don’t like you LOL’

For 2pl.m. marking, the prefix is t- as expected, but in some cases, this takes -n rather than expected -m:

انيحبصت يلع ريخ (62) t-əṣbəḥ-in=a ʕla xer

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2-pass.morning-pl=res on good ‘May you pass the morning in peace (ie “Good night”)’ س سيني مكليلب انافنت اك وليق ديا هلجوﻻا (63) X y-ən=is bəlil-kəm t-ənfa-n=a ka gilu id=ložəla X 3-say=IO.3sg all-2plm 2-be.useful-3pl=res neg Jalu and= Awjila ‘X said: You all don’t benefit Jalu and Awjila.’

This looks like a calque of Arabic, in which the plural suffixes in 2pl. and 3pl. imperfective affixes happen to be identical. More commonly, the marking is as expected:

ناكو مييلغتا نارك تجاحلنا ميمصوصت اك (64) u=kan ət-ɣəlli-m kəra n=əlḥažət t-ṣuṣm-im ka and=if 2-want-2pl some of=thing 2-be.quiet-2pl neg ‘And if you pl. want something, don’t be quiet.’

3.2.1.3 3pl.m. marking

3pl.m. is often represented with a circumfix y-...-ən, rather than the original -ən attested in Paradisi’s material. This parallels the situation in Siwi, also probably due to Arabic influence (Souag 2013:47).

نيزم نلغي تيراغت (65) [a]məẓẓin y-əɣəlli-n təɣarit children 3-want-3pl stick ‘The kids want the stick.’ ننارقما اننشي اك سيفلا كوب نييلغيا نم نسدملشا (66) aməqqranən y-əššən-(i)n=a ka əlfesbuk i-ɣəlliy-ən man(i) i-šəlməd=isin old.ones 3-know-3pl=res neg Facebook 3-know-3pl who 3-teach=IO.3pl ‘The old people don’t know Facebook, they need someone to teach them.’ سراغ سابا دا ساما دا سانان انينشي خنلجا (67) ɣar-əs abba-s id=əmma id=nana-s y-əššən-in=a əžlan=n-ax to-3sg father-3sg and=mother/brother-3sg and=grandmother= 3sg 3- know-3pl=res language=of-1pl ‘He has his father and his mother/brother and his grandmother, they know our language.’

However, the original form is also attested:

نسدبا ديا نسدما ناوش تليقرا (68) abba-tsən id əmma-tsən šwa-n ərgilət father-3pl and mother-3pl drink:pf-3pl hookah ‘Their father and mother smoked (drank) the hookah.’

3.2.1.4 Feminine plural marking

Feminine plurals rarely occur in this corpus, but one of the few examples shows loss of feminine plural agreement:

يلغتا سينتا نوينقم انفني اك (69) ət-ɣəlli (a=)t-n=is (t)məgniwin y-ənf-in=a ka 3sgf-want (fut=)3sgf-say=IO.3sg women 3-become.useful-3pl=res neg ‘She wants/ought to say that women are not useful.’

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To complement the more naturalistic data otherwise used, one author asked the group for paradigms, which two members kindly provided. One gave a full conservative in ن paradigm, in the resultative (‘has laughed’), whose only anomaly, an unexpected 2f.pl., may just be a typographical error (m and n are adjacent on the Arabic keyboard): 10

sg. pl. n-əṭṣa=ya اياصطتن əṭṣi-x=a اخيصطا 1 t-əṭṣa-m=a اماصطت t-əṭṣi-t=a m اتيصطت 2 t-əṭṣi-m{n}it=a اتينميصطت f

əṭṣa-n=a اناصطا y-əṭṣa=ya اياصطي 3m

əṭṣa-nit=a اتيناصطا t-əṭṣa=ya اياصطت 3f

Table 4. Elicited conservative paradigm The other, however (for perfective ‘laughed’), systematically lost feminine plural forms, despite maintaining the 1sg/pl distinction and the 2sg/3f distinction:

sg. pl.

ən-ṭṣa اصطنا əṭṣa اصطا 1 i-ṭṣa-n ناصطيا əṭṣi-t m تيصطا 2

f? i-ṭṣa-n ناصطيا i-ṭṣa اصطا 3m i-ṭṣa-n ناصطا t-əṭṣa اصطت 3f

Table 5. Elicited paradigm with attrition11

3.2.1.5 The subject relative form

Like many Berber languages, there is a special type of verbal marking known as the Subject Relative form (often called ‘participle’ in the literature). This form is used when the head of the relative clause functions as the subject of the relative clause. In Awjila, it is morphologically identical to the 3pl.m. form -ən and does not agree in number or gender (Van Putten 2014: 73). It is attested several times in the Facebook Awjila corpus, eg in 23 or:

تاعفرا ميكنيسف تاعداو ميكنيبر س قميا مآ اوما انيقلع (70) ərfəʕ-at fissən=nə-kim w=ədʕ-at rəbbi=nə-kim X a=y-əmməg am am=wa ʕləq- in=a

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raise:imp-2plm hands=of-2plm and=pray:imp-2plm God=of-2plm X fut=3- become like ike=PMPH:ms hang:res-ptc=res ‘raise your hands and pray to your God that X will become like this: hanged’ (under a picture of X in a noose)

However, subject relative clauses in this corpus frequently instead use finite forms, eg 26 or:

ينقام ناو يلغي لمعي سيس (71) mag=i-nni wan y-əɣəlli y-əʕməl si-s? where=3-be.at rel 3-want 3-act with-3sg ‘Where are those who want to act on it?’

3.2.2 Tense/aspect marking

The Awjila language has a fairly complex, and markedly more extensive morphological tense/aspect system than Libyan Arabic. Morphologically, it distinguishes a imperative stem, a future stem (conventionally labelled future, but used for wider irrealis contexts), a perfective stem, an imperfective stem, and finally a resultative stem derived from the perfective. This differs significantly from Libyan Arabic, which only distinguishes an imperative, perfective and imperfective among finite forms, and uses a participle to indicate the resultative. The Libyan imperfective thus normally translates both the Awjili imperfective stem and the Awjili future stem. In this corpus, the imperative, imperfective, perfective, and resultative are all well- preserved, including irregular forms, as shown below: Imperative

خاي دغايو موصقا مغولا ما سنوفا (72) yax u=yaɣid əqṣum aluɣəm am afunas take:imp and=bring:imp meat camel like bull ‘take (the money) and bring meat of the camel like the bull’

Imperfective

يلغنا ءارك نيويا خاسوا ركاتيا تارابلا (73) ən-ɣəlli kəra iwin usax i-takər əlbarat 1-want neg one dirty 3sg.m.-steal:impf money ‘I do not want someone dirty who steals money’

Perfective

كلاب نافوي طنح موصقلا (74) balək y-ufa-n ḥənṭ(a) əlqṣum maybe 3-find:pf-3pl bit meat ‘Maybe they found a bit of meat’

Resultative

هللا همحري نيو انيومي ملسو انيردو (75) əḷḷah y-ərḥəm win y-əmmuy-in=a w=səlləm wi ddər-in=a God 3m-forgive rel 3m-die:res-3pl=res. and=preserve PMPH: mpl live-3pl=res ‘God forgive those who have died, and preserve those who are (still) alive.’

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The weak point of the system under attrition is one for which one-to-one translation equivalence is missing: while the imperfective seems to be well-preserved, the future form seems to be unstable for many posters. However, it is replaced not by the imperfective but by the perfective, following the widespread Berber-internal trend (partially motivated by the ă/ə merger) to merge irrealis forms (the aorist and the imperative) with the perfective rather than calquing Arabic.12 The future stem and perfective stem are generally identical, but in Paradisi’s material the future stem is always preceded by a future marker a=. In some cases, this is preserved:

اويد يلغي قييا نيكيسم (76) ddiwa y-əɣəlli a=y-igg, msəykin what 3-want fut=3-do:fut. poor.guy ‘What does he want to do, the poor guy?’ ودنا ناق شونا خانليلب وشنا (77) əndu gan a=n-uš bəlil-nax a=n-šu if there fut=1pl.-come:fut all=1pl fut=1pl-drink:fut ‘if there is (some), we will come, all of us will drink’ وك ينام ناشع خاوشا كديا (78) ku mani ʕašan a=šwa-x idd-ək you who so.that fut=drink:fut-1sg with-2sgm ‘Who are you that I should drink with you?’

As these examples show, not only the prefix a= but also the future stem are correctly used; for instance, šwa- only occurs in fut.1sg. and pf.3sg.m/3pl.m., and its pf.1sg. would be šwi-x. It thus seems that not only the prefix but also the stem form is retained correctly. In many other cases, however, it is unambiguously absent, eg 82 or:

كن يلغن داعن (79) nək n-ɣəlli n-ʕadd I 1-want 1-go ‘I want/need to go.’ وك رغ ديغاي ينكنو اوشن (80) ku ɣer yaɣid u=nəkkəni n-əšwa (/ n-šu ?) you just bring:imp and=we 1-drink ‘you, just bring (it) and we will drink’ سيكفا سنوفا غن مغولا شرغي ت (81) afk=is afunas naɣ aluɣəm y-əɣrəš=t give=IO.3sg. bull or camel 3-slaughter=DO.3sgm ‘Give him a bull or a camel to slaughter.’

Insofar as the transcription allows us to distinguish the future stem from the perfective, it seems that the future is expressed in such cases with what in traditional Awjili would have been the perfective stem:

خيلغ اكخيشت تكورت (82) ɣəlli-x čči-x=ka tarawəkt want-1sg eat:pf-1sg=neg polenta ‘I do not want to eat polenta.’ (traditional future ‘I eat’: a=čča-x, with -a-)

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3.2.3 Direct object clitics

In Paradisi’s materials (Van Putten 2014:109), the 3sg direct object clitics are as follows: m. =t (res. =ti=ya), f. =tət (res. =tit=a). In this corpus, however, 3sg.m. varies freely between =t and =ti, with the latter rather frequent: thus the same poster describing the same cartoon on the same day wrote both:

يلغي يتشرغي (83) y-əɣəlli y-əɣrəš=t/=ti 3-want 3-slaughter=DO.3sgm ‘He wants to kill him.’

The variant =ti occasionally also occurs with plural referents for expected =tən m., eg:

يترطنن نهليلب (84) n-ənṭər=ti bəlil-hən 1-leave=DO.3sgm all-3plf ‘We will leave them all alone.’

3.3 Negation

Awjili is one of the few Berber languages to have reached Stage III of Jespersen’s Cycle; negation is normally formed simply by suffixing the clitic ka to the head of the predicate, verbal or otherwise. In this corpus, only one synchronically unanalysable خشرو trace of the former preverbal negative was observed: the discourse particle wərššəx < *wər ššən-əx ‘I don’t know’. However, in emphatic contexts the postverbal negator is often not ka but kəra, previously attested only with the meanings ‘thing, nothing’ (see above) except in a couple of problematic examples discussed in Van Putten (2014:220):

يلغنا ءارك نيويا خاسوا ركاتيا تارابلا (85) ən-ɣəlli kəra iwin usax i-takər əlbarat 1-want neg one dirty 3sg.m.-steal:impf money ‘I do not want someone dirty who steals money’ ينكن يلغنا ءارك نيويا شويا برخي خنويلف ختﻼج (86) nəkkəni ən-ɣəlli kəra iwin a=y-uš y-əxrəb fəlliw-nax žla[n=n-]ax we 1-want neg one fut=3sgm-come:fut 3sgm-mess.up on-1pl words=of-1pl ‘We do not want someone to come and mess up our language on us.’ ودنا مكرغ يلغنا ناقز تتفطت ارك خنويلف (87) əndu ɣar-kim ən-ɣəlli z=gan təṭṭəf-t=tət kəra fəlliw-nax if to-2plm 1-want from=there keep:impf-2sg=DO.3sgf neg on-1pl ‘If you have some, I want (some) from it - do not withhold it from us.’

This construction is certainly an archaism, confirming that, as expected on general grounds, ka is historically a shortening of kəra. In most Berber languages, postverbal negative particles do not combine with negative polarity items such as ‘nothing’, ‘no one’, ‘never’, ‘not yet’. This seems to be true of the present corpus for ‘nothing’:

ىنيشي ادول (88) y-əššin=a luda 3-know:res=res nothing

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‘He knows nothing.’

However, they do appear to combine here with ‘no one / anyone’, depending on the exact translation of the following:

سراغ ءارك ادح سيدملشي (89) ɣar-əs kəra ḥiddan y-əšəlməd=is to-3sg neg anyone 3sgm-teach=IO.3sg ‘She has no one to teach her.’ (or: ‘Doesn’t she have anyone to teach her?’) ناق اك ادح افشأ غان اويدا (90) gan ka ḥiddan ašfa naɣ əddiwa? there neg anyone today or what ‘Is there no one there today, or what?’

4. New lexical data

While the new material provides a substantial number of previously unattested words, most are Arabic loans straightforwardly corresponding to modern Libyan forms and thus of little historical interest. Nevertheless, some stand out.

4.1 Words with Berber cognates

The following previously unattested forms are of clear Berber origin:

’ašuf ‘wadi وشا ف The vowel in this word shows unexplained variation across Berber: Zenatic suf (eg Mzab, Delheure 1984) versus Middle Atlas Berber, Tashelhiyt, Kabyle asif (Oussikoum 2013; Sabir 2010: s.v. río; Dallet 1982).13 Apparently, Awjila aligns with Zenatic in this respect, despite having preserved the prefix. ’ininat ‘trivet-stones تانينا Cp. Ouargli inni ‘pierre du foyer’ (Delheure 1987); the plural suffix -at is Arabic. ’ləqṣum ‘meat قلا موص Paradisi gives ksúm, but for reasons unknown, in the Facebook corpus, this word almost always has the Arabic article, and the first two consonants are usually emphatic (but contrast ex. 7, 8). This can perhaps be explained as an “expressive” formation of the word ksúm: for expressive formations, Berber occasionally introduces unetymological consonants into Berber words which are otherwise almost exclusively restricted to Arabic loanwords (Kossmann 2013: 199), and the resulting expressive words sometimes replace the unmarked words from which they were originally derived. ’tillimt ‘yarn ميليت ت Presumably a deverbal noun from əlləm‘spin’, attested in Paradisi. ( ةبياط ط ةرقهب حلب ) ’əṭṭigən ‘partly ripe dates نقيطا Cf. Siwi aṭṭeg ‘half-ripe date’ (Naumann ms), Ouargli uṭṭig ‘type of date, half-ripe date’. ’t-utig=a ‘to put on one’s head قيتوت ى Cf. Middle Atlas Berber aty ‘id.’ Context:

تيراي يريجيت ىقيتوت (91) yarayt tižiri t-utig=a

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if.only rope 3sgf-put.on.head=res ‘If only the rope would be around (lit. on) his head’ (a wish to hang a murderer)

’(.abu-fiddən ‘locust (sp نيدفوبا , ندفوبا This seems to combine the Arabic prefix abu- ‘possessor of (m.)’ (widely borrowed into Berber) with the Berber noun fiddən ‘knees’. Neologisms tagrawla ﻻورقات Alongside these, we observe some neologisms; the pan-Berber creation təgrawliyən ‘revolutionaries’, and نيلوارقت revolution’ occurs more than once, yielding‘ in one case azul fəllawən ‘greetings’ is used. A more local creation, presumably aqažiṭ طجاقا نارقما :originally used as cryptic language, also reflects recent history aməqqran ‘the big rooster = Gaddafi’. A particularly playful neologism, used only once in qlazənism ‘lies-ism’, with what appears to be a borrowed English مسينزﻼق the corpus, is morpheme attached to an Awjili stem.

4.2 Words of uncertain etymology

A number of forms in this corpus have no known cognates. Some of these may be of Berber origin, while others might be loans from not yet identified sources:

’abuzi ‘large ant يزوبا ’asəlhu ‘food sp. made from dates, nuts, flour, and oil وهلسأ ’aviriw / afiriw ‘feed trough made from a split palm trunk ويريفا (əmnašrəq/g ‘Isha’ (prayer time at the start of the night قرشانما ’mžawən ‘nearly ripe dates نواجم ’(?q/gruz ‘middle of the house (atrium زورق ’Etfegi> ətfəggi ‘palm orchard> يقفتا ’təmaɣalt ‘bad-quality dates تلاغمت , تلاغامت ’təbəklilt ‘palm spathe تليلكبت ’.təməlkimt ‘bird sp تميكلمت ’təs(ə)q/guṭ, pl. -in ‘braid طوقست ’(timikurt ‘furrow (for planting seeds تروكيميت .əvdrirən ‘palm fiber’. This resembles the verb res. 3sg.m. yəvrúr=a 3pl.m ج نريردجا : v vrirín=a ‘to be fetilized (a palm)’, but if linked, the expected mening would be ‘pollen’ .( فيل ) ’rather than ‘palm fiber ,əš)šišši ‘(grilled) meat’. This seems to be onomatopoeic) شلا شي , شيش ,ششي representing the hissing of meat as it grills; cf. Siwi jiji ‘piece of meat (baby talk)’ (Souag, field data).

4.3 Arabic loans

While most Arabic loans are straightforward reflexes of their modern Libyan counterparts, a few show features unexpected for the region and are worthy of specific notice:

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a)lafit ‘well-being’. The loss of ʕ in this word suggests that it was borrowed from) تيفلأ Arabic al-ʕāfiyah at a relatively early date, before pharyngeals became well-established in Awjila (Van Putten & Benkato fthc.). aḥ(əm)mas ‘friend’. If this derives from Arabic ḥamās ‘zeal’, the semantic shift is سامحا obscure. təḥəbbit ‘heart’. Presumably related to Arabic ḥabbah ‘grain’, or less probably to تيبحت ḥubb ‘love’; the semantic shift is unexpected in either case. təḥaditt ‘bracelet’, presumably from Arabic ḥadīd ‘iron’, but with unexpected تيداحت semantics. təxatimt ‘ring’. This otherwise unproblematic loan from Arabic xātam تميتاخت exemplifies the regular sound change ə >i, previously attested only in Berber vocabulary (cf. Van Putten 2013: 239). َ a?/ə?)srawil ‘trousers (sg.)’. Like Siwi srawilən, this word must have been) أ ْس َر وا ِ لي ْ borrowed from sarāwīl, obsolete as a singular, before the singular form sirwāl became dominant, cf. Souag (2013: 61). sətti ‘six’. Like Siwi sətti, this word seems to show an unexpected -i in place of ىتس could in principle represent a, but in that case one would expect a ى Classical -ah. The . ةتس transcription əsməyyət=ənnəs ‘his/her name’. Ultimately a loan from Arabic, but Libyan سنتيمسا Arabic smayya only means ‘namesake’, though the appropriate sense is well-attested elsewhere, eg Moroccan smiya (Harrell 1966), Siwi ssməyyət.

4.4 Phatic speech

Greetings and polite phrases are frequently given short shrift in descriptive materials oriented towards the needs of academic linguists, but are crucial for learning and revitalisation. The Facebook data, unlike Paradisi, is rich in such forms. These are often borrowed as wholes from Arabic, but exceptions include:

(’a=sal-ax fəllikim ‘greetings’ (lit. ‘I greet you مكيلف خلاسا , ميكنلاحلا اويد , مكنلاح يد , مكناحلا يد ميكنلاحلا يدا .əddi (l)ḥal=ənnək, pl. addr كنلاح يد ’?əddi(wa) (əl)ḥa(l)=nəkim ‘how are you ميكنأ لاحلا يدإ ’?əddi lḥal n=əlhil ‘how is the family ليهلن لاح ليد ’?yak (a)lafit əmri-t ‘you are well, I hope تيرمأ تيفلأ كاي .ʕagbət (əl)yazən ‘many happy returns!’ (lit نزاي تبقعلا , نزايلا ةبقع , نزايلا ةبقع ‘returns next year!’), used on festivals qqimat s=(a)lafit ‘goodbye’ (lit. ‘stay تيفﻼس تاميق .qqim s=(a)lafit, pl. addr تيفﻼس ميق well’) ’lakka əd=badri ay=uma ‘It’s still early, brother امويأ يردبدإ اكﻻ ’təɣɣaš-kəm lʕəlla ‘I love you very much ﻼعلا مكشاغط , ﻼعلا مكشاغت

5. Methodological issues

The corpus being used here poses a number of difficulties related to its nature as the proceedings of a social media forum. Such difficulties are in many cases relevant not

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only to this specific study, but to the use of social media corpora in linguistics more generally.

5.1 Limitations of the corpus

The corpus examined here is not an ideal data source. The lack of a conventionalized spelling of Awjili, and the neutralisation of some phonemic contrasts in the Arabic transcription used, creates analytical difficulties, especially since there is no video or audio. Transcriptions are thus approximate, reducing the usefulness of any new vocabulary gleaned. More significantly, the people most likely to be using Facebook –literate, younger, relatively affluent, frequently communicating with outsiders– are almost by definition the group least likely to represent traditional language use. A fieldworker on the ground would prioritise working with the elderly non-Facebook-users whom these groups’ members identify as the best speakers, as in the following quote:

يلغنا ندما ننارقما اننشي خنلجا انت كلد نانو اندملشا .. ən-ɣəlli amədən aməqqran-ən y-əššən-in=a əžlan=nn-ax t-ənna dilak, winan a=šəlməd-ən=na ‘We want old people who know our language to be here, ones who can teach us...’ reply:

ننارقما اننشي اك سيفلا كوب نييلغيا نم نسدملشا aməqqran-ən y-əššən-in=a ka əlfesbuk i-ɣəlli-n mani i-šəlməd=isin ‘The old don’t know Facebook, they need someone to teach them.’

Without such fieldwork, it is hard to determine whether any given unexpected form represents a previously undocumented aspect of traditional Awjili, or just an artefact of imperfect language acquisition among younger Arabic-dominant speakers. For vocabulary, a touchstone is available –non-Arabic forms are unlikely to be new– but for grammar, the distinction is often impossible to draw. At most, it is possible to determine which of the posters diverges most from traditional grammar, and examine the inter-poster distribution of such forms.

5.2 Advantages of the corpus

Despite its limitations, material gathered online from social media has one advantage over more conventional fieldwork. Publicly viewable Facebook forums provide a large corpus of fairly naturally produced data, produced not for linguists’ consumption but for communication with other posters. The “observer’s paradox” (Labov 1972: 209) refers to the paradoxical situation where a researcher observes speakers in order to learn how they use language when they are not being observed. In the study of Facebook language usage, this paradox is circumvented, since the researcher is not explicitly present during the interaction (by the time one author joined the group and announced his presence, most postings had already been made). In writing, speakers typically have more time to plan their language production than in spontaneous speech, affecting the results. The written language production on these Facebook groups, however, is much less planned than that of ‘official’ written media.

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The text produced consists largely of conversations, and the presence of typos and vacillations in spelling even within a single sentence suggests that the posters are paying relatively little attention to form. This same conversational tone is also seen in the occasional Arabic messages on the Ašal=ənnax page, which are usually written in Libyan Arabic, not Modern Standard Arabic. Apart from its direct advantages, this corpus constitutes an endogenous effort at language revitalisation, increasing the unfortunately slim chances that this language will continue to be spoken long enough for a better corpus to be created. Since intergenerational transmission seems to have ceased for long enough that many young people no longer speak it, and that those who do speak it rate their own abilities as rather poor, these speakers’ project of reviving Awjili poses challenges. Given that Libya has no effective central government at the moment, a government-led top-down approach to language preservation and promotion is currently impossible. Even if such a government were to emerge, there is no guarantee that it would provide effective support for minority languages. The group Ašal=ənnax exemplifies a ‘do-it-yourself’ alternative: an attempt at bottom-up revitalisation, taking advantage of new social media without waiting for state intervention. Such initiatives, many of which have emerged in post-revolutionary Libya, require nothing more from the state than the freedom to post without fear. It remains to be seen whether such bottom-up revitalisation efforts will have any effect, although at the very least they extend the language’s use to a new domain. As Wright (2007: 171) point out, “there is no agreed approach to the preservation of languages that is is not nation building on a smaller scale and little successful LPLP ]Language Policy & Language Planning[ outside that framework.” However, the social media tools available have changed drastically even since 2007, and new approaches remain to be tested.

5.3 Purpose and political context of the corpus

It is remarkable that the corpus being studied exists at all. The members all seem more fluent in Arabic than in Awjili, and certainly more accustomed to writing the former. In large part, their decision to write in Awjili here reflects a desire to learn the language better, as seen in the introduction. This desire may well have existed earlier as part of a general interest in preserving local heritage, as suggested by remarks such as:

نا ءاش هللا عيطتسن ميدقت لك ام مهاسي يف ةداعا ةناطرلا ىلا اهناكم يلصﻻا نيب لك ءانبا ةليبق ةلجوﻻا ... اهنﻻ يه مها خيرات ليلدو ىلع نا ةلجوا ةميدق اااااادج ‘Inshallah we can present everything that can contribute to bringing back the jargon to its original place among all the sons of the tribe of Awjila... because it is the most important history and proof that Awjila is veeeeery ancient.’

However, understanding its emergence into the public domain requires examination of the wider ideological context. In accordance with his version of pan-Arabism, Gaddafi marginalised Libya’s minority languages. Not only was the use of Berber discouraged, but its existence was actively denied (Kohl 2014: 5). While the revolution against Gaddafi’s government was initially most prominent in the eastern half of the country, opposition to his monocultural

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policy quickly helped rally Berber communities in the northwest against him. The important role played by Amazigh activists within the revolution was made conspicuous first by bilingual YouTube videos in which town assemblies proclaimed allegiance to the rebels, and later by Berber broadcasts on a rebel satellite channel (Lībyā al-’Aḥrār). The expression of linguistic diversity was thus deployed as a means of demonstrating commitment to the anti-Gaddafi cause. It has been paralleled at the popular level by extensive new minority language expression on digital media such as YouTube and Facebook, usually combined –as here– with expressions of anti-Gaddafi political opinion. After their victory in late 2011, differences among the former rebels would become increasingly prominent, finally breaking out into small-scale war in 2014. As of the time of writing (early 2015), Libya has two competing governments both claiming de jure legitimacy, coexisting with many de facto sovereign militias. Since mid-2014, Berber areas of the northwest have sided with the General National Congress, while the east is dominated by the Council of Deputies. One may assume that this change in the political context has also changed the semiotic value of public displays of Berber identity. If so, it is striking that the rate of posting on this group slowed to a crawl after mid-2014, with just four new posts in the course of six months. However, the posts in question offer no direct indications of the cause of this slowdown, which might simply be connected to Libya’s increasingly frequent power outages.

6. Conclusions

Despite major difficulties, this corpus significantly supplements our knowledge of Awjili. It not only furnishes a number of previously unattested lexical items, including a couple of dozen of non-Arabic origin, but also makes it possible to describe the grammar of the language as used in an informal, conversational, multi-speaker context very different from that reflected by Paradisi’s texts. Its contributions to our knowledge of Awjili grammar can be divided into two classes: inherited constructions coincidentally absent from previous materials, new constructions resulting from imperfect learning alone, and new constructions resulting from the impact of Arabic. Inherited ones include 3sg.m. direct object clitic =ti, relativisers wan/win, locative ṭan, negator and quantifier kəra, and probably the usage of mani ‘who?’ to form free relative clauses. Imperfect learning is probably responsible for the regularisation of some plurals and the loss of feminine plural agreement, and perhaps for the incipient loss of the aorist. The impact of Arabic in these posters’ grammar, however –already significant in traditional Awjili– is staggering: genitive formation by simple juxtaposition, sporadic usage of Arabic pronominal possessives and locative prepositions, a universal quantifier bəlil- together with its agreement suffixes, extensive reworking of verbal agreement affixes, and incipient loss of the participle and the predicative marker. The reworking of verbal agreement is particularly remarkable, insofar as bound inflectional morphology is normally one of the least vulnerable domains to external influence (Moravcsik 1978). Even the best corpus of Facebook postings is no substitute for hearing the language spoken. Nevertheless, in situations where fieldwork is effectively impossible, due attention to comparative data can make such materials useful even for quite poorly

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documented languages, revealing new aspects of language use and suggesting avenues for future research in the event of a change in the situation.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Central Intelligence Agency (2013). The World Factbook 2013-14. Washington, DC: Central Intelligence Agency.

Dallet J.-M. (1982). Dictionnaire kabyle-français. Parler des At Mangellat, Algérie. Paris: SELAF.

Delheure J. (1984). Aǧraw n yiwalen tumẓabt t-tfransist / Dictionnaire mozabite-français. Paris: SELAF.

Delheure, J. (1987). Agerraw n iwalen teggargarent-tarumit / Dictionnaire ouargli-français. Paris: SELAF.

Fishman J. A. (1991). Reversing language shift, Clevedon, UK, Multilingual Matters Ltd.

Greenberg Joseph H. (1963). “Some Universals of Grammar with Particular Reference to the Order of Meaningful Elements”, in J.H. Greenberg (ed.) Universals of Human Language. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 73-113.

Harrell R. (1966). A dictionary of Moroccan Arabic: Arabic-English. Washington, DC: Georgetown University.

Heath J. (2006). Dictionnaire touareg du Mali. Tamachek-anglais-français. Paris: Karthala.

Joffe G. (2014). “Minorities in the new Libya”, in M. Ennaji (ed.) Multiculturalism and Democracy in North Africa Aftermath of the Arab Spring. Abingdon: Routledge.

Kohl I. (2014). “Libya’s ‘Major Minorities’. Berber, Tuareg and Tebu: Multiple Narratives of Citizenship, Language and Border Control”, Middle East Critique 23:4: 1-16.

Kossmann M. (1999). Essai sur la phonologie du proto-berbère. Köln: Rüdiger Köppe.

Kossmann M. (2005). Berber Loanwords in Hausa. (Berber Studies v. 12). Köln: Rüdiger Köppe.

Labov W. (1972). Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia: Uni-versity of Pennsylvania.

Moravcsik E. (1978). “Universals of language contact”, in J.H. Greenberg (ed.) Universals of Human Language. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 94-122.

Müller F. (1827). “Vocabulaire du langage des habitants -d’Audjelah”, in J.-R. Pacho (ed.) Relation d’un voyage dans la Marmarique, la Cyrénaïque, et les Oasis d’Audjelah et de Maradèh, accompagnée de Cartes géographiques et topographique, et de Planches, représentant les Monuments de ces contrées. Paris: Didot, 319-352.

Oussikoum B. (2013). Dictionnaire Amazighe-Français. Le parler des Ayt Wirra. Moyen Atlas - Maroc. Rabat: IRCAM.

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Owens J. (1984). A Short Reference Grammar of Eastern Libyan Arabic. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

Paradisi U. (1960). “Il berbero di Augila, Materiale lessicale”, Rivista degli Studi Orientali 35: 157– 177.

Paradisi U. (1961). “Testi berberi di Augila (Cirenaica)”, Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli 10: 79–91.

Paradisi U. (1963). “Il linguaggio berbero di El-Fóqăha (Fezzân). Testi e materiale lessicale”, Annali. Nuova Serie 13: 93-126.

Plank F. & Schellinger W. (1997). “The Uneven Distribution of Genders over Numbers: Greenberg Nos. 37 and 45”, Linguistic Typology 1: 53-101.

Putten M. van. (2013). “Some Notes on the Development of Awjila Berber Vowels”, Nordic Journal of African Studies 22(4) : 236-255.

Putten M. van. (2014). A Grammar of Awjila Berber (Libya) Based on Umberto Paradisi’s Work (Berber Studies v. 41). Köln: Rüdiger Köppe.

Putten M. van. (2015). “Reflexes of the Proto-Berber glottal stop in Nefusa and Ghadames”. Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 105: 303-314.

Putten M. van. & Benkato A. (fthc.). “The Arabic Strata in Awjila Berber”, in A. Al-Jallad (ed.) Arabic in Context. Leiden & Boston: Brill.

Sabir A. (2010). Taknarit. Diccionario Español - Amasigh, Amasigh - Español. Rabat: Imprimerie Al Maarif Al-Jadida.

Souag L. (2013). Berber and Arabic in Siwa (Egypt). A Study in Linguistic Contact. (Berber Studies v. 37). Köln: Rüdiger Köppe.

Souag L. (2014). “Writing ‘Shelha’ in new media: Emergent non-Arabic literacy in Southwestern Algeria”, in M. Mumin and K. Versteegh (eds.), The Arabic Script in Africa: Studies on the Usage of a Writing System. Leiden: Brill, 91-104.

Wright S. (2007). “Language policy and language planning”, in C. Llamas, L. Mullany & P. Stockwell (eds.) The Routledge Companion to Sociolinguistics. London & New York: Routledge, 164-172.

NOTES

1. We would like to thank Adam Benkato for providing information about Eastern Libyan Arabic from his fieldwork, elucidating some region--specific loanwords in the corpus. We also thank the Awjili-speaking members of these groups, and in particular those who took the time to answer our questions and allowed us to join them, for their generosity. 2. URL: https://www.facebook.com/groups/319672314747872/, viewed 18 February 2014 - 28 February 2015. At the time of writing, there were approximately 1200 Facebook messages written in Awjili Berber. Most messages are single sentences. Some of the messages are slightly longer paragraphs of text or wordlists. 3. The phonemic representation of the Awjili text is based on the analysis of the phonology of Paradisi’s material as presented in Van Putten (2014). 4. URL: https://www.facebook.com/AmazyghAwjltTmazyghNTnyry/, viewed 18 February 2014 - 28 February 2015.

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5. URL: https://www.facebook.com/groups/group2alamazeg/, viewed 18 February 2014 - 28 February 2015. 6. In this paper, we mostly follow the glossing conventions used in Van Putten (2014). However, which stem a verb belongs to is marked only when unambiguous. Moreover, in this corpus y- is used for 3pl. as well as 3sg.m., and hence is glossed 3-; n- now stands for both 1sg and 1pl, and hence is glossed 1-; and the old 3pl.m. -ən no longer marks gender, and hence is glossed 3pl. 7. It is especially striking that word-final long vowels in closed syllables are not written. In Paradisi’s material, such final syllables are always transcribed as accented. This might suggest Awjila has undergone an accent shift, or, more likely, that Paradisi misheard vowels as accented in this context, as he seems to have done for Zwara Berber (Van Putten 2014: 50). 8. aməẓẓin=nax would be the expected form if it did not have a final -ən; the possessive clitics in Awjila, while normally starting with =ənn start with n with following a noun that ends in n (Van Putten 2014: 115). 9. This looks like a f.sg. stative ending, unexpectedly attached to the m.sg. adjective rather than to the stative verb from which it derives. 10. This gives a complete paradigm of the resultative forms of verbs with a final variable vowel, from which the perfective paradigm can be deduced. In previous material the 1pl. and 2pl.f. were unattested (Van Putten 2014: 75). 11. This paradigm is perhaps easier to understand as an imperfective, e.g. iṭəṣṣa, ənṭəṣṣa, iṭəṣṣan, but it is equated by the informant as being equivalent to the Arabic perfective paradigm of ḍaḥika ‘to laugh’. 12. See, for example, Siwi (Souag 2013: 183). 13. For a discussion, and a proposed historical explanation of this variation see Van Putten (2015).

ABSTRACTS

Awjila Berber is a highly endangered Berber variety spoken in eastern Libya. The minimal material available on it reveals that the language is in some respects very archaic and in others grammatically unique, and as such is of particular comparative and historical interest. Fieldwork has been impossible for decades due to the political situation. Recently, however, several inhabitants of Awjila have set up a Facebook group Ašal=ənnax (“our village”), posting largely in Awjili. Analysis of this partly conversational corpus makes it possible to extend our knowledge of the language, yielding unattested words and constructions. Examination of its grammatical features also reveals that these posters’ usage is heavily influenced by Arabic, showing language attrition absent from earlier data; even subject-verb agreement has been extensively reworked. In both respects, this study casts light upon the uses and limits of social media as a source of linguistic material.

Attrition et renouveau dans le berbère Awjila. Les messages Facebook comme nouvelle source de données pour une langue berbère en voie de disparition Le berbère d’Awjila est une langue de l’est de la Libye qui est en danger de disparition. Les rares données disponibles indiquent que cette langue a des traits très conservateurs et d’autres qui sont uniques dans le cadre des langues berbères. Elle est alors d’un intérêt exceptionnel pour les études comparatives et historiques. Pour des raisons politiques, aucune recherche sur le terrain

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n’a été possible depuis plusieurs décennies. Or plusieurs citoyens d’Awjila ont récemment créé un groupe sur Facebook, Ašal=ənnax (« notre village »), où ils écrivent en awjili. L’analyse de ce corpus, en partie conversationnel, nous permet d’élargir notre connaissance de cette langue et fournit des mots et des constructions inconnus auparavant. L’étude de ses traits grammaticaux révèle une grande influence arabe sur leur usage, et montre un degré d’attrition qui ne se trouve pas dans les anciennes données; y compris la transformation de l’accord du verbe avec le sujet. Ces résultats aident à mieux comprendre l’utilité et les limites des médias sociaux comme source de données linguistiques.

INDEX

Mots-clés: Awjila, Berbère, médias sociaux, Facebook, attrition des langues, revitalisation des langues, contact des langues, Libye, langues en danger Keywords: Awjila, Berber, social media, Facebook, language attrition, language revival, language contact, Libya, language endangerment

AUTHORS

MARIJN VAN PUTTEN Leiden University

LAMEEN SOUAG LACITO - CNRS / Paris-3 / INALCO

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The interplay of style, information structure and definiteness: Double indirect objects in Figuig Berber narratives

Maarten Kossmann

1 All Berber languages have a category indirect object, which is marked differently from other objects. Moreover, in most of them, indirect objects, different from other objects, allow for a construction known as “clitic doubling”, in which the same referent is expressed both lexically and pronominally. In this article, I shall study the contexts of clitic doubling in the Berber variety spoken in the oasis of Figuig in eastern Morocco. This language has been described by several authors, most notably Saa (2010, originally 1995), Kossmann (1997), Ben-Abbas (2003), Sahli (2008) and Benamara (2013). While doubling of indirect objects is sometimes mentioned, none of these sources provide an account of the distribution of the construction. There is no tradition of writing Figuig Berber, but a number of texts have been published, mostly in an academic context (e.g., Benamara 2011; Kossmann 2000: 104-125). The present article is based on one text genre, traditional narratives,2 and it is impossible to say to what extent the features analyzed here are specific to this genre or represent more general tendencies, also found, for instance, in conversational style.

1. Indirect object in Berber

2 In Figuig Berber, like in the other Berber languages, the indirect object has different expressions before nouns and with pronouns. Before nouns, it is expressed by a prepositional phrase using i,3 while pronominalization is realized by means of a special pronoun. This pronoun is part of the verbal clitics which, depending on their syntactic

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context, may stand after or before the verb. The following examples illustrate this basic structure:

(1) t-εəyyəḍ i mmi-s n wətna-s 4 3SG:F-call:PV IO son-3SG of sister-3SG ‘she called the son of her sister’ (2) i-ṛaḥ n wuday i-εəyyḍ=as=dd i-nna=yas 3SG:M-go:PV to Jew:AS 3SG:M-call:PV=3SG:IO=VENT 3SG:M-say: PV=3SG:IO ‘he went to a Jew, he called him and said to him’

3 The indirect object pronouns are morphologically different from direct object pronouns, and resemble the series of bound pronominal forms used after prepositions, compare the forms of the third person singular bound pronouns (simplified, for a full overview, see Kossmann 1997: 177-185):

Table 1: Bound 3sg pronouns

Direct object Indirect object after the preposition (a)kid- ‘with’

3SG:M ss ~ t ~ i as -s

3SG:F tt ~ it as -s

4 Based purely on morphology, it would be possible to analyze most indirect object pronouns as prepositions, with an allomorphy between i and a, i.e., as = a-s (cf. Bentolila 1981: 214). This is problematic on the morphosyntactic level, as the indirect object pronoun has different syntactic behavior than prepositions with pronominal suffixes. In the first place, prepositions with pronominal suffixes are the last member of the clitic cluster, following other clitics (example 3), while indirect object clitics are the first in the cluster (example 4), cf.

(3) iwa t-uṛəw=dd=akid-əs well 3SG:F-give.birth:PV=VENT=with-3SG ‘well she got a child with him’ (4) t-uṛw=aš=dd Qəṛnfəṭṭa 3SG:F-give.birth:PV=2SG:M:IO=VENT Goldhorn ‘she has given birth for you to Goldhorn’

5 Moreover, indirect objects allow for a construction, impossible with any other preposition, in which the preposition i is followed by a free pronoun, e.g.

(5) awy=axdd wala i nəšni idžən bring:AO:IMPTV:PL=1SG:IO also IO we one:M ‘bring (us) one to us too!’ (6) uš=i=tət=dd i nətš! give:AO:IMPTV:SG=1SG:IO=3SG:F:DO=1SG:IO IO I ‘give it to me’

6 Indirect objects convey that the object is involved in the event but only indirectly or partly affected by it.5 This has different implications with verbs of different semantic

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classes. In transfer verbs, the indirect object is the participant to(wards) which the transfer takes place, i.e., basically the recipient, e.g.

(7) y-uš=as ləḥwayəž nn-əs 3SG:M-give:PV=3SG:IO clothes of-3SG ‘he gave her her clothes’

7 This is different from locational constructions, in which the location towards which the transfer takes place is not involved in the event, cf. the difference between the following two examples with awəy ‘to carry toward’. In example (8), the transfer takes place towards a person, who–as the recipient–is involved in the action, while in example (9), the object tiddart ‘house’ is not involved, and the directional preposition l is used:

(8) uwy-ənt=as=dd səbεa n tməllalin bring:PV-3PL:F=3SG:IO=VENT seven of eggs:AS ‘they brought her seven eggs’ (9) t-iwy=it l tiddart nn-əs 3SG:F-bring:PV=3SG:F:DO to house of:3SG ‘she brought it to her house’

8 In verbs of speaking, the indirect object expresses the person towards whom the speech act is addressed,6 e.g.

(10) i-nna=yas 3SG:M-say:PV=3SG:IO ‘he said to her’ (11) t-uyyəy a=dasən=t-əfḍəḥ. 3SG:F-refuse:PV NR=3PL:M:IO=3SG:F-reveal:AO ‘she refused to reveal (it) to them’

9 Verbs that describe actions manipulating only part of the object typically take the indirect object.7 When the manipulated part is also mentioned, such expressions can often be translated into English as possessives.

(12) qqim i-tḥəssn=as i… i… i-tḥəssn=as DUR 3SG:M-cut.hair:IPV=3SG:IO 3SG:M-cut.hair:IPV=3SG:IO i Tyəmlult IO Tayemlult:AS ‘he started to cut ehh to cut Tayemlult’s hair (lit. to cut to Tayemlult)’ (13) i-nəkḍ=as=din aqəlqul nn-əs i… i lmuddən 3SG:M-cut.off:PV=3SG:IO=there head:FS of-3SG IO muezzin ‘he cut off the muezzin’s head (lit. he cut off his head to the muezzin’

10 When the object is manipulated as a whole (or conceptualized as such), the direct object is used, as shown by the use of the direct object aqəlqul ‘head’ in example (13).

11 Indirect objects are also used for the objects of non-visual perception events, such as “to understand (acoustically)”,8 “to feel” and “to hear”.9

(14) s tmaṛa ay das=fəhm-ən with difficulty FOC 3SG:IO=understand:PV-3PL:M ‘it was with difficulty that they understood her’ (context: they listen to what is said by a girl whose tongue has been cut off)

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(15) yawkan i-səll=as ann n nmalik then 3SG:M-hear:PV=3SG:IO that of king ‘then the king heard her’

12 Visual perception is constructed by means of a direct object, however:

(16) t-əmmatər yuma-s 3SG:F-see:AO brother-3SG ‘and she saw her brother’

13 Many verbs do not have an indirect object as an integral part of their event scheme, but can still be constructed with one. In such cases, the indirect object refers to a participant indirectly involved in, or affected by, the action. Most of such “ethical datives” have a benefactive or a malefactive connotation (cf. also Rapold 2010). Both connotations occur in the following passage, in which a father catches a bird for his son. The stepmother takes away the bird and kills it:

(17) ayu n ṭṭiṛ10 i-ṭṭf=as=dd ukk uyənn əhh i this of bird 3SG:M-hold:PV=3SG:IO=VENT IO that:AS IO mmi-s son-3SG iwa t-əkkər ayu n tməṭṭut n p̣p̣a-s well 3SG:F-rise:PV this of woman:AS of father-3SG t-əssəṛɣ=as=s t-əyr=as=s 3SG:F-burn:PV=3SG:IO=3SG:M:DO 3SG:F-throw=3SG:IO=3SG:M:DO ikk ləmsi. in fireplace ‘this bird, he took it for (i.e., to the benefit of) that one, ehh for his son. well, then the wife of his father burned it (to his detriment) and threw it (to his detriment) into the hearth’

14 Often the term “dative” is used to refer to what is called the indirect object here (e.g., Rapold 2010). This indicates that the transfer function is the central meaning, and that other meanings are associated to this. In Berber, the indirect object can be defined by means of a reasonably coherent meaning: the indirectly or partly affected object. As this seems to cover the entire usage range of the category, there is no need to establish a more restricted prototypical meaning.

2. Clitic doubling

15 It is possible to have several indirect objects expressed with one single verb, e.g.

(18) εəyyḍ-əmt=idd i tqəyyarin call:AO-2PL:F:IMPTV=1SG:IO IO girls:AS ‘call for me (to) the girls!’

16 In example (18) there are two indirectly affected participants: the girls to whom the calling is directed, and the first person, to the benefit of whom the action is to be performed. It is not possible to have several indirect object pronouns in one single clitic complex. In the case that two different indirect objects are both pronominalized, one of them has to be demoted to a prepositional phrase using di- ‘in’ (Kossmann 1997: 217),11 e.g.

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(19) day ɣərs=idd=di-s only slaughter:AO:IMPTV:SG=1SG:IO=in-3SG ‘just slaughter it for me’

17 The verb ɣrəs ‘to slaughter, to cut the throat to’ is constructed with an indirect object marking the slaughtered object. In example (19), there is a second indirect object, indicating the beneficiary of the slaughtering. In order to express both parti-cipants pronominally, one of the objects is put into a di- phrase.

18 Two indirect object phrases, one pronominal and one with a noun phrase, often cooccur in a single clause, while referring to the same indirect object, e.g.

(20) iwa uš-ənt=as ukk uyənn n əhh uyənn n well give:PV-3PL:F=3SG:IO IO that:AS of that:AS of twəssart ayu n nəεwərt. old.-woman:AS that of boy ‘well, they gave that boy to that ehh that old woman’

19 In example (20) the old woman is referred to both pronominally (as) and by the prepositional phrase ukk uyənn n twəssart ‘to that old woman’.

20 This phenomenon is known in syntactic literature as “(indirect object) clitic doubling” (cf. the discussion in Souag 2014). Although it may be more correct to speak of “coreferent pronominal and lexical expression of indirect objects”, I will use here the shorter and catchier term doubling.

21 In most cases, the prepositional phrase is within the same intonation contour as the verb. The lexical indirect object can be followed by other parts of the clause, e.g.

(21) qqim i-ssiṛiḍ=as ukk uyənn n tməṭṭut DUR 3SG:M-dress:IPV=3SG:IO IO that:AS of woman:AS ayənn n ilmawən that of hides ‘he started to dress this woman with these hides’ (lit. ‘make wear these hides to the woman’)

22 The construction also occurs within subordinate clauses, e.g.

(22) i das=i-ɣrəs ukk unn n tzərzərt when 3SG:IO=3SG:M-slaughter:PV IO that:AS of gazelle i-mmatər… 3SG:M-see:AO ‘when he had slaughtered the gazelle, he saw that…’ (23) iwa y-awəy ann n tənn əhh well 3SG:M-carry.to:AO that of that:SG:F das=ala=n-əssεiš i lmalik əhh amənsi 3SG:IO=NR=SR-feed:AO IO king dinner:FS ‘well, and he married the one ehh that would feed to the king ehh dinner’

23 One can conclude that the lexical indirect object is part of the core of the clause in this construction, and not some type of extraposition or afterthought (cf. also Ouali 2011: 131-133).

24 Clitic doubling only refers to the use of two referential expressions of the indirect object in the core of the clause. This is different from topicalization, which is

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peripheral to the clause. Berber is basically Verb-initial, but has a topicalization position that precedes the sentence. The topic is syntactically, and often intonationally, kept apart from the core (cf. Lafkoui 2011: 119ff.), and the topic is referred to pronominally in the core, e.g.

(24) yəmma-tnəx əhh ləhḍəṛt nn-əs t tazdatt mother-1PL speech of-3SG PRED thin:SG:F:FS ‘our mother, ehh, her voice is delicate’ (25) yah ann n mmi-s t-əssrus=i well that of son-3SG 3SG:F-put.down:IPV=3SG:M:DO ‘well, her son, she always laid him down’ (26) wətna-s y-uš=as lqaləb n ssəkkwar sister-3SG 3SG:M-give:PV=3SG:IO sugar.loaf of sugar ‘his sister, he gave her a sugar loaf’

25 This is different from clitic doubling with indirect objects. While pronominal reference in topicalization is also found with direct objects and prepositional objects, this is impossible in the core of the clause, where only indirect object doubling is allowed.

26 Souag (2014) provides a comprehensive cross-dialectal overview of indirect object clitic doubling in Berber, as well as a historical account of its development.12 As he shows, the incidence of the phenomenon shows important variation within the Berber language family. In some languages it is almost obligatory with lexically expressed indirect objects, and can be considered a kind of agreement, e.g., in Siwa (Souag 2014). In other languages, such as Niger Tuareg, it is ungrammatical (Kossmann 2011: 122). Most Berber languages are in between: they allow for both constructions. Souag, mostly basing himself on published text corpora, concludes that, within the group allowing for both constructions, there are important dialectal differences as to their frequency. Some languages have it very often, e.g., Kabyle, while it is quite rare in others, such as Tashelhiyt (cf. also Rapold 2010: 353-354). Finally, studying the usage of clitic doubling, he concludes that, in addition to other correlations, there is an important lexical factor at work: the verb ‘to say’ is significantly more often used with clitic doubling than other verbs.

27 Inspired by these results, I decided to take a look at Figuig Berber, a language which allows for indirect object clitic doubling, but does not require it. To this purpose, I use two copora:

28 a. The K-corpus: Traditional narrations transcribed by the present author as a fieldwork corpus between 1990 and 1993. I have used the texts for which I have tape recordings, while dictated texts were left out.13

29 b. The B-corpus: Traditional narratives edited by Hassane Benamara in his Contes berbères de Figuig (Sud-est marocain) (Benamara 2011). The actual text of the narratives is not based on recordings (Benamara 2011: 5, n. 2), and sometimes strongly edited (Benamara 2011: 5). Still, the author managed to remain close to oral style, and the way the stories are told is similar to what I have in my recordings.

30 The K-corpus consists of 4.5 hours of recordings, amounting to close to 38,000 words, the B-corpus counts about 24,000 words (clitics are counted as separate words). The text genre is basically the same in both corpora. As for the dialect, Figuig Berber is not entirely homogeneous (Ben-Abbas 2003). The K-corpus mainly consists of stories from the village Zenaga, with the addition of a few stories told by a speaker from the village Elmaiz. The B-corpus is entirely from Zenaga, but shows a number of differences with

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the language of my recordings and of my spokesmen during fieldwork. This shows especially in the somewhat more archaic vocabulary used by Benamara (e.g. the use of aməšli instead of ləfḍuṛ for ‘noon meal’) and the allomorph f before nouns of the implicative preposition, which is s in my materials (Kossmann 1997: 223).14 Similar details of linguistic variation can be found within the K-corpus. The speakers in the K- corpus are of different age and occupation. Quite an important number of the stories were told by elderly women, recorded for me by someone of their families. Another part of the corpus is spoken by younger male story tellers. In spite of these differences in detail, the two corpora can be considered representative for the language of traditional narrations in Figuig.

3. Indirect object clitic doubling: stylistic variation

31 The study of clitic doubling in the two corpora shows one very strong result. While doubling is common in the K-corpus, it is extremely rare in the B-corpus. This is most clearly shown by the incidence of clitic doubling with the verb ini ‘to say’.15 In the K- corpus, doubling is almost consistently used with this verb, with only two instances without it. In the B-corpus, on the other hand, only seven instances of doubling occur with this verb:

Table 2. Clitic doubling with ini ‘to say’

Doubling % no Doubling % total

K-corpus 74 97% 2 3% 76

B-corpus 7 9% 74 91% 81

Table 3. Clitic doubling with verbs other than ini ‘to say’

Doubling % no Doubling % total

K-corpus 43 38% 69 62% 112

B-corpus 8 7% 100 93% 108

33 The differences between the two corpora are very clear: While indirect object clitic doubling is a common construction in the K-corpus, it is almost absent in the B-corpus. I assume that this is a stylistic difference. As mentioned above, Hassane Benamara has written down the stories on the basis of his own notes, but not with the help of recordings. His textualization therefore implies the low-pace, highly conscient way of language use typical of the writing process. Apparently, clitic doubling is suppressed to a high degree by this process. One cannot exclude that the author consciously chose

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not to use clitic doubling, maybe considering it an uneconomical way of expression. However that may be, his usage clearly shows that clitic doubling is not necessary in the language, and that a writer who approaches a vivid oral style in writing can freely leave out doubling.

34 This stylistic explanation for the difference between the two corpora is corroborated by the distribution of the few doubled indirect objects in Benamara’s corpus. Six out of fifteen instances, including four instances of ini, come from one single tale, Nr. 47 (Lila d Σmeṛ, p. 168-178). As Benamara explains in his notes, this particular tale was “recueilli” by Mahmoud Alehyane. It is not clear whether this also means that (part of) the textualization comes from Alehyane, but this is very well possible.

4. Indirect object clitic doubling in the K-corpus: usage

35 It is hardly possible, nor interesting, to study the distribution of clitic doubling in the B-corpus, as it is almost entirely absent. The K-corpus, on the other hand, provides a good basis for a more detailed analysis of the uses of clitic doubling.

36 There are a few contexts in which doubling is impossible. In the first place this is the case of reflexive indirect objects. In Figuig Berber, reflexives are made by means of a noun phrase using the nouns iman (only used for reflexives) or lxaḍər (lit. something like ‘mind, liking’)16 followed by a possessive. In spite of being lexical nouns syntactically, they are pronominal in reference, and their construction always includes a pronominal element. Apparently double pronominal reference is not possible here, and therefore doubling is not allowed, e.g.

(27) nəttata t-awəy=dd igg man nn-əs əhh -ləfrist she 3SG:F-carry.to:AO=VENT IO self of-3SG prey ‘and she brought prey for herself’ (28) t-əkkər t-ənna Žamila i lxaḍəṛ nn-əs 3SG:F-rise:PV 3SG:F-say:PV Jamila IO mind of-3SG ‘and Jamila said to herself’

37 In the second place, doubled indirect objects are not attested with abstract or otherwise non-visual indirect objects,17 e.g.

(29) y-awəy=dd Ṛəppi idžən n əəh n nmalik 3SG:M-carry.to:AO=VENT Lord one:M of of king i-səll i nndir 3SG:M-hear:PV IO moaning ‘the Lord brought a ehh king who heard the moaning’

38 On the other hand, as shown above, clitic doubling is almost consistently found with the verb ini ‘to say’. There are only very few instances where there is no doubling with this verb. The two following sentences represent all the cases that were found in the recordings:

(30) an i das=səll-ən middən, i… aḥbib until when 3SG:IO=hear:PV-3PL:M people friend:FS i-qqaṛ ukk ḥbib 3SG:M-say:IPV IO friend:AS

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‘until when people heard it, and one friend said to the other’ (31) sad=ini-x ikk išš n tbuṭaṭṭ FUT=say:AO-1SG IO one:F of fortune-teller:AS ‘I shall say to a fortune-teller’

39 Consistent doubling is not found with other verbs of speaking and calling, such as ɛəyyəḍ ‘to call’, which freely allow for both constructions.

40 There are 112 instances of lexically expressed indirect objects in the K-corpus that are neither in a context obstructing clitic doubling, nor with the verb ini. Among these, 43 have clitic doubling, while 69 have not. Although the number of instances is not extremely large, it allows one to look more closely at the distribution of the two constructions. Semantic sub-usage of the indirect object does not seem to play a role in this distribution. All sub-classes seem to allow for both constructions. This is true for usages where the indirect object can be considered part of the argument frame, such as transfer verbs, e.g.

(32) iwa uš-ənt=as ukk uyənn n əhh uyənn n well give:PV-3PL:F=3SG:IO IO that:AS of that:AS of twəssart ayu n nəεwərt (doubling) old.woman:AS this of boy ‘well they gave this boy to this ehh old woman’ (33) uš-ən=tən ikk əhh id... id=bab give:PV-3PL:M=3PL:M:DO IO PL=possessor n-sən (no doubling) of-3PL:M ‘they gave them to ehh their possessors’

41 It is also true for usages where the participant is more peripheral to the event, as in ethical datives, e.g.

(34) i-yy=as=tt i tfunass nn-əs əhh ikk 3SG:M-do:PV=3SG:IO=3SG:F:DO IO cow:AS of-3SG in məẓɣan (doubling) ears ‘he put it concerning his cow in the ears; i.e. he put it in the ears of his cow’ (35) ṛaḥ-ən ttašr-ən ikk idžən n užəllid (no doubling) go:PV-3PL:M steal:IPV-3PL:M IO one:M of king:AS ‘they went stealing to (the detriment of) a king’

42 The analysis of information structure, on the other hand, allows us to trace a distributional pattern, although as a tendency, and not as a strong condition. Clitic doubling is mostly found in contexts where the referent is already known to the hearer, and present in the preceding discourse. In Berber narrations, such a situation can be overtly expressed by means of an anaphoric deictic expression. In Figuig, this expression is mostly a pre-nominal element ayu, ann or ayənn,18 linked to the noun by means of the possessive preposition n. It should be noted that the use of a deictic is by no means obligatory for referring to an old-information referent.

43 New referents in the discourse, on the other hand, only rarely have clitic doubling. New information is often indicated by a marker of indefiniteness, mostly idžən n… (feminine: yišš n…). Like with old information, the use of a marker is not obligatory with new information.

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44 When looking at contexts that are explicitly old or new information, as shown by the use of a(yə)nn and idžən, the following picture emerges:

Table 4. Doubling and no doubling in explicitely new and old information contexts

Doubling % no Doubling % total

new information: idžən 1 10% 9 90% 10

old information: a(yə)nn 16 67% 8 33% 24

total 17 17 34

45 Examples:

46 New information with doubling:

(36) an i i-wtu idžən n nbaḷu until when 3SG:M-hit:PV one:M of ball i-ṛṛẓ=as ikk išš n taεṛabt 3SG:M-break:PV=3SG:IO IO one:F of Arab:SG:F -taməṛmiṭṭ nn-əs 19 saucepan:FS of-3SG ‘until when he hit the ball and broke to an Arab woman the saucepan’

47 New information without doubling:

(37) iwa y-isi=tt məskina ukk yis nn-əs well 3SG:M-take:PV=3SG:F:DO poor:F in horse:AS of-3SG i-εəyyəḍ ikk idžən n nmənɛul n wuday 3SG:M-call:PV IO one:M of damned of Jew:AS ‘well he took her, the poor one, on his horse and called a (damned) Jew’

48 Old information with doubling:

(38) qa a=dasən=ɣərs-əx ukk unn n entirely NR=3PL:M:IO=slaughter:AO-1SG IO that:AS of -wufrišən rams:AS ‘I will slaughter all those rams’

49 Old information without doubling:

(39) i-ɣrəs qaε ukk unn n tulyišin 3SG:M-slaughter:PV entirely IO that:AS of bad:PL:F ‘he killed all these bad women’

50 Clearly, clitic doubling is highly unusual when new information is explicitly expressed, while with explicitly old information doubling is more frequent than its absence.

51 When including cases where the question of old and new information has to be inferred from context, a similar pattern appears:

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Table 5. Doubling and absence of doubling according to information contexts (recorded texts)

Doubling % no Doubling % total

new information 2 6% 30 94% 32

old information 33 58% 24 42% 57

general non-specific 0 0% 6 100% 6

total 35 37% 60 63% 95

52 For seventeen instances (8x with doubling, 9 times without), I could not establish with confidence the information status of the dative element. “General non-specific” refers to cases that either give a general statement, which would be true of any referent, or a statement in which the identity of the referent is irrelevant, e.g.

(40) u=dam=n-əsmiḥ mta t-ṛeyyḍ-əd i ḥədd NEG=2SG:F:IO=1PL-forgive:NP if 2SG-stop:PV-2SG IO -anybody ‘we don’t forgive you if you stop for somebody’

53 Thus, a pattern appears, in which doubling is strongly disfavored with new information, and slightly favored with old information. It should be noted, however, that in the latter case both constructions are possible, and sometimes occur in almost identical contexts. Thus, in a story where an ogress kills her own daughters, the first killing is described with doubling:

(41) t-əyy=as=dd amm=u ukk uyənn n əhh n 3SG:F-do:PV=3SG:IO=VENT like=PROX IO that:AS of of yəlli-s əhh taḍəṛɣalt. šštəxxxx daughter-3SG blind:SG:F:FS shhhtekhhh ‘(she took a hot stick and stung it into her daughter) she did (to her) like this to that ehh blind daughter, shhhtekhhh’

54 The second killing, a few lines later, is described without doubling:

(42) dəxx t-əssitf=in ukk unn n then 3SG:F-make.enter:PV=3PL:M:DO IO that:AS of tuɛdimt. šštəxxxx handicapped:SG:F ‘(she took other hot sticks) and then she stung them into that handicapped girl, shhhtekhhh’

55 Information structure is not the only feature that shows a correlation with the use of doubling. Several authors have defined this difference as pertaining to definiteness (Souag 2014; Guerssel 1995: 115-116; Ouali 2011: 131, the latter two apparently on the basis of native speaker intuitions). While there is much overlap between new/old information and indefinite/definite interpretation, the two are not equivalent. In fact, the texts abound in examples where definite nouns convey new information, e.g.

(43) ṛuḥ at=t-əqql-əd manəš i-lla

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go:AO:IMPTV:SG NR=2SG-look:AO-2SG how 3SG:M-be:PV i-tekk i mmi-m 3SG:M-do:IPV IO son-2SG:F ‘go and look what he is doing to your son’

56 In this example, mmi-m,‘your son’, has not been mentioned before by the cited speaker– as part of a warning coming out of the blue for the addressee it can be considered entirely new information. However, mmi-m is clearly definite, in the sense that it has unique, specific, reference known to the addressee, as the woman in question has only one son. In Figuig Berber, definiteness is not expressed grammatically. This does not necessarily mean that it is absent from the mind of the speakers, as almost all speakers of Figuig Berber are also fluent in Moroccan Arabic, which has overt expression of definiteness.20 A categorization according to definiteness leads to the following results:

Doubling % no Doubling % total

new info, indefinite 1 5% 20 95% 21

new info, definite 1 9% 10 91% 11

old info, definite 33 60% 22 40% 55

general non-specific (indefinite) 0 0% 6 100% 6

unclear information status, indefinite 1 50% 1 50% 2

unclear information status, definite 7 41% 10 58% 17

total indefinite 2 7% 27 93% 29

total definite 41 49% 42 51% 83

total 43 69 112

57 The results are almost identical to those of the information structure account. Indefinites and new information are only marginally used with dative doubling. Within definites, the slight preference for dative doubling with old information contexts is not mirrored by the figures for definiteness, which show an equal distribution over the two constructions. On the basis of these data, it is impossible to decide whether definiteness or information structure contributes most to the choice of construction; however, because of the stronger correlation between dative doubling and ayənn phrases (see above), the information structure account may present some more insight.

58 On the basis of these results, it is interesting to have a fresh look at ini ‘to say’. As shown above there is a very strong tendency to have clitic doubling with this verb, a tendency also found in other Berber languages. The question is to what extent this is specific to quotative verbs and the constructions they involve (cf. Souag 2014 for a proposal), or a result of the information structure contexts where ini is mostly found in the text genre under scrutiny. On first sight, the lexical analysis seems to stand this test: Although ini is mostly used with indirect objects already present in the discourse,

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quite some attestations with clitic doubling involve protagonists that were not yet mentioned in the story. There is a caveat to this. In most cases, first mention of a protagonist implies the introduction of a new character into the mental image of the hearer. There are, however, cases where the presence of such a protagonist can be inferred from the larger context of the events described.21 This seems to be the case with most instances of “new” information in ini. Many of these refer to persons that are expected to be around, e.g.

(44) (the king made a ring the size of the foot of a certain girl he is looking for) i-kkər i-nna=yas i tnəxdamt nn-əs: 3SG:M-rise:PV 3SG:M-say:PV=3SG:IO IO servant:AS of-3SG ‘and he said to his servant:22 (whom would fit this ring?)’

59 The servant is new information–no servant was mentioned before in the story–, but her presence can be deduced from the expected cultural context. Of course, all such cases could be considered “definite”.

60 The corpus provides only very few examples of ini constructed with an overtly indefinite indirect object; in such cases dative doubling is still more often found than lack of doubling (for which, see ex. 33), e.g.

(45) i-ṛaḥ wuday i-ffəɣ i-nna=yas 3SG:M-go:PV Jew:AS 3SG:M-go.out:PV 3SG:M-say:PV=3SG:IO ikk idžən n uməddukəl nn-əs io one:m of friend:as of-3sg ‘the Jew went out and said to a friend of his’

61 One may therefore question that the exceptional status of ini is purely a lexical feature, unrelated to the wider usage of the construction. Instead, it seem that its status is partly due to the type of contexts in which this verb is normally found. This does not mean that lexical information does not play a role at all. As shown above, verbs other than ini mark old information a bit more often by clitic doubling, but it is also possible not to have it. With ini, on the other hand, old information always leads to doubling. Thus, what is a tendency with other verbs is exceptionless with ini. It should be noted that this is only the case within the stylistic register reflected by the K-corpus. As mentioned above, the B-corpus ini only rarely has clitic doubling, irrespective of lexical features, definiteness, or information structure.

5. Conclusion

62 The use of indirect object clitic doubling in Figuig Berber is determined by a number of independent factors. The first factor is style, overriding everything else: there are some stylistic usages where doubling is strongly disfavored. This is found in the textualizations by Benamara, and may be related to the slow and speech-conscious process involved in writing down a language that has no tradition of writing. When looking at spoken registers, clitic doubling is quite common, and other factors play a role. In the first place, some syntactic contexts never show doubling, esp. pronominal- like contexts, such as reflexives, and abstract indirect objects. In the remaining cases, there is a clear tendency related to information structure and/or definiteness: Clitic doubling is common when expressing old information and definites, while it is strongly

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disfavored in the expression of new information and indefinites. In addition to this, there is a lexical effect: what is a tendency with most verbs in the spoken corpus is exceptionless with ini ‘to say’, which, in the spoken corpus, always has doubling in contexts with old information.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ben-Abbas M. (2003). Variation et emprunts lexicaux. Étude sociolinguistique sur le parler amazigh de Figuig, PhD Thesis, Université Sidi Mohamed Ben Abdellah, Fes.

Benamara H. (2011). Contes berbères de Figuig (Sud-est marocain). Textes en berbère avec traductions en français. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe.

Benamara H. (2013). Dictionnaire amazighe–français. Parler de Figuig et ses régions. Rabat: IRCAM.

Bentolila F. (1981). Grammaire fonctionnelle d’un parler berbère. Aït Seghrouchen d’Oum Jeniba (Maroc). Paris: SELAF.

Cadi K. (2006). Transitivité et diathèse en tarifite. Analyse de quelques relations de dépendances lexicale et syntaxique. Rabat: IRCAM.

Diessel H. (1999). Demonstratives: Form, Function, and Gram-maticalization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Frajzyngier Z. and Munkaila M. (2004). Grammatical and Semantic Relations in Hausa. ‘Point of View’, ‘Goal’ and ‘Affected Object’. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe.

Guerssel M. (1995). “Berber clitic doubling and syntactic extraction”, Revue Quebecoise de Linguistique, 24/1: 111-33.

Kossmann M. (1997). Grammaire du parler berbère de Figuig (Maroc oriental). Paris and Louvain: Peeters.

Kossmann M. (2000). A Study of Eastern Moroccan Fairy Tales. Helsinki: Academia Scientiarum Fennica.

Kossmann M. (2011). A Grammar of Ayer Tuareg. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe.

Kossmann M. “The use of the ventive marker dd in Figuig Berber narratives”, Nordic Journal of African Studies, 23/4: 241-291.

Kossmann M. (fc.-a). “Deixis in Figuig Berber narrative texts”, Folia Orientalia, 52: 199-228.

Kossmann M. (fc.-b). “On word order in Figuig Berber narratives: The uses of pre- and postverbal lexical subjects”, to appear in Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgen-landes, 106.

Lafkioui M. (2011). Études de la variation et de la structuration linguistiques et sociolinguistiques en berbère du Rif. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe.

Maas U. (2011). Marokkanisches Arabisch. Die Grundstrukturen. Munich: Lincom.

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Mettouchi A. (2011). “Démonstratifs et construction de la référence en kabyle”, in A. Mettouchi (ed.) “Parcours berbères”. Mélanges offerts à Paulette Galand-Pernet et Lionel Galand pour leur 90e anniversaire. Cologne: Rüdiger Köppe, 469-484.

Ouali H. (2011). Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazight Berber. A Unified Analysis. London and New York: Continuum.

Penchoen Th G. (1973). Étude syntaxique d’un parler berbère (Ait Fraḥ de l’Aurès). Naples: Centro di Studi Magrebini.

Rapold C. (2010). “Benificiaries and other roles of the dative in Tashelhiyt”, in F. Zúñiga and S. Kittilä (eds.) Benefactives and Malefactives. Typological Perspectives and Case Studies. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 351-376.

Saa F. (2010). Quelques aspects de la morphologie et de la phonologie d’un parler amazighe de Figuig. Rabat: IRCAM (originally PhD Paris, 1995).

Sahli A. (2008). Mucǧam ’amāzīġī–carabī (ḫāṣṣ bi-lahǧat ’ahālī Fiǧīǧ). Oujda: Al-’anwār al- maġribiyya.

Souag L. (2014). “The development of dative agreement in Berber: Beyond nominal hierarchies.” Transactions of the Philological Society. doi: 10.1111/1467-968X.12049.

NOTES

1. I wish to thank Lameen Souag, who allowed me to read a preliminary version of his article on indirect object clitic doubling in Berber, and provided pertinent remarks on earlier versions of this article. I wish to express my lasting gratitude to the many Figuiguis who told the stories, recorded them for me, and helped me to write them down. 2. In addition, the recorded corpus contains one description of ancient marriage practices by and a number of other women. This text was integrated in the counts of the K-corpus. 3. In Figuig, i is homonymous with the locative preposition i ‘in’. The difference can be seen in pronominalized forms, where the locative preposition takes the form di-. Etymologically, the two prepositions are different. While the indirect object marker i is i everywhere in Berber, the locative preposition goes back to *g, well attested elsewhere in Berber, which through more or less regular sound change became y > i. In Figuig, i (in both meanings) has amalgamated forms when followed by a semi-vowel or a high vowel. With i and y it becomes ikk (in some varieties igg), with u and w it becomes ukk (in some varieties ggʷ), e.g. i irgazən > ikk rgazən ‘to the men’; i urgaz > ukk rgaz ‘to the man’ (Kossmann 1997: 216-219). 4. The following abbreviations are used: AO: Aorist; AS: Annexed State (état d’annexion); DO: direct object; DUR: durative; F: feminine; FOC: focus marker; FS: Free State (état libre); FUT: future; IMPTV: Imperative; IO: indirect object; IPV: Imperfective; M: masculine; NP: Negative Perfective; NR: the marker ad of the non-realized mood; PL: plural; PV: Perfective; SG: singular; SR: Subject Relative marker (so-called participle); VENT: ventive. Clitics belonging to the verbal clitic cluster are marked by =. For an analysis of the meaning behind these labels, see Kossmann (1997). The story tellers are identified by an anonymizing abbreviation between < > following the example. At the time of the recordings, A, B, F and O were middle-aged and old women, Z a young woman, and D, E and Y (the latter only in dictated texts) young men. All story tellers cited in the article are from the village Zenaga, except F, who is from the village Elmaiz. 5. This definition is inspired by the description of ‘affected object’ in Hausa in Frajzyngier & Munkaila (2004). I do not keep to their terminology, which I find somewhat confusing. In Berber

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studies, characterizations of the function of indirect object are relatively rare, cf. however Bentolila (1981: 269) and especially the detailed exposition in Rapold (2010). 6. Verbs that imply a dialogue, such as sstən ‘to ask’, are constructed with a direct object, however. 7. With one verb, this has become lexicalized. The verb ɣrəs ‘to slaughter’ takes an indirect object. Its basic meaning is ‘to cut the throat’, but the body part is hardly ever expressed. 8. fhəm in the cognitive sense of ‘to understand’ is constructed with a direct object, e.g. i-fhəm ayənn n bnadəm ‘he understands this man (direct object)’ (Kossmann 1997: 418). 9. Indirect objects are found both when the object is the source and when it is the content, e.g. ləbda i-ttsəlla ukk unn n nəhḍəṛt ‘he always heard (to) those words’ . 10. ṭṭir is a code-switch with Moroccan Arabic; the normal Figuig Berber word is abərḍal. 11. There are no examples in the corpus of a construction with two pronominalized indirect objects with other verbs. I assume this is due to corpus restrictions. 12. While the construction is often mentioned in passing in descriptions of Berber varieties, only few authors consider it in a more elaborate fashion, esp. Penchoen (1973: 66-68), Cadi (2006: 149-152), Guerssel (1995); Ouali (2011: 129ff.). 13. Data from dictated texts, mainly by story teller , have sometimes been used as supplementary evidence, but were not included in any of the counts. The K-corpus is also the basis of the discussions in Kossmann (2014; fc.-a; fc.-b). 14. The use of f may be another archaism in Benamara’s style. Fouad Saa (p.c.), who has the same dialectal background as Benamara and belongs to the same generation, informs me that he knows f only from one set expression, and that s is the variant he would use. 15. Of course, only sentences that have ini with a lexical indirect object were counted. While ini is the verb that is by far the most commonly attested with a lexical indirect object in the two corpora, this is not to say that the construction with a lexical indirect object is particularly frequent with this verb: in the K corpus, the number of attestations with ini without a lexical indirect object is more than twenty times the number of attestations with a lexical indirect object. 16. Only found in texts from one speaker, Y, who dictated a number of stories to me. 17. There are too few instances of concrete inanimate indirect objects in the corpus to make any statement about them. 18. In exophoric uses, i.e., when referring to entities that are present in “the situation surrounding the interlocutors” (Diessel 1999: 94), ayu conveys proximal deixis and a(yə)nn distal deixis. In our narratives, both are used for anaphora, with certain preferences for one or the other form depending on the story teller; see Kossmann (fc.-a). 19. This sentence is pronounced without any hesitation in a single intonation contour. The story teller is one of the most experienced within our corpus. Thus, there is no reason to consider this unexpected use of doubling an error. 20. For a recent account which problematizes the notion of definiteness in Moroccan Arabic, see Maas (2011: 153ff.). 21. This analysis is comparable to that proposed by Mettouchi (2011: 482), who stresses the importance of common cultural knowledge in the usage of Kabyle “anaphoric” deictics. 22. Note that this does not imply that the king only has a single servant; a more interpretative translation would be ‘and he said to one of his servants’.

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ABSTRACTS

In Figuig Berber, like in many other Berber languages, it is possible to express the indirect object by a lexical expression and by a pronominal clitic in the same sentence1. This construction, called “dative doubling” in the literature, is in variation with constructions that do not have a pronominal clitic. In this article, dative doubling is studied in two corpora, one written corpus (Benamara 2011), and one spoken corpus, collected by the author. It is shown that dative doubling is all but absent in the written corpus, while it is quite frequent in the spoken corpus. In the spoken corpus, there is a clear correlation with information structure. Dative doubling is only rarely found with indirect objects that express new information, while it appears more than half of the times when indirect objects express old information. In addition, it is obligatory when expressing old information with the verb ini ‘to say’.

L’interaction du style, de la structure informationnelle et de la définitude : les objets indirects doubles dans les récits en berbère de Figuig En berbère de Figuig, à l’instar d’autres langues berbères, il est possible d’exprimer l’objet indirect dans le même énoncé, et par une expression lexicale, et par un élément pronominal. Cette construction, connue par le terme “redoublement datif”, entre en variation avec des constructions où l’expression pronominale fait défaut. Dans cet article, nous étudierons le redoublement datif dans un corpus écrit (Benamara 2011) et dans un corpus oral, recueilli par nous-mêmes. Nous démontrons que le redoublement datif est quasiment absent dans le corpus écrit, tandis qu’il est bien attesté dans le corpus oral. Dans le corpus oral, son emploi montre une corrélation assez claire avec la structure informative de la phrase. Tandis qu’il est très rare d’avoir le redoublement datif avec des objets indirects qui donnent des informations nouvelles, il se trouve dans plus de la moitié des objets indirects exprimant des informations anciennes. En outre, il s’avère obligatoire quand des informations anciennes sont exprimées avec le verbe ini ‘dire’.

INDEX

Keywords: berber, Figuig, indirect object, dative, clitic doubling, information structure, written vs. orals styles Mots-clés: berbère, Figuig, objet indirect, redoublement des clitiques, structure informative, style écrit et style oral

AUTHOR

MAARTEN KOSSMANN LUCL/Universiteit Leiden

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Copulative Predication in Tarifit Berber

Abdelhak El Hankari

1. Introduction

1 The copula in English is a verbal category, which is expressed by the invariable ‘be’. This lexical element co-occurs with a predicate DP (John is a doctor), AP (John is sick) or PP (John is on the roof). By contrast, Tarifit Berber like many other languages has a much more productive copula system displaying a correlation between the morphological form of the copula and its syntactic structure. So, the choice among various forms is mainly dependent on the categorial status of the predicate (VP, DP etc.). The highlighted copula in (1)1 inflects for tense/aspect and subject-agreement, which suggests that it is a verbal category. Syntactically, iri is the head of the clause and used as an intransitive verb with no internal argument. Its interpretation in that sentence is existential.

(1) i-srma-n t-iri-n. PL-fish-PL IMPERF-be-3M.PL ‘Fish exists.’

2 Unlike (1), the copula below in (2) is exclusive to a predicate that is nominal. The optionality of the lexical subject is an instantiation of pro-drop, which is evidence that the construction is a clause.

(2) argaz-a ð- a-zʤið. man-that be SG-king ‘That man is a king.’

3 Another interesting element, which can also be used as a copula, is aqa in (3). The interest of this copula comes from the fact that it hosts the object clitic, but the latter pronoun refers to the subject of the sentence at Logical Form. In terms of its distribution in the syntax, aqa co-occurs with a locative predicate PP. As for its

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categorial status, it does not appear to belong to any of the two major word classes. It cannot be nominal since it does not inflect for number or gender and cannot be verbal since it does not inflect for tense and subject-agreement.

(3) aman aqa-θn gi ð-ə-nda.

waterPL be-3M.PL.OBJ in F-CS-lake ‘Water is in the lake.’

4 Another element which is used as a copula is the adverbial proxemics locative in (4). Like aqa, this copula also implies location but differs in that it occurs in the initial position of the clause that contains it.

(4) ðin ʃi (n-) i-xddam-n gi ð-addar-θ. there some of PL-worker-PL in F-house-F ‘There are some workers in the house.’

5 The data discussed in (1)-(4) show that the four copulas have the same grammatical function in that they all connect the predicate and the subject. However, they differ in terms of their categorial property. The copula iri (1) is a verbal category in that it inflects for tense/aspect and subject-agreement. The copula ð- (2) is nominal in that it only co-occurs with a nominal predicate. Similarly, the copulas aqa (3) and ðin (4) are adverbial locatives in that they co-occur with a locative PP. So, the variation in form between the four copulas is contingent on the categorial property of the predicate. After this brief survey, the rest of the paper looks more closely at these copula constructions separately and also examines the syntactic implications responsible for their derivation.

2. The verbal copula: iri

6 As pointed out in (1), the verbal copula in Tarifit is represented by iri 2. Its verbal status comes from the fact that it behaves like any other verbs. Morphologically, it inflects for tense and subject-agreement, which are typically verbal inflections (5)-(8)3. In (5), iri is marked for future tense and subject-agreement. Syntactically, the copula is found in a negative (6) and interrogative clause (7). Constructions like these are typically verbal. Due to the fact that the subordinate complementiser in (8) always selects a verbal clause, it follows that iri must belong to the verbal category for it to be the complement of the subordinator qa.

(5) i-fʤah-n að- iri-n g- iɣa. PL-farmer-n FUT-be-3M.PL in field ‘The farmers will be in the field.’ (6) u- ʤi-n ʃi gi iɣa. NEG PERF-3M.PL NEG 1 be. 2 in field ‘They are not in the field.’ (7) mani ʤa-n. where be.PERF-3M.PL ‘Where are they?’ (8) ð-nna-y qa 3F.SG-say.PERF-1SG.DAT COMP t-iri-n g- iɣar. IMPERF-be-3M.PL in field

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‘She told me that they are (usually) in the field.’

7 To the best of my knowledge, Tarifit is the only variety whose verbal copula is realised as iri. Instead, other varieties use ili. This variation in form is due to a phonological innovation whereby lateral consonants are rhoticised in Tarifit and realised as /r/4. The table below in (9) illustrates this phonological difference between Tarifit and other varieties using the four aspectual markers generally found in Berber5. If the forms included below appear with verbs, the fact that they also appear with iri is further evidence that this copula is a verb.

8 (9)

THE VERBAL COPULA

ASPECT TARIFIT OTHER VARIETIES

AOR/NEUT iri ili

PERF rra → /ʤa/ ila

IMPERF t-iri t-ili

PERF. NEG rri → /ʤi/ ili

9 Although iri in the data above has a locative PP as the predicate, which may suggest that it is a locative copula identical to aqa, I show in section three that the latter is the true locative. The correlation of iri with locative constructions is simply as a last resort when reference is made to particular tense and aspectual situations that are not compatible with aqa. The primary meaning of the copula is existential. This interpretation is much clearer in sentences where iri is used as a bare intransitive verb with no complement, as seen in (1). A similar use is repeated as in (10). In that sentence, the copula as the head of an embedded clause does not select anything so it can only have an existential meaning.

(10) ð-arzzu að- ð-iri = /atiri/. 3F.SG-want.IMPER FUT 3F.SG-be ‘She wants to exist.’

10 In Tarifit, at least, a distinction must be drawn between the copula iri as the main verb and a similar form, which is used as an auxiliary verb and expressed by the invariable form: ara similar to the English ‘be’. The functional element encodes grammatical features only, mainly tense and aspect, but has no semantic meaning as can be seen from (11). In that case, ara does not inflect for subject-agreement and acts only as a modifier of the main verb it selects and subsequently marks it for past tense. The fact that subject-agreement in (12) is only marked on the main lexical verb suggests that we are dealing with a simple clause. Furthermore, ara cannot stand alone in the clause but must be supported by a proper lexical verb, as can be seen from the ungrammaticality of (12). Unlike its use as a copula main verb in (5)-(8), ara in (11) is semantically empty. This is typical of functional elements, which encode only formal/grammatical feature but have no semantic meaning6.

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(11) ara ð-ss-awar a(r)- mmi-s. PST 3F.SG-CAUS-talk.IMPERF to son-her ‘She was talking to her son.’ (12) *ara ag- mmi-s. PST with son-her

2.1 The derivation of the verbal copula

11 Before looking at the structure and derivation of the copula iri, let me outline the basic tenets of my analysis. I argue that the structure of the predicate is built from a basic lexical category, which spells out the predicate as in (13). This structure should generalise to all other copula constructions. As a head, X is a variable representing categories like N, V etc. depending on the grammatical category of the predicate. In the case of the verbal copula, X should be understood as V. (13)

12 For this basic category to be a predicate, it is introduced by a Predicate Phrase (PredP) (Bowers 1993, 2001, Svenonious 1994, Ouhalla 2013 etc.), as in (14). This functional head has a category-changing role, which turns the head of the XP into a copulative predicate. Following the merging of the PredP, its functional head enters into a syntactic relation with the predicate in the complement position yielding a predicate construction.

(14)

13 Due to the fact that all the copula sentences are marked for tense, an additional TP projection above the PredP is therefore justified and represented as in (15). This structure, which I take to be representative of the copula sentence in Tarifit, consists of three layers: (1) a lexical layer which encodes lexical information regarding the

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categorial status of the predicate, (2) a PredP layer whose head contains the ]+PRED[ copular feature and (3) a TP layer where the tense/aspect feature is valued.

(15)

14 Although some constructions appear to be associated with particular aspects, I show that this is simply a prototypical reading and that there are independent reasons which suggest that these features are encoded in the head of TP. The structure in (15) is uniform for all the copulative predicates. The derivation starts at the bottom of the structure. The predicate (complement of PredP) may move to the Pred head above it to value the ]+PRED[ feature and the subject merges in Spec,PredP, as a requirement for the predicate to have a subject. The predicate may move higher to T to value tense.

15 With this in mind, the derivation of a verbal copula sentence like (16a) is schematised as in (16b). In view of the fact the copula has the properties of a main verb and therefore lexical, it should then be base-generated as the head of the VP. To build a copulative predication, iri undergoes movement from V-to-Pred to value the ]PRED[ feature. As a requirement for the sentence to have a subject, the external argument is merged in Spec,PredP and enters into agreement with the Pred-head. The copula may move to T to value the tense feature there, followed by the movement of the subject to Spec,TP to value the EPP feature.

(16) a. ð-i-kttuf-i-n t-iri-nd g- w-ɣndu. F-PL-ant-F.PL-PL IMPERF-be-3.F.PL in CS-hole ‘Ants are being in the hole.’

16 b.

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17 As will be discussed in the next section, the notion of ‘adjective’ in the attributive case in English is realised in Berber by the nominal copula selecting a nominal predicate. In the predicative case, however, it is realised using a stative verb as in (17). So, sentences like these have no copula. Under the present analysis, their derivation should be the same as iri. The verb as the head of the VP raises to T via Pred, followed by the movement of the subject from Spec,PredP to Spec,TP yielding the surface representation in (17). A language like English would have the copula ‘be’ occupying the Pred and the adjective would be lower in the predicate/complement position.

(17) a-kʃʃuð -a i-fsus. SG-wood DEM 3M.SG-light.PERF ‘This wood is light.’

2.2 The copula ‘iri’ and complex clauses

18 There appears to be some parametric variations regarding the use of iri in complex clauses. So, I decided to devote a separate section to this issue. Ouali (2011) reports that iri in Tamazight may select another lexical verb, as can be seen from (18). In that sentence the copula is marked for future and subject-agreement, which selects the verb tǝddun ‘go’. That verb, in turn, is marked for present tense and subject-agreement. The fact that the copula and the second verb it selects inflect for different tenses and are also marked for subject-agreement led Ouali to conclude that these sentences involve two TP projections and therefore complex clauses.

(18) dað ilin la tǝddun (Tamazight) Fut Be-AOR.3p Pres go-IMP.3p aðay nawǝð. when arrive.1p “They will be leaving when we arrive.” (Ouali 2011: 53)

19 In his review of Ouali (2011), El Hankari (2013) demonstrates that iri in Tarifit behaves slightly different. A similar sentence like the one in Tamazight is ruled out in Tarifit, as can be seen from (19). The major problem with this sentence has to do with the use of an additional lexical verb in the complement position of iri. To salvage (19), only one

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verb must be used at a time. In (20), iri is used as the only verb in this particular clause and the sentence is grammatical. Similarly, in (21), the only verb used in the clause is uɣur ‘go’ and the sentence is grammatical. If iri cannot select another main verb, unlike Tamazight, this is an indication that the double TP hypothesis may not apply to Tarifit.

(19) *að- iri-n uɣur-n wami n-xðər. FUT. be-3M.PL go.PERF-3M.PL when 1PL-arrive.PERF ‘They will be leaving when we arrive.’ (20) að- iri-n gi ð-addar-θ FUT. be-3M.PL in F-house-F aʧmi ʁa n-xðər. when FUT.WH 1PL-arrive ‘They will be at home when we arrive.’ (21) að- uɣur-n aʧmi ʁa n-xðər. FUT.go-3M.PL when FUT.WH 1PL-arrive.PERF ‘They will leave when we arrive.’

20 However, Tarifit still allows some particular verbs in the complement position of iri. Consider the data below in (22)-(23). The verbal copula is used as a main verb, which inflects for tense and subject-agreement in the usual fashion. The copula then selects another lexical verb, which also inflects for subject-agreement. So, the natural question that arises from this is: why is it that iri can select a verb in (22)-(23) but this option is not available to (19)? An examination of the data from a close range reveals that this discrepancy lies with the kind of verb the copula selects. The ungrammaticality of (19) is due to the fact that the verb which co-occurs with iri is eventive. When the verb in the embedded clause is stative, the sentence is grammatical (22)-(23). In other words, iri only allows stative verbs in the complement clause but does not tolerate action/ eventive verbs.

(22) i-sərma-n t-iri-n arxs-n g- w-nbðu. PL-fish-PL IMPERF-be-3M.PL cheap-3M.PL in CS-summer ‘Fish is (usually) cheap in summer.’ (23) aman ʤa-n səmð-n gi ðara. water.PL be-3M.PL cold.3M.PL in F-spring ‘Water is cold in the spring.’

21 If we take constructions, which involve stative verbs to be small clauses (SCs) similar to English it can then be argued that iri in Tarifit selects only SCs. Conversely, the same verbal element in Tamazight may select either. The claim that stative verbs are heads of SC amounts to the fact that these clauses may not be tensed. There is evidence, which suggests that these verbs are less likely to be tensed when used in combination with iri. Instead, they always default to some kind of neutral/unmarked form and any other tensed form makes the sentence ungrammatical as can be seen from (24)-(25). In these sentences, iri selects a stative verb yet the sentences are ruled out due to the tense/aspect marking on the stative verb. It is the highlighted markers that make the sentences ungrammatical. This tense-marking issue is not limited to the forms used with these two sentences below but applies across the board. That is, any tense or aspect form other than the neutral form in (22)-(23) makes the sentence ungrammatical. Although what we refer to here as the neutral/unmarked form of the stative verb appears somewhat homophonous with the perfective form, the fact that it

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is the default invariable form suggests that the state denoted by the verb makes no reference to any particular time.

(24) *t-iri-n t-arxis-n. IMPERF-be-3M.PL IMPER-cheap-3M.PL ‘They are cheap.’ (25) *að- iri-n að- arxs-n. FUT. be-3M.PL FUT. cheap-3M.PL ‘They will be cheap.’

22 If clauses which involve stative verbs are un-tensed when selected by iri, as we argue, and following our general analysis whereby tense information is encoded in TP, it follows that these clauses have the PredP only but no TP projection. But this claim leaves us with another problem having to do with the fact that the stative verbs in (22)- (23) are marked for subject-agreement, which generally correlates with tense7. Furthermore, postulating a structure without TP for the lower clause headed by the stative verb may prove problematic since subject-agreement is arguably valued in T.

23 Despite the lack of correlation between tense and subject-agreement within the lower clause, I believe that the structure proposed can still account for this typology if the agreement associated with the stative verb is taken to be a property of the Pred – head instead of T. Note that agreement relation in the clause is not necessarily an exclusive property of T. In fact, agreement has been associated with various functional categories (AgrP, IP, TP etc.). So, there is no reason why agreement should not be valued in the head of the PredP8. In view of these facts, the derivation of the sentence involving ‘iri + stative verb’ should look like (26) below. Assuming that agreement holds under asymmetric c-command, the structure contains one TP as the main clause headed by iri and two PredP projections. The higher PredP is part of the verbal copula and the lower PredP belongs to the lower SC headed by the stative verb. In accordance with the structure proposed for the copula predicate in (15), the verbal copula and the stative verb are derived in the usual fashion. For iri, this verb originates in the higher V and then moves to value the ]PRED[ feature, which assigns it a predicational interpretation. The copula then moves further to T to value tense. Similarly, the stative verb originates in the lower V and its subject in Spec,SC. On the assumption that the agreement of the

stative verb is located in the Pred]Agr[ above it, this head can c-command the subject inside the SC and subsequently agrees with it. The subject can then raise to Spec,PredP to value the EPP feature. From there, the subject has the advantage of bringing the agreement of the copula iri under T. This agreement relation can now value the Case feature of the subject, yielding agreement on the copula: iri-n ‘be-MAS.PL’. The subject may then undergo movement to Spec,TP (step-wise via Spec,VP and Spec,PredP of the higher clause) to value the EPP feature there. The stative verb may merge with the Pred head possibly at PF, so that it can be spelt out together with its agreement-marking: arxs-n ‘cheap-MAS.PL’. As can be seen, the advantage of the analysis is that it accounts for the same subject-agreement on two different verbs. Furthermore, postulating a PredP that takes care of agreement within the SC solves the dichotomy between subject-agreement on the stative verb and the lack of tense on that same verb. The advantage of the proposed analysis is that it can also be extended to the Tamazight sentence in (18), since iri and the verb in that sentence share the same subject. The only possible difference is that agreement in the lower clause in Tamazight is valued in T, in

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that (18) clearly shows that the verb in that clause is tensed and therefore requires a TP projection.

(26)

24 Without pre-empting my discussion of the nominal copula in the next section I wish to briefly discuss some particular aspects of this predicate, which provide further support to the argument that subject-agreement within the SC takes place in the PredP. Consider the sentence below in (27a), which is similar to (26) except that the SC (complement of iri) is a nominal predicate. The same sentence with a SC that is verbal is included in (27b). Despite the categorial difference regarding the predicate inside the SC, these two sentences have the same interpretation and can be used interchangeably in Tarifit. Other similarities include the fact that the nominal copula manifests pro- drop, exactly like verbal clauses. If pro-drop correlates with subject-agreement, and if this phenomenon is linked to the presence of the nominal copula ð-, it can then be argued that this morpheme is a manifestation of agreement between the Pred and the DP in Spec,SC when the clause is nominal. Note that the nominal (SC) has no time reference so it is not marked for tense, which implies that this clause has no TP. Under this approach, we have evidence that subject-agreement with the nominal predicate takes place without the presence of tense and that this agreement has no position where it can be valued other than the PredP. A parallelism can then be established between a SC clause that is nominal and another one that is verbal. In (27a), subject- agreement is spelt out as ð- in the lower PredP because the predicate is nominal, but the same agreement in the higher PredP is spelt out as -n because the predicate is verbal (iri-n).

(27) a. i-srma-n t- iri-n ]ð- i-məʁʁran-n[SC. PL-fish-PL be.PERF-3M.PL be- PL-big-PL

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‘Fish is big.’

b. i-srma-n t- iri-n ]mʁar-n[SC. PL-fish-PL be.PERF-3M.PL big-PERF-3M.PL ‘Fish is big.’

25 Going back to the difference between Tarifit and its Tamazight counterpart regarding clauses which involve iri selecting another verb, and if the second verb in Tamazight is tensed as sentence (18) appears to suggest, a parameter-setting can then be established between the two varieties. The main clause headed by iri in Tarifit selects a PredP (28) whereas the same clause in Tamazight selects another TP (29).

(28) ]TP T[ ]PredP Pred[ ]VP V[ ]PredP Pred[ ]VP V[[[[[. (Tarifit).

(29) ]TP T[ ]PredP Pred[ ]VP V[ ]TP T[ ]PredP Pred[ ]VP V[[[[[. (Tamazight).

26 However, it is still not clear why iri in Tarifit allows stative verbs but not eventive verbs. A likely possibility could be due to its use as a locative copula. As mentioned in the previous section, the locative copula aqa is not morphologically marked for tense/ aspect since it is not a verbal category. So, its unmarked form defaults to the present tense. When the locative predicate involves particular tense or aspectual situations, iri must be used as an alternative to aqa. In section four, dealing with the locative copula, I show that the predicate/complement of the locative is also a SC. So, iri selecting a SC could be due to the fact that it has acquired some syntactic peculiarities of the locative predicate despite the fact that its categorial status as a verb is maintained.

3. The nominal copula: ð-

27 Earlier in section one, it was shown that the nominal copula in Tarifit is realised as ð-. The same element is generally found in other varieties as d- (Chaker 1983, El Moujahid 1997, Kossmann 1997, Galland 1988)9. As a functional element, this copula is semantically empty. Its role in the clause is mainly grammatical, in that it connects a DP – subject and a nominal predicate with an attributive property (30)-(32). The predicate can be a DP (30) or a nominal modifier (31). Note that a DP with a nominal modifier can occur without the copula ð-, as in (32). However, this construction is a simple noun phrase with a modifying adjunct and cannot be equated with the structure of predication. The DP in (32) must be present and cannot be dropped since it is the head of the phrase. By contrast, the presence of the copula in predicative constructions like (30) and (31) allows the first DP to be dropped freely.

28 With respect to its form, the copula remains invariable regardless of gender and number of the subject. For instance, the nominal predicate in (30)-(31) agrees with the subject – DP in number and gender but this agreement has no impact on the copula. Due to its affixal nature, ð- always procliticises to the predicate it selects triggering

stress on the first syllable of the noun: ]ðá[σ. In this sense, it behaves more like a nominal affix and should therefore be classified as a nominal category10.

(30) (said) ð- a-ðβiβ. said be SG-king ‘Said is a doctor.’

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(31) (said) ð- a-mzian. said be SG-young ‘Said is young.’ (32) ð-addar-θ ð-a-ʃmra-ʧ. F-house-F F-SG-white-F ‘The white house.’

29 In terms of its tense-marking, the nominal copula in basic sentences always defaults to present tense (30)-(31). However, the focus in these sentences is more on the generic attribute of the subject than tense. So, the property attributed to the subject by the predicate in these sentences is inherent and permanent. Nominal predicates (and adjectives) having a permanent property, unlike verbal predicates, is not unique to Berber but appears to be cross-linguistically common (Milsark 1974, Carlson 1977, Baker 2013). It is this generic feature, which clashes with the presence of temporal adverbs making the sentence ungrammatical (33)11. The generic versus specific reading, which follows from Individual-level (ILP) versus Stage-level predicate (SLP) (Carlson 1977, Kratzer 1996), will be revisited in the next section. After this descriptive survey, the derivation of the nominal predication is examined next.

(33) *ð- a-wssar nhara. be SG-old today ‘He is/looks old today.’

3.1 The derivation of the nominal copula

30 As we have seen in (30)-(31), nominal predication consists of the predicate DP, the copula ð- and the subject. Its derivation, using (30) as an example, is schematised as in (34). The predicate is base-generated lower in the DP. To form a predicate out of this, the PredP is merged above it and its head enters into agreement with the noun: aðβiβ ‘doctor’. The realisation of the copula ð- under the Pred node is arguably the outcome of this agreement, as discussed in the previous section. The subject of the predicate is inserted in Spec,PredP. The derivation may project higher into a TP so that the sentence can be marked for tense (present) and the subject may undergo further movement to Spec,TP to value the EPP feature there. In view of the affixal nature of the copula, the morpheme ð- procliticises onto the DP at PF yielding the nominal predicate complex: ð-aðβiβ ‘be-doctor’.

(34)

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31 While the data in (30)-(31) display the subject-predicate order, the predicate-subject order is equally possible as can be seen from (35). The two alternations were referred to by Ouhalla (1988) as subject and predicate preposing, respectively. In his investigation of the word order of Tarifit, El Hankari (2010) demonstrates that this Berber variety has now developed a topic-comment system. In a transitive clause where all arguments are lexical, the subject is topicalised in Spec,TP. When the object is a clitic, the topic

position is filled by the V + Obj.CL yielding the predicate]V+OBJ.CL[-subject order. With this in mind, the two orders in (35)-(36) arguably reflect this alternation. If we assume that the nominal copula is some kind of clitic since it procliticises to the predicate DP, similar to the predicate V + Obj.CL in the verbal clause, it can then be argued that (35) is an instance of the topicalisation of the predicate: copula + DP in Spec,TP. On the other hand, (36) is representative of the topicalisation of the lexical subject (SVO). This alternation between the two orders may be taken as evidence that the structure of the nominal predicate behaves like any other clause, regardless of the categorial status of the actual predicate. This, in itself, lends further support to the unified analysis of the syntax of copulative predication.

(35) ð- a-ðβiβ said. be SG-doctor said ‘Said is a doctor.’ (36) said ð- a-ðβiβ. said be SG-doctor ‘Said is a doctor.’

32 Also important is that the nominal predicative copula is not compatible with negation, which explains the ungrammaticality of (37). Earlier in (9), we showed that negation correlates with a special aspectual form marked on the main verb and referred to in the Berber linguistic tradition as irrealis. So, the ungrammaticality of (37) may be due to this aspectual feature rather than negation as such. This sensitivity to particular aspect/tense features can also be noticed from the presence of the highlighted imperfective morpheme in (38), which is not compatible with the nominal predication. Similar sensitivity is also found with the locative copula, as will be seen in the next section. This follows from the morphosyntax of Berber whereby only verbal categories may inflect for the four aspectual forms discussed in (9). So, the fact that non-verbal copulas may not be compatible with some of these aspectual features is expected12.

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(37) *u- ð- a-ðβiβ ʃi said.

NEG1 be SG-doctor NEG2 said ‘Said is not a doctor.’ (38) mi-s i-*t-ð-mʁur. son-his/her 3M.SG-IMPER-big ‘His/her son is growing.’

33 Another issue, which needs to be addressed, has to do with the aspectual property of the predicate. In our discussion of this particular copulative clause it was shown that it has a generic reading, which makes the property attributed to the subject permanent and cannot be temporary. This is reminiscent of the traditional distinction between the ILP and SLP (Carlson 1977)13. The generic reading of the nominal copula raises the question as to whether this property is inherent to the predicate. This, in itself, would raise additional issues such as whether this feature is a lexical property of the nominal predicate14 or possibly associated with the copula ð-. If these possibilities are proven to be true, they would be at odds with our earlier assumption. In the structure proposed to account for the copulative predication in (15), it was claimed that the tense and aspect features are the property of T. So, the possibility that permanent versus temporary reading is associated with the Pred or the DP would be problematic.

34 Despite appearance, there are independent reasons to rule out the possibility that these features are lexical. Consider the data below in (39a&b). These sentences are the same as (30)-(31), with an additional functional verb. In (39a), the PredP is selected by ara → past-imperfective. The same nominal predicate in (39b) is also selected by ataf → future-imperfective. The data point to the fact that the generic reading is not maintained when the nominal predicate is selected by tense/aspect elements, like the ones below. The two morphemes make the property attributed to the subject temporary, with a beginning and an end, and therefore not permanent. If tense and aspect markers occupy the T position, it follows that the aspectual reading is dependent on the TP projection, and not on the other lower projections. On the basis of these facts, it can then be argued that the prototypical reading that is generic is the covert tense feature in T, which is interpreted as the present tense. When other tense/ aspect markers are used, like the ones in (39), this reading may change.

(39) a. ara ð- a-ðβiβ. PST.PROG be SG-doctor ‘He was a doctor.’ b. ataf ð- a-ðβiβ. FUT.PROG be SG-doctor ‘He will be a doctor.’

4. The locative copula: aqa

35 While aqa is also used to form a copula predication, this element displays a number of properties which set it apart from the previously discussed copulas. First, aqa is a locative copula in that it co-occurs with the locative PP, as can be seen from (40a). Evidence that we are dealing with a locative copula comes from the fact that the locative PP must be present for the sentence to be grammatical. The ungrammaticality of (41b) is due to the missing PP, which suggests that the locative is a predicate

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argument and not simply an adjunct. Other properties include the fact that aqa appears with an object-clitic. Important is that the clitic in (41a) is required, which suggests that it behaves more like an agreement marker than a pronominal argument similar to subject-agreement in verbal clauses. The absence of the clitic makes the sentence ungrammatical, as in (41c). The agreement-like property of the object-clitic in (41a) somewhat co-indexes with the lexical subject, which makes it receive the logical interpretation of the subject of the sentence. This co-indexation allows the lexical subject to be dropped freely. As for its categorial status, the locative does not belong to any of the two major word classes (i.e. nominal or verbal) in that it does not inflect for either nominal or verbal morphology. Note that aqa cannot be a preposition either since it selects an object-clitic whereas prepositions in Berber select dative-clitics, when the object is pronominal.

(40) a. (i-fəʤah-n) aqa-ðn g- iɣar. PL-farmer-PL be-3M.PL.OBJ.CL in field ‘The farmers are in the field.’ b. *(i-fəʤah-n) aqa-ðn. PL-farmer-PL be-3M.PL.OBJ.CL c. *(i-fəʤah-n) aqa g- iɣar. PL-farmer-PL be in field

36 The predicate involving aqa always defaults to present tense. As for its aspectual reading, it is generally specific but the generic reading is not ruled out. In (41), the proposition may be interpreted as specific but the generic reading is also possible (i.e. ‘they live there permanently’).

(41) (i-mddukar inu) aqa-θn gi- Lhoceima. PL-friend my be-3M.PL.OBJ.CL in Alhoceima ‘My friends are in Alhoceima City.’

37 Another slightly different syntactic environment in which aqa is found can be seen from (42a). The copula in that sentence has a DP as the predicate, and not a locative PP. Furthermore, the lexical argument has an object function. Evidence that this DP is the object and not the subject comes from (42b). When the lexical argument in that sentence is substituted for a pronoun, the latter has an accusative form. The alternation between the lexical DP and its pronominal counterpart also suggests that the clitic has an argument status, and does not behave like an agreement marker as in sentences whose predicate is a PP.

(42) a. aqa a-mddukər inu. be SG-friend my ‘Here is my friend.’ b. aqa-θ. be-3M.SG.OBJ.CL ‘Here is he.’

38 It is important to note that there is another locative predicate with identical properties, except that it is used in the interrogative clause. This copula is realised as ka, as can be seen from (43) below. This sentence is the interrogative counterpart of (42), where the wh- operator mani ‘where’ refers to the locative PP. So, the natural question is whether aqa and ka are two different copulas or they are simply allomorphs of a single morpheme. There are a number of reasons, which appear to suggest that

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they are likely to be allomorphs of the same morpheme. First, aqa and ka are in complementary distribution; one form occurs in declarative clauses and the other occurs in interrogative clauses. Secondly, these forms display identical syntactic properties in that they both co-occur with a locative PP except that location with ka is expressed by the wh-. Thirdly, these elements are morphologically similar. Aside from the deletion of the initial vowel a, the two forms minimally differ in one single sound: / q/ versus /k/. The two consonants are similar in that they are both dorsal but the uvula /q/ appears to undergo assimilation becoming the velar /k/, due to the neighbouring / n/, which is part of the wh- mani ‘where’. Note that this is the only syntactic environment in which ka is found, so it is not possible to test it using other wh- words.

(43) mani ka-θn? where be-3M.PL.OBJ.CL ‘Where are they?’

39 One last point has to do with the locative predicate seen in (40a), which takes a locative PP as its complement. In section two, it was pointed out that iri may also co-occur with the same locative PP. However, this option is only allowed when reference is made to particular tense and aspectual situations that are not compatible with aqa. In (40a), for instance, iri must be used as an alternative to aqa only if the sentence is in the imperfective or future. When the locative predicate is not marked for tense/aspect, which defaults to present or perfective as in (40a), aqa must be used.

4.1. The derivation of the locative copula

40 Our discussion of the locative copula sentences in the previous section shows that aqa may co-occur with a predicate PP or DP. While (40a) is a clear locative predicate expressed by the PP, the question is whether (42) is a locative predicate at all since the copula in that sentence co-occurs with an DP at the exclusion of the locative PP. In this paper, I shall argue that there are reasons to suggest that (42) is also a locative predicate but this feature is expressed differently. More specifically, location in (42) is manifested by the highlighted morpheme in (44a&b) that is affixed to the copula. This deictic may be realised as a prefix (44a) or a suffix (44b). So, the locative aqa which we have been treating as a basic morpheme is in fact morphologically complex consisting of the invariable copula qa and a-/-ya. The latter morpheme encodes location and proximity between the speaker and addressee15.

(44) a. aqa Nunja. here Nunja ‘Here is Nunja.’ b. qaya Nunja. there Nunja ‘There is Nunja.’

41 Although the two sentences above clearly show the compositional nature of the copula, the picture is not that straightforward when looking at the general behaviour of this locative. The de-compositional nature of the locative in (44) does not equally apply to sentences whose predicate is a locative PP. Consider the data below in (45). In (45a), the predicate of the sentence is the locative preposition with a pre-posed subject. As an alternative to the PP, location can be expressed using the deictic pronoun as in (45b).

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The inclusion of the PP in that case remains optional, which is an instance of locative- doubling. Of particular importance is the fact that aqa can co-occur with any of the three deictic elements, regardless of their degree of proximity. Conversely, the use of the deictic in the predicate that does not involve the locative PP (45c&d) is more constrained. In (45c), a-qa ‘here-be’ is only compatible with ða ‘here’. Similarly, qa-ya ‘be-there’ in (45d) is only compatible with ðiha ‘over there’. Other forms are ruled out simply because they do not agree with the deictic affix in proximity. The natural question that arises from this is, why is it that this agreement does not apply to sentences that take the locative PP as in (45b)? The fact that aqa can co-occur with any deictic pronoun is evidence that this form does not involve any location and this meaning is expressed by the locative PP (45a) or by the deictic pronoun (45b). In other words, aqa in (45a&b) is a bare copula which fills the Pred node and takes the locative PP or the deictic pronoun as a complement.

(45) a. nunja aqa-t gi ð-hanut. nunja be-3M.SG.OBJ in F-shop ‘Nunja is in the shop.’ b. nunja aqa-t ða/ðin/ðiha nunja be-3M.SG.OBJ here/there/over there (gi ð-hanut). (in F-shop) ‘Nunja is here/there/over there (in the shop).’ c. a-qa nunja, ða/*ðin/*ðiha. here-be nunja here/there/over.there ‘Here is Nunja.’ d. qa-ya nunja ðiha/*ðin/*ða. be-over.there nunja over.there/there/here ‘There is Nunja (over there).’

42 Further evidence of the compositional nature of the locative element used in (45c&d) can be seen from (45e). In that sentence, the presence of the locative -ya as a suffix to the copula qa makes the locative PP optional. Conversely, the same locative PP is required (i.e. complement) when it co-occurs with a bare locative predicate in (45a). This is evidence that this copula does not involve any locative morpheme and location is expressed by the predicate PP. There is no doubt that the two forms (aqa versus a-qa) are diachronically related, in view of their similarities but the initial vowel in aqa that co-occurs with a locative PP might have been grammatically frozen in time and is now part of the copula root. This would be expected considering that Tarifit is one of the most innovative Berber varieties. So, the question as to why one predicate involves the locative PP and the other does not can be accounted for straightforwardly. Only sentences, which involve a bare copula take the locative PP as a complement (45a&b) whereas sentences whose copula involve the locative morpheme do not require the locative PP (45c,d&e), since location is expressed by that morpheme.

e. nunja qa-ya-t (gi ð-hanut). nunja be-there3M.SG.OBJ in F-shop ‘Nunja is there (in the shop).’

43 Before examining the derivation of the two configurations in (46)-(47), the kind of typology discussed whereby location may be expressed by the locative PP or the deictic is not exclusive to Tarifit but was previously proposed for English and many other

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languages (Freeze 1992, Kayne 2008). In his study of existential and locative predication across a wide range of languages, Freeze argues that the English sentences: (a) ‘the book is on the table’ versus (b) ‘there is a book on the table’ are derived from a basic structure which contains the locative (PP or ‘there’) and the DP in its specifier position. Following the merging of the copula, English has the option of moving the DP to the specifier of the functional category that contains ‘be’ yielding (a) or by moving ‘there’ yielding (b). However, Freeze further shows that this typology may be subject to parametric variation. For instance, a language like Russian does not have an equivalent of the English ‘there’, as can be seen from (46)-(47). In that case, Russian can either move the DP as the subject yielding (46) or the locative PP yielding (47). So, the presence of the locative morpheme affixed to the copula makes Tarifit more like English than Russian.

(46) kniga byla na stole. book.nom.fem was on table.loc ‘The book was on the table.’ (47) na stole byla kniga. on table.loc was book ‘There was a book on the table.’ (Freeze 1992: 553-554)

44 If we take the locative morpheme a- to be more or less the equivalent of the English ‘there’, the alternation between the DP and the locative can then naturally be extended to Tarifit. Starting with the construction, which makes use of the locative seen in (45a) its derivation is schematised as in (48). Assuming that the predicate position is a SC, the DP and the PP are base-generated there. Following the insertion of aqa for the purpose of building a copula clause, the Pred functional head enters into agreement relation with the DP yielding object-agreement on the copula: aqa-t. The DP moves to Spec,PredP as a requirement for the sentence to have a subject. The predicate then gets marked for tense under T and the subject undergoes further movement to Spec,TP to value the EPP feature there. So, we can now have a better picture about what seemed to be a contradiction where the object-clitic has the logical interpretation of the subject. In a sense, object-agreement reflects the underlying representation of the DP as the object of the copula. But this DP becomes the subject of the sentence at the surface following its movement to Spec,PredP. As for the object-clitic, which shows up as an agreement on the copula and also refers to the subject of the sentence, it can be argued that it receives this logical interpretation through its co-indexation with the lexical DP in Spec,PredP (i.e. the surface subject). It is more likely that the overt agreement displayed on aqa is possibly spelt out following this co-indexation (not before) since object agreement in Berber is not overtly realised on the predicate, but subject- agreement is.

(48)

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45 With respect to the predicate, which makes use of the locative morpheme as an alternative to the PP (45c-e) its derivation is represented as in (49). Like the PP predicate, the SC involves DP and location. However, the latter feature is expressed by the deictic a- under Locative Phrase (LocP). Following the merging of the Pred, the locative morpheme undergoes inversion to Spec,TP via Spec,PredP, similar to the English existential locative16. Since the predicate is marked for tense, the copula qa may move to T to value the ]+PRESENT[ feature there. Due to the fact that the locative a- has a clitic-like property in that it shows up as a pro-clitic to the copula, the deictic morpheme may merge at PF yielding the surface order: ]a-qa>DP[. This PF operation may be argued to be motivated by Ouhalla’s (2005a) clitic constraint, according to which clitics are banned from occurring at the beginning of the clause and should therefore merge with an adjacent functional category. Unlike (48), the copula qa in (49) does not bear overt (object) agreement in that the clitic rather alternates with the lexical DP. This behaviour may have to do with the position of the DP. The latter argument remains in-situ, since the Spec,PredP is occupied by the locative morpheme. So, agreement between the Pred – head and its internal argument proceeds in the usual fashion. However, this agreement is not fleshed out on the copula since no co- indexation takes place between the copula and the DP in Spec,PredP in that this position is now filled with the locative morpheme. So, the argument in this particular case is an object of the copula at both underlying and surface representation. Under the proposed analysis, the object clitic being an agreement marker arises only when the underlying object becomes the subject at the surface representation.

46 (49)

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5. The proxemics copula

47 Another set of elements, which can be used as copula predicates are the proxemics. In terms of their semantic property, they have a locative meaning equivalent to the English ‘here/there’17. As non-copulas, these locatives are generally found in clause- final position with an adverbial function as in (50). The locative in that case co-occurs with a lexical verb. In copula predicate sentences, like the one in (52), the locative has a different distribution in that it must be in the initial position of the clause. This syntactic position makes it behave like a verbal predicate. In (52), ðin selects an argument – DP and can also co-occur with a temporal adverb allowing the clause to be marked for (present) tense. Additional evidence which suggests that ðin is a predicate clause comes from the fact that it behaves like any other verbal clauses. It can be negated (52), used in the interrogative clause (53) and may also be used as an embedded clause selected by a complementiser (54). The locative ðin in all these sentences has a predicative function, except for (50) where it is used as a simple adverbial locative.

(50) zrin-θ ðin. see.PERF-3M.SG.OBJ there ‘They saw him there.’ (51) ðin i-nβʒiw-n (nhara). there PL-guest-PL (today) ‘There are guests (today).’ (52) u- ðin həd. NEG- there no.one ‘There is no one.’ (53) wi i(g)- ðin? who- COMP. there ‘Who is there?’ (54) ð-nnay qa ðin ʃi (n) i-wssura. 3F.SG-say.PERF COMP there some of PL-old ‘She told me that there are some old men.’

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48 One last remark, which was pointed out earlier, has to do with the position of the proxemics in the sentence. In a basic declarative clause, like the one in (51), the locative must always be in the initial position of the clause. The SV order is not allowed as in (55), unlike other copula constructions. This issue is addressed next.

(55) *i-nβʒiw-n ðin. PL-guest-PL there

5.1 The derivation of the proxemics copula

49 As we have seen from the discussion in the previous section, this element also has a locative meaning since it corresponds to the English ‘here/there’. Further evidence that this particular predicate is locative comes from its co-occurrence with the locative-PP, as in (56). The proxemics and the PP are similar in that they both have locative meaning. Note also that this co-occurrence implies locative-doubling, which explains the optional presence of the PP.

(56) ðin i-nβjiw-n (g- w-xxam). there PL-guest-PL in CS-room ‘There are guests (in the room).’

50 If this predicate is locative, how is it then different from a-qa/aqa? One possibility is to argue that it is existential, similar to the English existential ‘there’. Although the Tarifit sentences involving ðin look fairly similar to the English existential and also locative- existentials in Romance (Freeze 1999, Kayne 2006), this possibility is unlikely in view of the fact that the predicate DP following ðin may be definite. Conversely, the predicate DP in existentials is non-definite. In (57), the predicate – DP may only have a definite interpretation. The proper noun in that sentence clearly makes reference to a particular identifiable individual. If ðin ‘there’ is not existential, it can then be argued that this property in Tarifit is expressed by the verbal copula iri as pointed out in section two.

(57) ðin nunja (g- w-xxam). there nunja in CS-room ‘There is Nunja (in the room).’

51 The main property mentioned above, which sets ðin ‘there’ apart from all other copulas is that it must occur in clause-initial position. In (55), we showed that the preposing of the predicate – DP is not allowed. Within the proposed analysis, the position preceding the Pred – head is reserved for the subject, which is merged in Spec,PredP and then moves higher to Spec,TP. In view of this fact, I shall argue that the predicate – DP cannot be the subject since that position is already filled. The more likely candidate is the locative itself, since it is the one that consistently appears in the initial position. This would explain the ban of the lexical DP from that position and therefore accounting for (55). The hypothesis makes the prediction that the position of the locative ðin ‘there’ is the same as the English locative ‘there’. As for the Pred – head, it can be argued that it is filled with a phonetically null copula. Note that the copula not having a phonetic realisation is not uncommon. Benmamoun (2008) discusses several instances from Moroccan Arabic, where the copula has no overt representation. He refers to these copulative constructions as ‘verbless sentences’. In his cross-linguistic

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survey of existentials and locatives, Freeze also shows that Tongan is one the languages which has a phonetically null copula.

52 The status of the locative predication may be subject to cross-linguistic variation. For instance, Romance locatives are not subjects (Freeze 1992, Kayne 2006). The evidence that is usually used to justify the claim is that locatives co-occur with another subject, as can be seen from French in (58). The highlighted locative-clitic y cannot be the subject, since that position is occupied by the dummy il. However, this behaviour cannot be extended to Tarifit since the latter has no subject other than the actual locative. So, it can be argued that Tarifit differs from its Romance counterparts in that the locative is in the subject position, similar to English. This would also explain the reason why Tarifit has morphologically different locatives. Under the proposed analysis, the locative (a)qa is a copula – head whereas the locative ðin is an XP/subject.

(58) il y a une voiture dans le parking. it LOC. has a car in the carpark ‘There is a car in the carpark.’

53 If the proxemics is the subject of a null copula as we argue, the derivation of a sentence like (57) should look like (59) below. The predicate is a SC, which consists of the DP and the locative ðin ‘there’. When the Pred – head is merged to build a predicate clause, the locative undergoes movement to the subject position in Spec,PredP whereas the DP remains in the complement of the phonetically empty copula. The locative undergoes final movement to Spec,TP to value the EPP feature there, similar to the previously discussed subjects. Like the locative-clitic in (49), ðin ‘there’ may also undergo PF merger under adjacency due to the clitic constraint pointed out in the previous section. The clitic property of the proxemics comes from the fact that they undergo movement to a second position like other pronominal clitics (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1989, Ouhalla 2005). The proxemics-locative being the subject would be similar to the English ‘there’. Conversely, Romance locatives (the Catalan hi, French y and Italian ci) being copula heads should move to T via the Pred. These options are both discussed by Freeze (1992).

54 (59)

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6. Concluding Remarks

55 This paper examined the typology of copulative predication in Tarifit Berber. Three major categories were identified: (1) the verbal-existential copula is spelt out by iri, (2) nominal by ð-, and (3) locative by aqa. The proxemics locatives were also shown to take part in this typology. However, these are subjects with a phonetically null copula occupying the Pred functional head.

56 I proposed a unified structure, which captures all these copulative predicates under the PredP. This projection has the main function of turning the lexical representation of the predicates into copulative sentences. As for their tense and aspect features, these are argued to be the properties of TP. This amounts to the claim that these features are syntactic and not inherent to these copulas.

57 Of particular importance is the use of the verbal copula iri in complex clauses. When it is the head of a main clause, iri was shown to select only a small clause but cannot select a main clause, unlike Tamazight.

58 Acknowledgments:

59 I am grateful to Jamal Ouhalla for useful discussions and comments on an earlier version of this paper. 467-968X.12049.

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NOTES

1. The following abbreviations are used for the representation of the data: 1, 2, 3 → ‘1st, 2nd, 3rd person’, aor → ‘aorist’, caus → ‘causative’, cl → ‘clitic’, Comp → ‘complementiser’, cs → ‘Construct State’, dat → ‘dative’, dem → ‘demonstrative’, f → ‘feminine, fut → ‘future’, imperf → ‘imperfective’, m → ‘masculine’, neg → ‘negation’, neut → ‘neutral’, perf → ‘perfective’, prog → ‘progressive’, pst → ‘past’, obj → ‘object’, pl → ‘plural’, sing → ‘singular’. 2. As will be discussed below, the copula has various forms depending on its aspectual marking. I choose here iri as the basic form, which is found in the imperative and the aorist being the neutral/unmarked form of the verb. Cadi (2006) also uses iri as the unmarked form, in Tarifit, corresponding to the French être. 3. Note the allomorphic variation of the copula in (6) and (7), which arises from the gemination of /r/: /r/ + /r/ = /ʤ/. 4. The /l/ has re-emerged, again, as a result of lexical borrowing and found mainly with borrowed nouns. 5. Traditionally, it is argued that verbs are marked for aspect but no tense. The main aspectual forms, which alternate on the verb, are perfective and imperfective. These are interpreted as past and present, respectively. Two other forms are identified in the Berber linguistic tradition. The irrealis/perfective form which is exclusive to negation and the aorist form which is the neutral/unmarked form, generally associated with the imperative (Laoust 1932, Basset 1952, Penchoen 1973, Hale and Guerssel 1987, Ouhalla 1988). 6. The tense and aspectual marking of ara may vary, depending on the form of the main verb and also on whether the verb is eventive or stative. This is summarised in the table below in (i). With respect to eventive verbs, the combination of ara with the perfective form yields past-perfective and the imperfective form yields past-imperfective or progressive. As for stative verbs, the combination of ara with the perfective form yields past-tense and imperfective form yields past- imperfective or progressive. It should be noted though that ara always marks the verb for past- tense, regardless, but the feature that varies is aspect. It is important to note that this same element, which is realised in other varieties as ala, is a present marker in Tamazight (Ouali 2011).

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(i): EVENTIVE VERBSSTATIVE VERBSara + PERFPAST – PERF.PASTara + IMPERFPAST – IMPERF/PROGR. 7. A reminder that subject-agreement is an inherent property of Berber, in that all verbs must display subject-agreement when used in the clause regardless. 8. As for the common view where subject-agreement is generally assumed to go hand-in-hand with tense, this correlation is not always true cross-linguistically. Welsh, another VSO language, has some embedded clauses (referred to as ‘i-clauses’) that are not tensed yet display subject- agreement (Borsley, Tallerman and Willis 2007). 9. In Zenaga Berber, spoken in Mauretania, this copula is apparently found as ad- (Taine-Cheikh 2010). 10. While this copula is attested with all the major studied Berber varieties, some parametric variations may still be found. Chaker (1983) reports that Taqbaylit allows this copula to be used with “weather expressions”: ‘it is cold, hot etc.’ Unlike Taqbaylit, Tarifit does not allow the nominal copula in this particular context as in (i). Instead, this predication is simply realised by a DP as in (ii). This suggests that nominal predication in Tarifit can also be realised by a bare DP without the need for the nominal copula. (i) *ð- a-smmið. be SG-cold ‘It is cold.’ (ii) a-smmið. SG-cold ‘It is cold.’ 11. Some nominal predicates may allow temporary reading under particular discourse contexts. In (i), the property of being ‘pale’ attributed to the subject may be temporary if the person is sick and does not look well that day. (i) ð- a-wraʁ nhara. be SG-yellow today ‘He is pale today.’ 12. The incompatibility of the nominal copula with negation was previously noted by Ouhalla (1988) and Ouali (2011). Ouhalla accounts for this by selection, arguing that the first negative particle u- must select the negative form displayed on the verb. Ouali deals with this by feature- pairing where negation enters into agreement relation with T, using the theory of Agree (Chomsky 2001, 2004). 13. One of the languages that are widely discussed, where this binary distinction is marked using morphology, is Spanish. Spanish has two copulas: estar, which is generally argued to correlate with ILP and ser with SLP (Luján 1981, Schmitt 1993; 2005). If the nominal copula is generic, this would be evidence that Berber also displays morphological distinction regarding these features, similar to Spanish. 14. This hypothesis was suggested by Kratzer (1995), who argued that this aspectual information is the property of the lexical predicate. 15. While the locative appears to behave similar to the English existential ‘there’, aqa is not existential in Tarifit in that the lexical DP that follows may be definite. This can be seen from the doubling case in (i). (i) aqa-t, Nunja here-3F.OBJ Nunja ‘Here is she, Nunja.’ 16. In addition to Freeze (1993) and Kayne (2008), see also den Dikken (2006) for a theory that makes use of similar inversion. 17. There are three locatives of this kind, which mark proximity vis-à-vis the speaker and addressee: ða‘here’ (i.e. close to speaker),ðin

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‘there’ (i.e. far from speaker but close to addressee) andðiha ‘over there’ (i.e. far from both speaker and addressee).

ABSTRACTS

This paper investigates the typology of copulative predication in Tarifit Berber. Three main copulas are identified: (1) verbal, (2) nominal and (3) locative. Given that these elements can all be used as predicates, a uniform configuration which accounts for their derivation is proposed. The structure consists of a lower lexical layer occupied by the predicate (VP, NP etc.) and a higher functional projection represented by the Predicate Phrase (PredP). The Pred – head then enters into an agreement relation with the lower head in the complement position, yielding a predicational copula sentence. Since these constructions are all marked for tense/aspect, the derivation is extended further to a TP projection where the relevant feature is valued. In view of the unified syntactic analysis, the difference between various copula predicates is optimally reduced to the categorial status of the basic predicate occupying the lower lexical projection. The paper identifies another copula construction, which correlates with the proxemics-locative. An examination of this configuration from a close range reveals that this particular locative occupies the subject position whereas the Pred – head is only filled with a bare syntactic feature but encodes no phonological information.

Prédication copulative en berbère tarifit Cet article explore la typologie de la prédication copulative en berbère tarifit. On identifie 3 copules principales : (1) verbale, (2) nominale et (3) locative. Etant donné que tous ces éléments peuvent être employés comme prédicats, l’article propose une configuration uniforme qui rend compte de leur dérivation. Cette structure consiste en un niveau lexical inférieur occupé par le prédicat (VP, NP etc) et une projection fonctionnelle plus haute représentée par le Predicate Phrase (PredP). La tête Pred entre ensuite dans une relation d’accord avec la tête basse située en position de complément, créant une phrase à copule prédicative. Comme ces constructions sont toutes marquées pour le temps/aspect, la dérivation est étendue à une projection TP, où le trait pertinent est valué. L’analyse syntaxique étant unifiée, la différence entre les divers prédicats copulatifs est réduite de façon optimale au statut catégoriel du prédicat de base occupant la projection lexicale basse. Cet article identifie une autre construction copulative correspondant au locatif proxémique. L’examen précis de cette configuration révèle que ce locatif particulier occupe la position de sujet tandis que la tête Pred est occupée par un trait syntaxique seulement, mais n’encode aucune information phonologique.

INDEX

Mots-clés: berbère tarifit, prédication copulative, copule verbale, copule nominale, copule locative Keywords: Tarifit Berber, copulative predication, verbal copula, nominal copula, locative copula

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AUTHOR

ABDELHAK EL HANKARI The University of Newcastle, Australia

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Written in stones: The Amazigh colonization of the Canary Islands

José Farrujia de la Rosa

1 In memory of Werner Pichler

1. Introduction: The Imazighen of the Canary Islands

2 The Imazighen, the indigenous populations of North Africa, have maintained a constant presence since ancient times in the nowadays so called Tamazgha (Hachid, 2000; Chafik, 2005). This African region has experienced various forms of colonisation which, through contacts established with the indigenous people, have given the area a special character. North Africa has been the focus of interactions with “late-comers”, from the founding of Carthage in around 814 BC to the arrival of the French and Spanish colonisers in the twentieth century. The Amazigh-speaking peoples of ancient times, having already encountered the Phoenicians in Carthage, then came into contact with the original “globaliser” (Rome), later resulting in Byzantium. This was followed, more profoundly, by Islam, with the Muslim presence, starting in around 647 AD, proving the most significant (El Aissati, 2005).

3 By the 17th and 18th centuries, Arabic had come to predominate in Tunisia and Algeria, although in Morocco the majority of the population continued to live within Amazigh- speaking tribal frameworks. It was only in the nineteenth century that Europe returned to the Maghreb in full triumph, inaugurating another wave of integration within the world economic system through “imperialism” (Maddy-Weitzman, 2006).

4 In the case of the Canary Islands (Fig. 1), the Imazighen from North Africa settled in the Canarian Archipelago since the beginnings of the 1st millennium BC and developed a culture on the islands that can be linked to native North African societies and magical- religious practices associated with the religions of the ancient Amazigh (Farrujia, 2014). But we are still far from being able to form a final opinion regarding the situation for

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the Archipelago as a whole, since the extent of research varies widely from island to island. Also, the present-day situation is unpromising since, although research in recent decades has consolidated the Canarian-African relationship, it is clear that there is still no consensus in terms of origins (how did the islands become populated and colonised? How did the first settlers arrive?). In addition, isolated radiocarbon dates obtained recently are not representative of the entire Archipelago. In this sense, for example, those from the Buenavista site in Lanzarote, which produce a date of C-14 for the 10th century BC, suggest an earlier occupation of Lanzarote (Atoche, 2011), an island which is closest to the African coast. In the case of Tenerife, for example, the most ancient ones produce a date of C-14 for the 5th century BC, and in the case of La Palma, for the 3rd century BC (Farrujia, 2014).

Fig. 1. The Canary Islands

1.1 What archaeology tells us about the insular Imazighen

5 The indigenous Canarian culture can only be explained by a continental-Africana ethnogenesis which is inseparable from the culture of certain ethnic Amazigh groups that lived approximately 3.000 years ago. The culture developed in the Canarian Archipelago by Imazighen societies was clearly influenced by insular isolation and adaptation to the island environment under conditions which meant that they were virtually cut off from contact with the African continent and other ethnic Amazigh groups.

6 On the basis of current research, it is possible to refer to the existence of relations between some islands during the indigenous period (Tenerife-La Gomera, or Lanzarote- Fuerteventura-Gran Canaria), since certain aspects of the material culture would appear to indicate this. However, some cultural features in certain islands are not found in others. Although they share the same base, the indigenous island cultures developed in isolation, with very little contact with the exterior. Given this, the poor quality of the ceramics, except in the case of Gran Canaria, leads to the conclusion that later inter-island and even cross cultural ex-changes were rare, indicating cultural isolation until the time when the islands were conquered by the Europeans in the 14th century.

7 This has made the indigenous archaeology of the Canary Islands an extraordinary, marginal and almost unclassifiable historical example of Amazigh or (North) African

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culture. In other words, the indigenous Canarian universe was unarguably Amazigh, although from the point of view of “positive culture” it is a unique case and an extraordinary product of involution (due to isolation) and adaptation to an island environment. The archaeological evidence (ceramics, rock inscriptions, etc.) and anthropological/genetical type (DNA) evidence are indisputable (Mederos & Escribano, 2002; Farrujia, 2014), as we will argue in forthcoming pages. However, there are many gaps in our understanding of the circumstances in which the first settlers arrived in the Canary Islands. We still do not know how or why the North African Amazigh landed in the Canary Islands in the first millennium BC, although the early colonisation of the islands has recently been related to Phoenician-Punic influence in the Atlantic: the islands could have been colonized by Phoenician traders who brought over North Africans.1

8 The indigenous Canarians lived mainly in natural caves (and to a lesser extent in man- made caves cut into rocks), usually near the coast, 300-500 m above sea level. These caves were sometimes isolated but more commonly formed settlements, with burial caves nearby. Gran Canaria is the only island where settlements with stone houses forming important urban concentrations can be found, although isolated houses have also been documented. In terms of subsistence, animal husbandry was the main means of support for the indigenous societies in the different islands, with the exception of Gran Canaria where agriculture was more developed, including both dry and irrigated farming. The herds basically consisted of goats and sheep and, to a lesser extent, pigs, all of them imported from West North Africa and adequately adapted to the climate and enviroment. Gathering plants and fishing also provided significant food resources (Mederos & Escribano, 2002).

9 Ceramics are the artefacts most commonly found in archaeological excavations and also the most widely studied. This is due to the research possibilities they offer, using a cultural-historical approach (which still prevails amongst Canarian archaeologists), for establishing timelines, food consumption patterns, stylistic trends, etc. In the Canary Islands they are typically varied, with each island presenting both formal and decorative differen-ces. The only common feature is that they were coil-built instead of using a wheel. Ceramic items were often incised or burnished, in particular in Gran Canaria, where painted decorations in shades of red, black and white were also common. The La Palma ceramics provide the best stratigraphic sequence, in four phases, although the Gran Canaria ceramics are undoubtedly the most complex, due to the variety of shapes, handles and decorative features. Gran Canaria ceramics also exhibit the clearest affinities with North African Amazigh ceramics (Fig. 2). The Tenerife vessel forms enable parallels to be drawn with those documented in Mauritania and in the central and southern Sahara regions (Farrujia, 2014).

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Fig. 2. Decorated ceramic from Gran Canaria. Photo: El Museo Canario

10 The raw materials used in the lithic industry were obsidian and basalt, and the most common tools were burins, borers, racloirs and scrapers. Typical polished stone items were ground stones, used to grind cereals. In terms of the bone industry, which was based mainly on ovicaprine bones, grainers and awls for use in leatherwork were common, as well as fish hooks. Antlers were also used to make tools for ploughing or were set in wood to be used as projectiles (spears). There was also an important wood industry, primarily represented by shepherd’s crooks, combs, shields, containers and doors for man-made caves and houses.

11 The majority of the plant fibres used by the indigenous Canarians for clothing and basket-making came from the round-head bulrush (Holoschoenus vulgaris), which wasused to make mats, baskets, bags and shrouds, as well as garments, which were also manufactured from goatskin (Arco, 1993).

12 According to the first chronicles and historical sources written by the Europeans just after the conquest and colonization of the Canary Islands (see Tejera & González, 1987; Farrujia, 2014), in terms of social and political organisation, there was a system of matrilineal descent in most of the islands, in which inheritance was passed on via the female line. Social status and wealth were hereditary and determined the individual’s position in the social pyramid, which consisted of the king (known as the Guanarteme in Gran Canaria and Mencey in Tenerife), the relatives of the king, the lower “nobility”, villeins, plebeians and, finally, executioners, butchers, embalmers and prisoners.

13 With regard to faith, the indigenous Canarians, like the North African Imazighen groups, worshipped two celestial divinities, the sun and the moon, and sacred natural places such as particular mountains, rocks and caves. Their religion revolved around the need for rainwater, on which the pasture land and crops, and therefore the food for the indigenous people and their livestock, depended. Religious offices were usually held by men, although in Gran Canaria and Fuerteventura these duties were performed by women. Some indigenous sites have been associated with this cult, such as the cave

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paintings in Gran Canaria whose interiors display painted geometric motifs, the cup and groove sites, consisting of small spherical depressions carved into the rock and linked by man-made channels which are related to the spilling of libations, and the sacrificial altars, built in stone and varying in shape although mainly circular, used to burn animals sacrificed as offerings to the gods (Tejera, 2001; Mederos & Escribano, 2002).

14 The world of death was also related to cultural practices. In the Canary Islands, burial sites are one of the most common finds, although they have been plundered continuously since the 18th century. The indigenous Canarians beloved that life continued in another form after death and therefore supplied the corpse with provisions (ceramics, food, awls, beads, rush bags, etc.). They laid the bodies to rest by placing them on beds of stone, vegetation, animal skins etc. to avoid physical contact with the earth. The most common method of laying out corpses was to place them supine inside natural caves or shelters. In Gran Canaria they were also placed in excavated caves or tombs (Arco, Jiménez & Navarro, 1992).

15 Indigenous funeral rituals also included mummification, which was reserved for members of the “nobility” (as a prestige practice) and has been documented primarily in Tenerife and Gran Canaria.2 In this sense, and according to Abreu Galindo (1602), in the isle of Gran Canaria, nobles and gentry were mummified in the sun and then deposited in burial caves. Also, as Arco (1976) has argued, the mummified remains studied in the Canary Islands present a size above average, an important level of leptosomia, and they lived longer. These, in fact, are the main biological characteristics of the upper social strata. It is also relevant the following aspect: mummification is represented by a small percentage compared to non mummification, and this is indicative of the existence of social differences expressed at the time of burial.

16 Further evidence of the North African origins of the indigenous Canary Island populations can be seen in the rock engravings, featuring a script classified as Libyan- Berber that shows clear affinities with scripts recorded in Libya and Algeria. Moreover, from a genetic point of view, the closest counterparts to 55% of the descendants of the indigenous populations are found in the Maghreb.3

1.2 The gradual disappearance of the indigenous Canarian heritage

17 The entire indigenous culture, which had existed in the Canary Islands since the middle of the first millennium BC, began to disappear irreversibly following the conquest and colonisation of the Archipelago, that began in the Late Middle Ages, at the end of the 14th century.

18 With the passing of time, the legacy of the individual communities that inhabited the different islands in the Archipelago up to the time of the European colonisation –and provided evidence of their way of life and adaptation and survival strategies in this island environment– began to disappear irreversibly as a direct result of the gradual disappearance of the indigenous Canarian societies. In the case of the Canary Islands, unlike the situation in the American continent (Pérez, 2006) or in Australia (Veracini, 2006), there is no historical continuity between the indigenous, pre-colonial and post- colonial societies, since the conquest and subsequent colonisation of the Canary Islands by the Crown of Castile led to the gradual physical destruction of almost the entire indigenous society.4 This is why in the Canary Islands there is no indigenous

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archaeology –i.e. archaeological research and heritage management produced by and for indigenous people. In fact, the Canarian economy became characterised essentially by a model based on agricultural development, which, in turn, formed part of the Atlantic and international economy. This led to the development of a dependent and peripheral economy on the islands from the beginning of the 16th century. The resulting colonial society was composed of a ruling group (the aristocracy, clergy and merchants i.e. those who held political positions and controlled the economy) and the majority whom they ruled (labourers, those marginalised for religious reasons, and slaves, including the indigenous Canarians).

19 In the case of the Canary Islands therefore, the concept of “indigenous” implies clear temporal connotations: it refers to the populations present on the islands since the time of the first settlements in the Archipelago (in the middle of the first millennium BC) until its rediscovery in the 16th century by Europeans.

20 The rediscovery of the Canary Islands by the Europeans therefore led to the gradual disappearance of the indigenous settlements, the elimination of material items from the indigenous culture, the appropriation of indigenous areas, which were occupied by the new settlers and by the emerging colonial society, and the imposition of ways of life and systems of social organisation and production governed by a Western-European world view, values and regulatory mechanisms that were alien to the indigenous Canarian world. Over time, the arrival in the Archipelago of an imperialist archaeology, developed during the 19th century and a good part of the 20th century, would help perpetuate a Western, European interpretation of the indigenous Canarian past, as already argued in other works (Farrujia, 2009 and 2014). An unequal power relationship was therefore the starting point for any consideration of the Canarian heritage. The archaeology of the Canary Islands was perceived through the “filter” of a knowledge that systematically questioned the Amazigh origin of the Canarian indigenous people, arguing instead for a supposedly European root. Parallel to this, archaeological heritage management underwent certain changes that nevertheless failed to improve the organisation, understanding, protection and dissemination of the indigenous heritage, until well entered the 20th century. And therefore, archaeological evidence was analysed on the basis of this discourse and this knowledge was essentially disseminated via the museums, as it has been recently discussed (Farrujia, 2013b).

2. The origin of the Libyco-Berber script and the Canarian context

21 Regarding the Libyco-Berber script, and even if Algerian colleagues (e.g. Hachid 2000) claim its independent invention, one fact should be beyond discussion: such an elaborated alphabetical script without any previous stage of pictographic or syllabic script would presuppose one of the most ingenious acts of invention during the whole history of mankind. We can find no second example worldwide. The assumption that this brilliant creator took the same signs for the same phonemes in a series of cases as the creators of the Old Phoenician alphabet is beyond any credible probability. So it seems reasonable to restrict to the assumption that the Libyco-Berber script was no own invention in the strict sense of the word but a very creative adaptation.

22 There can be no doubt about the autochthon invention of script in Sumer and Central America, probably this happened in China and Egypt too. The search for the probable

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precursor of the Libyco-Berber script is not at all complicated. Central America and China drop out by spatial and temporal reasons, the highly pictographic Hieroglyphic script of Egypt never can be a model for the extremely geometric Libyco-Berber script. So it is no surprise that more than 90% of all researchers agree in the preference of Sumer as the probable place of origin. Till the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC the idea of script reached the coast of the Mediterranean. In the time about 1700 BC the idea of a consonantal script was born in the region between Syria and the peninsula of Sinai. Out of this region the script developed into two different directions:

to the S-Semitic scripts of the Arabian Peninsula to the NW-Semitic scripts.

23 The clear favourites for precursors among these two groups are:

the so-called “Thamudic” scripts the Old Phoenician script.

24 In fact the decision is not really complicated: How should the Berber people of NW- Africa ever have been able to get in contact with the nomads and oasis settlers of the Arabian desert or vice versa? Of course a contact with the seafaring Phoenician people which colonized a great part of the Mediterranean coast is much more plausible.

25 Actually, Jürgen Untermann (1997) has proved years ago that the Phoenicians have brought the script to the southern part of the Iberian Peninsula during the 9th century BC. What would be more plausible as to presume a similar act of taking over the script south of the Street of Gibraltar?

26 To tell it in short: All indications for this event fit together perfectly:

the system of the script, especially the three half vowels the time and the place of the taking over.

-The vowel system

27 While the inhabitants of the Iberian Peninsula took over the three half vowels from the Old Phoenician alphabet and added two more vowels under Greek influence, the inhabitants south of Gibraltar kept the system of three half vowels.

-The time

28 The development of some Old Phoenician characters gives us a temporal corridor for the taking over to Gibraltar between the 10th and 9th century BC and to Northern Africa about the 8th or 7th century BC.

-The place

29 If all what we know about the development of the Libyco-Berber script is not totally wrong, we can identify the oldest inscriptions in the mountains of the High Atlas.

30 In 2006 trial trenches were made on the Oukaimeden plateau in the High Atlas, one of them exactly on front of the famous “frise aux elephants” with one of the supposed oldest Libyco-Berber inscriptions. The C-14date obtained from the charcoal of a hearth

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resulted in an age of 2680 +/- 35 BP. The authors of this study summarize: “Il est tentant (mais osé) d’établir un lien entre la date de ce foyer et l’inscription libyco-berbère de la frise aux éléphants. (…) Mais ceci reste purement hypo-thetique” (El Graoui et al. 2008: 107f).

31 This is totally correct. In fact, this C-14date is no proof of the age of the inscriptions. Nevertheless, it is a remarkable correspondence with the age deduced from the historical evolution of script in the Mediterranean.

3. The Lybico-Berber script and the Canary Islands

-The archaic script

32 The above mentioned original type of alphabet, which can be called the archaic one (Fig. 3), spread to the East until the Kabylia and to the West till the Canary Islands. The most plausible time of this taking over to the islands deduced from the epigraphic development is the 6th century BC.

33 We can find these archaic inscriptions especially on El Hierro and Gran Canaria and single ones on La Gomera and La Palma. Their main features are:

they are pecked (and not carved or scratched) they prefer round variants (instead of angular ones) they occur in a clearly definable context of linear and geometric depictions: circles, serpentines, labyrinths, nets etc.

Fig. 3. The main differences between archaic and classic inscriptions

34 It is evident that this context shows striking similarities to the so-called “megalithic” repertoire of signs. During the last century D.J. Wölfel and his students tried to search

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for these roots of an “Atlantic culture”, but we have no evidence of such a connection so far and probably we never will find one (Pichler 2003; Farrujia, 2013a). However, it is no secret that the North African rock art provides hundreds and thousands of examples which show an evident similarity to Canarian ones.

35 Thus it is no surprise that we can find in these archaic inscriptions personal names which are identical with ones from African inscriptions:

36 NGRN = NGRH (RIL 441)

37 STN = STH (RIL 980)

38 MZL = MSHL (RIL 586)

39 MSKL = MSKL (RIL 713)

40 KSN = KSN (RIL 719) etc.

41 Who were the creators of these archaic inscriptions? At least since Wölfel it was usual to ascribe the Libyco-Berber inscriptions to seafarer who made a short stop or unintentional visitors like ship wreckers sailors: “My provisional impression is that the greatest part of the inscriptions is situated near the coast. Therefore, it seems reasonable to think of seafarer who visited the islands to bunker fresh water and to have a rest” (1940: 306). Wölfel felt confirmed in this assumption by his own translation of one line from La Caleta/El Hierro (Fig. 4):

42 l)£ta = LRYT = lereita = was here.

Fig. 4. Details of the inscription of La Caleta (El Hierro)

43 From the epigrapher’s point of view it is necessary to state that this transliteration is definitely wrong. The first sign lstands for /w/ in vertical lines, the sign for /l/ would be P (l turned 90°).

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44 Nowak, also imbedded by an evolutionist positioning, took over Wölfel’s ideas and resumed: “An assignment of these alphabetiform inscriptions to the original inhabitants seems to be just as bold as improbable” (1986: 70). Only a few very rough inscriptions in a greater distance from the coast were considered to be naive copies of inscriptions made by the inhabitants. All these conclusions were based upon a sample of some dozens of inscriptions from El Hierro only, and as already stated, imbedded by evolutionism. In fact, nearly 90% of the panels on this island are situated nearer than one kilometre, nearly 20% nearer than ten meters from the coast.

45 Nowadays we have the counter example of Fuerteventura: on this island all sites except two can be found in distances of 6–12 kilometres from the coast. If we consider that the typical width of the island lies between 18 and 26 kilometres this means a nearly maximum distance of the sites from the coast. In addition we register typical altitudes of 200 – 570 meters, half of the sites lie on the top of mountains. In view of these facts the thesis of occasional or unintentional visitors as creators of the inscriptions becomes obsolete.

46 Everyone who ever has dealt with the topic of the Libyco-Berber script knows that we have a second group of inscriptions on the eastern islands of the archipelago. For a better understanding let us first have a look on the further development in the northernmost part of Africa.

-The classic script

47 Since the 3rd century BC two Numidian kingdoms developed: the one of the Masaesyli and the one of the Massyli. The Libyco-Berber script of this time, which can be called the classic one, was adopted as an “official script” of these kingdoms, especially used for monuments and gravestones. The considerable influence of the Roman and Punic cultures upon these inscriptions is documented by a series of bilingues.

48 Exactly in this era there happened a second wave of immigration to the Canary Islands. Berber people which were accustomed to the Roman culture and script brought a second type of inscriptions which differ from the archaic ones in three points (Fig. 2):

they are carved or scratched they prefer angular variants they occur often in a context of Latin cursive inscriptions.

49 All of these three points cannot be stated as apodictic conditions. That means: not every scratched inscription belongs necessarily to the classic type but there is a striking preference. The same goes for the preference of angular variants which is caused by the technique: it is much easier to scratch/carve straight lines than round ones.

50 The second type of alphabetic inscriptions on the Canary Islands (The Latino-Canarian type) plays an important role for the dating of the associated Libyco-Berber ones. The first examples of this type were discovered in the late 1980s on Fuerteventura and Lanzarote. A research project carried out by Werner Pichler, and sponsored by the Austrian FWF, widened the basis for examination and interpretation from a handful of lines to about 240 lines.

51 As it was already demonstrated in the 1990s, this special type of cursive script, which is typical for the border-territories of the Roman Empire, can be dated to the time about

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Jesus Christ’s birth (Pichler 1994, 1995). This is exactly the time of the colonies of Augustus in Morocco (Tingis, Lixus, Zilis, etc.: 27 BC – 14 BC) and of the Mauretanian king Juba II. (25 BC – AD 23) with his crimson manufactories at Mogador, and probably also in the Canary Islands.

52 Among the Latino-Canary lines we can find personal names which are well-known from North African inscriptions (Fig. 5):

53 ANIBAL = HANIBAL

54 NUFEL = NUBEL/NUVEL etc.

55 The preferred destination of this wave of immigration were the eastern islands Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, where the classic type of script is the only one, occasional examples seem to exist on Gran Canaria, Tenerife and El Hierro.

Fig. 5. Latino-Canarian inscriptions from Morro Pinacho y Barranco del Cavadero (Fuerteventura)

56 The most frequently asked question is if we can read these ancient inscriptions of the Canary Islands. For a considerable part of them the answer is: Yes. The transliteration of the Canary inscriptions is solved to nearly 100% by new discoveries of the last decades. A basis group of the sign inventory never changed during the 2500 years of development:

57 à = M, t = T, O = N, P = L, r = R, ¢ = Y

58 Some additional signs did not change their form and phonetic value till the invention of recent Tifinagh:

59 m = D, l = W, ú = P/F, I = S

60 A series of further characters easily can be recognized as variants of a basic form:

F1 F2 Image 20000009000003C6000003F987DFD0A6.wmf = ú, F0 = ∏ , 00 = ¢

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61 In these last cases a statistical analysis of the frequencies can help to establish assignments to phonetic values with a high degree of probability. In any case the result must be a complete alphabet and a frequency of each character which is usual in the used language/s.

62 In fact, in 1994 there were documented some examples of bi-scripts (Libyco-Berber and Latino-Canary) on Fuerteventura (Pichler 1994). Since this time the transcription of Libyco-Berber inscriptions in general is far beyond speculation.

63 In the case of these few bi-scripts we can be very sure that the writer had control of both alphabets. He surely comes from a territory inside the borders of the Roman Empire, growing up with the Berbers own script and learning a second one by getting in contact with the Romans. Such a Romanized Berber writes his name in Latin characters and adds his filiation in Libyco-Berber characters: he feels as a participant of the Roman culture but at the same time he is proud of his Berber origin.

64 In general we can notice a very close connection between the Latino-Canary and the Libyco-Berber inscriptions of the Canary Islands:

We have some bi-scripts: the same word in both scripts on the same panel: e.g. WMKRN – AVMACURAN We have examples of the same personal name in Latino-Canarian and Libyco- Berber script on different panels/sites: e.g. WSM ’ - VASIMA We have examples of Latino-Canarian lines with one Libyco-Berber character for a phoneme which cannot be represented by a Latin character (all sibilants except of /s/): eg. IUFAS We can notice a distinct influence of the Libyco-Berber way of writing on some Latino-Canarian inscriptions, e.g. the direction of writing

65 The second step of reading the Canarian inscriptions is the transcription of the lines, mainly consisting in the addition of the unmarked vowels. This is no problem in the case of several personal names which are attested in Latin inscriptions on the Canaries:

66 SM ’ = SIMA

67 or – in most cases – in North Africa:

68 MSKL = MASCAL/MASCEL

69 In some cases we even can translate a Libyco-Berber line:

70 WMKRN = AVMACVRAN = son of MAKURAN (PN, male).

The transitional and the Tifinagh scripts

71 During a period of some hundred years the evolution from the archaic to the classic alphabet consists only in minimal changes: nearly all alterations of signs can be classified as variants of the basic forms. But sometimes later –we do not know when it happened up till now– the appearance of the Libyco-Berber script changed totally. All phonemes except six were represented by totally new signs from that time on. We call this new type of alphabet Tifinagh. This change didn’t happen in a sudden act of innovation but in a continuous process of transition. We can find examples of this transitional alphabet all over Northern Africa: from Mauritania and Morocco over Ahaggar, Adrar and Air till to the Tassili and Messak. The most obvious feature of this alphabet is the appearance of dotted signs in addition to linear ones:

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? together with l q together with þ

72 A further characteristic is the presence of the sequence q r þ (according to Aghali- Zakara 1999:3: “ə(re(“ = “I call”, followed by a personal name).

73 We can find only one inscription all over the Canary Islands which can be related with this stage of evolution of the Libyco-Berber script. It was documented at the site Llano de Zonzamas/Lanzarote (Pallares Padilla 1991: 59 - Fig. 12) and contains – quite astonishing - exactly the sequence q r þ - but in opposite order (Fig. 6).

Fig. 6. Inscription from Llano de Zonzamas (Lanzarote)

74 The final stage of the historical evolution of the Libyco-Berber script is called Tifinagh. Its evidence is thousands of rock inscriptions all over the whole territory of North Africa – but only very few in Morocco. This last restriction may be the reason for the fact that we can find no Tifinagh inscription on the Canary Archipelago. So the assertion cited again and again in a series of Spanish publications that the Libyco- Berber inscriptions of the Canary Islands originate from Berber/Moor slaves from the time after the Conquest is not legitimate at all. Probably these slaves came from the north-westernmost part of Africa and it looks like if literacy had not survived till to modern times in this region.

The colonization of the islands: a diachronic hypothesis on the basis of Libyco- Berber inscriptions

75 Of course we are far away from being able to give any final opinion about the situation of the whole archipelago because the level of research differs enormously from island to island. Nevertheless, the examination of the Libyco-Berber inscriptions indicates a

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division of the Canary Islands into two parts of Berber influence from different times, but geographically overlapping:

An Archaic Berber culture of the 6th century BC including El Hierro (El Julan, La Caleta etc.), parts of Gran Canaria (Barranco de Balos, Arteara etc.), the one inscription on La Palma (Cueva de Tajodeque) and probably the one of La Gomera (Las Toscas del Guirre) too. According to other archaeological data (Atoche, 2011), Lanzarote, and Fuerteventura probably too, were colonised since the 10th century BC. A Romanized Berber culture since the time of Augustus and Juba II, including Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, probably parts of Gran Canaria (Hoya Toledo, Llanos de Gamona etc.), some inscriptions on El Hierro (Barranco de Tejeleita, Barranco Cuervo etc.), and the one inscription on Tenerife (Cabuquero).5 The connection of the inscription from Tenerife with additional linear-geometric engravings similar to those of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura increases the probability of this assignment. The assignment of the inscriptions of Gran Canaria and El Hierro is highly hypothetic.6

76 In addition to these two significant waves of cultural influence we have a very small indication for a contact in the era of the transitional alphabet. But we have not the slightest indication that North African people imported the Tifinagh alphabet in the time after the Conquest.

4. Conclusions

77 Scientific research into the archaeology of the Canary Islands has been systematically characterized by an interest in issues such as timing and significance, in some cases from evolutionist approaches and, more recently, from a culture-historicism perspective. In this context, and in the case of Libyco-Berber inscriptions, it should be mentioned that the level of research differs from island to island: while we have a satisfying quantity of data from Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Gran Canaria, El Hierro and La Gomera, we know only one inscription each from Tenerife and from La Palma.7 In this sense, some of the present statements develop in this paper are of course provisional ones and can be modified by new discoveries.

78 Libyco-Berber inscriptions have played a really important role from a diachronic point of view, been studied with the aim of sequencing the prehistory of the islands. In recent years this has been accompanied by the emergence of numerous publications, in many cases produced outside research programs and divorced from theoretical discussion, the isolated study of certain rupestrian sites consisting of small-scale historical units (district, ravine, etc.), the failure –in most cases– to incorporate the perspective of spatial archaeology, and the development of research limited to the formal description of rock motifs that does not explore the inherent chrono-cultural or interpretative issues.

79 This problem in recent Canarian archaeology is a direct consequence of how the Canarian scientific community deals with the study of rupestrian manifestations and, when trying to unravel such questions as origin and meaning, the scenario remains quite bleak. Currently there are no research programmes that provide for systematic prospecting and excavation. As long as there is no provision for this, the study of archaeology will remain at a standstill.

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80 In this sense, we are far away from being able to give any final opinion about the situation of the whole archipelago, because the level of research differs enormously from island to island. Nevertheless, we can affirm that the ancient colonization of the Canary Islands (Archaic Berber culture) was initiated by the 6th century BC in El Hierro, La Palma, La Gomera, Tenerife and Gran Canaria. Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, according to other archaeological data, were colonised since the 10th century BC. In a second stage it was introduced a Romanized Berber culture since the time of Augustus and Juba II, including Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Gran Canaria, El Hierro and Tenerife.

Abreu Galindo J. (1977 ]1602[). Historia de la conquista de las siete islas de Canaria. Introducción y notas a cargo de Alejandro Cioranescu. Santa Cruz de Tenerife. Goya Ediciones. Aghali-Zakara M. (1999). “Les marqueurs d’orientation dans la lecture des inscriptions”. La Lettre du RILB, 5: 2-3. Arco Aguilar M. C. (1976). “El enterramiento canario pre-hispánico”. Anuario de Estudios Atlánticos, 22: 13-112. Arco Aguilar M. C. (1993). Recursos vegetales en la Prehistoria de Canarias. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: Cabildo Insular de Tenerife. Arco Aguilar M. C., Jiménez Gómez, M. C. & Navarro Mederos J. F. (1992). La arqueología en Canarias: del mito a la ciencia. Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Spain): Interinsular. Ediciones Canarias. Atoche Peña P. (2011). “Excavaciones arqueológicas en el sitio de Buenavista Lanzarote): nuevos datos para el estudio de la colonización protohistórica del archipiélago canario”. Gerión, 29 (1): 59-82. Chafik M. (2005). Treinta y tres siglos de la Historia de los Imazighen (Bereberes). Rabat (Morocco): Institut Royal de la Culture Amazighe. Centre de la Traduction, de la Documentation de l’Edition et de la Communication. El-Aissati A. (2005). “A socio-historical perspective on the Amazigh (Berber) Cultural Movement in North Africa”. AfrikaFocus, Vol. 18 (1-2): 59-72. El-Graoui M. et al. (2008). “Recherche d’indices chronologiques sur le passage des graveurs de rochers de l’Oukaimeden (Haut Atlas, Maroc)”. Sahara, 19: 105-108. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J. (2003). “The Canary Islands under Franco’s dictatorship: archaeology, national unity and African aspirations”. Journal of Iberian Archaeology, 5: 209-222. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J. (2005). Imperialist archaeology in the Canary Islands. French and German studies on prehistoric colonization at the end of the 19th century. British Archaeological Reports. International Series, 1333. Oxford: Archaeopress. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J. (2010). En busca del pasado guanche. Historia de la Arqueología en Canarias (1868-1968). Preface by Alain Schnapp. Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Spain): Edicion Ka. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J. (2013a). “Le colonialisme et le ‘Collège Invisible’ dans l’emergence de l’archéologie des Îles Canaries au XIXe siècle”. Bulletin du Musée d’anthropologie préhistorique de Monaco, 53: 53-61, 2013. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J. (2013b). An archaeology of the margins. Colonialism, amazighity and heritage management in the Canary Islands. Multidisciplinary perspectives in archaeological heritage management. Springer: Nueva York. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J. (2014). Ab initio. Análisis historiográfico y arqueológico sobre el primitivo poblamiento de Canarias (1342-1969). Nueva edición, revisada y ampliada. Prólogo de Jordi Estévez Escalera. Colección Thesaurus. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: Ediciones Idea.

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Farrujia de la Rosa, A. J. (ed.) (2015). Orígenes. Enfoques interdisciplinares sobre el poblamiento indígena de Canarias. Colección Thesaurus Arqueología. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: Ediciones Idea. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J. & García Marín S. (2005). “The Canary Islands and the Sahara: reviewing an archaeological problem”. Sahara, 16: 55-62. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J. & García Marín S. (2007) “The rock art site of Risco Blanco (Tenerife, Canary Islands), and the Saharan Horsemen Cycle”. Sahara, 18: 69-84. Farrujia de la Rosa A. J., Pichler W., Rodrigue A. & García Marín S. (2010). “The Lybico-Berber and Latino-Canarian Scripts and the colonization of the Canary Islands”. African Archaeological Review. Vol. 27 (1), 13-41. Fregel R., Gomes V., Gusmão L., González A. M., Cabrera V. M., Amorim A. & Larruga J. M. (2009). “Demographic history of Canary Islands male gene-pool: replacement of native lineages by European”, BMC Evolutionary Biology. Retrieved February, 2, 2012 from www.biomedcentral.com/content/pdf/ 1471-2148-9-181.pdf. González Antón R. & Arco Aguilar M. C. (2007). Los enamorados de la osa menor. Navegación y pesca en la protohistoria de Canarias. Colección Canarias Arqueológica, Vol. 1. Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Spain): Cabildo de Tenerife. Hachid M. (2000). Les premiers berberes: entre Mediterranee, Tassili et Nil. Aix-en- Provence: Edisud. Hodder I. (ed.). (2001). Archaeological Theory Today. Cambridge: Polity Press. Lozny L. R. (ed.). (2011). Comparative Archaeologies: A Socio-logical View of the Science of the Past. Berlin: Springer. Maddy-Weitzman B. (2006). “Ethno-politics and Globalisation in North Africa: The Berber Culture Movement”. The Journal of North African Studies. Vol. 11: 71-83. Maddy-Weitzman B. (2012). The Berber identity movement and the challenge to North African States. Austin: University of Texas Press. Mederos Martín A. & Escribano Cobo G. (2002). Los aborígenes y la prehistoria de Canarias. Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Spain): Centro de la Cultura Popular Canaria. Navarro Mederos J. F., Renata A. SpringerBunk and Juan Carlos Hernández Marrero (2006). “Inscriptions libyco-berbères à La Gomera (Îles Canaries): Las Toscas del Guirre”. Sahara, 16: 245. Nowak H. (1986). “Die ‘alphabetiformen Inschriften’ der Kanareninsel Hierro”. Almogaren. Kanarische Studien II. Hallein. Pallarés Padilla A. (1991). “Las peñas de Zonzamas y su inscripción líbico- bereber”. Lancelot, 416: 59. Pérez Guartambel C. (2006). Justicia indígena. Facultad de Jurisprudencia de la Universidad de Cuenca. Ecuador: Colegio de Abogados del Azuay. Pichler W. (1994). “Die Ostinsel-Inschriften Fuerteventuras, Transkription und Lesung”. Almogaren, XXIV-XXV/1993-94, 117-220. Pichler W. (1995). “Neue Ostinsel-Inschriften (latino-kanarische Inschriften) auf Fuerteventura”. Almogaren, XXVI, 21-46. Pichler W. (2003). Las inscripciones rupestres de Fuerteventura. Servicio de Publicaciones del Cabildo de Fuerteventura. Fuerteventura. Pichler W. (2007): “Origin and development of the Libyco-Berber script”. Berber Studies, Vol. 15. Rüdiger Köppe Verlag. Köln. Sabir A. (2008). Las Canarias prehispánicas y el Norte de África. El ejemplo de Marruecos. Paralelismos lingüísticos y culturales. Rabat: Institut Royal de la Culture Amazighe. Searight S. (2004). The Prehistoric Rock Art of Morocco. A study of its extension, environment and meaning. Oxford: BAR International Series, 1310. Springer Bunk R. (2010). “Los orígenes de la escritura líbico- bereber”. Anuario del Instituto de Estudios Canarios, No. LIV. 141-163.

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Tejera Gaspar A. (2001). Las religiones preeuropeas de las Islas Canarias. Madrid: Ediciones del Orto. Tejera Gaspar A. y M. A. Perera Betancort. (2011). “Las supuestas inscripciones púnicas y neopúnicas de las Islas Canarias”. Spal, 20: 175-184. Tejera Gaspar A. & González Antón, R. (1987). Las Culturas aborígenes canarias. Santa Cruz de Tenerife (Spain): Interinsular Canaria. Tilmatine M. (2008). Los estudios amaziges. Bibliografía temática. Barcelona: Ediciones Bellaterra. UNED-Melilla. Uuntermann J. (1997). “Neue Überlegungen und eine neue Quelle zur Entstehung der althispanischen Schriften”. Madrider Mitteilungen, 38: 49-66. Veracini L. (2006). “A prehistory of Australia’s History Wars: the evolution of aboriginal history during the 1970s and 1980s”. Australian Journal of Politics and History. Vol. 52, issue 3: 439-468. Wölfel D. J. (1940). “Vorläufige Mitteilungen zu den kanarischen Siegeln und Inschriften”. In Leonardo Torriani. Die kanarischen Inseln und ihre Urbewohner. Leipzig: Anhang III, 304-310.

NOTES

1. See the work of González Antón & Arco Aguilar (2007) or Atoche (2011), amongst others. 2. For a more extensive and detailed perspective on the archaeology of the Canary Islands, see the works of Tejera & González (1987); Arco et al. (1992); Arco (1993); Tejera (2001); Mederos & Escribano (2002); or Farrujia (2014), among others. 3. Autochthonous (E-M81) and prominent (E-M78 and J-M267) Amazigh Y-chromosome lineages were detected in Canarian indigenous remains, confirming the north-west African origins of their ancestors, thus validating previous mitochondrial DNA results (Fregel et al., 2009). 4. Indigenous female lineages have survived in present-day populations since the conquest, experiencing only a moderate decline, whereas indigenous male lineages have fallen consistently and have been replaced by European lineages (Fregel et al., 2009). 5. Some other rupestrian sites in Tenerife have already been related to this period, by means of stylistic comparisons with several sites located in Western Sahara (Farrujia & García, 2005 and 2007). 6. For a deeper analysis of this archaeological proposal, taking into consideration other archaeological data together with the inscriptions, it can be seen the work of Farrujia et al. (2010). 7. In the case of La Gomera it is important to highlight the archaeological site of “Las Toscas del Guirre”, due to the high amount of inscriptions documented, now under research (Navarro et al. 2006).

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ABSTRACTS

According to the archaeological data, the ancient colonization of the Canary Islands was initiated at the beginnings of the 1st millennium BC, by Imazighen populations. This colonization propitiated the introduction in the Canarian Archipielago of the Lybico-Berber inscriptions, among other cultural elements from the North African Amazigh world. In the following pages we analyze the ancient colonization of the Canary Islands in light of the study of Libyco–Berber inscriptions, Latino Canarian scripts, and indigenous material culture.

Gravée dans la pierre : la colonisation amazighe des Iles Canaries Selon les données archéologiques, l’ancienne colonisation des Iles Canaries fut initiée au début du 1er millénaire avant notre ère par des populations Imazighen. Cette colonisation s’accompagna de l’introduction, dans l’archipel des Canaries, d’inscriptions lybico-berbères, parmi d’autres éléments culturels du monde Amazigh d’Afrique du Nord. Dans cet article, nous analysons la colonisation ancienne des Iles Canaries à la lumière des incriptions libyco-berbères, des écritures latines des Iles Canaries et de la culture matérielle indigène.

INDEX

Mots-clés: inscriptions lybico-berbères, Iles Canaries, Amazigh, colonisation insulaire, écriture latine des Iles Canaries, manifestations rupestres Keywords: Libyco-Berber inscriptions, Canary Islands, Amazigh, insular colonization, Latino- Canarian script, rupestrian manifestations

AUTHOR

JOSÉ FARRUJIA DE LA ROSA Sociedad Española de Historia de la Arqueología (SEHA) History of Archaeology Research Network (HARN) University College, London

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II. Typologie et (micro)variation dans la famille berbère

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Méthodologie de recherche en géolinguistique

Mena Lafkioui

1. Introduction

1 Cet article1 se veut une présentation des méthodes principales que nécessitent les études en géolinguistique, un vaste domaine de recherche consacré à l’analyse de la variation, du changement et de la diffusion linguistiques. La raison principale de mon intérêt pour la recherche géolinguistique (recherches variationnelles incluses) est que de nombreuses aires linguistiques – dont celles du berbère – restent encore pas ou peu étudiées et que celles qui ont été examinées sont, pour des raisons méthodologiques, pratiques ou autres, très limitées géographiquement – souvent une seule variété ou groupe de variétés homologues sont pris comme point de référence pour toute l’analyse et la généralisation qui en est déduite – et très réduites socialement – généralement, les informateurs auxquels il est fait appel sont peu nombreux et ne sont pas sélectionnés en fonction de leurs diverses réalités sociales.

2 Dans cette contribution, une attention particulière sera accordée à la dialectologie synchronique et diachronique en berbère. La dialectologie synchronique s’interroge sur la variation linguistique (phonologique, grammaticale et lexicale) en rapport avec sa distribution géographique, tandis que la dialectologie diachronique (ou historique) décrit et explique par le biais des reconstructions sociohistoriques les processus de changement et de diffusion linguistiques qui ont mené à cette variation. Ces deux approches sont reliées de sorte qu’il est difficile de faire une distinction nette entre elles. En effet, en dialectologie, toute diversité géographique renvoie nécessairement à une diversité temporelle (Dalbera 2013 ; de Saussure 1973 ]1916[ ; Lafkioui 2007). Par ailleurs, la variation sociale et la variation individuelle contribuent aussi de façon directe à cette diversité géolinguistique car, comme l’a bien noté Martinet (1967 : 157), « ce n’est pas la distance elle-même qui produit la différenciation mais le relâchement des contacts ». La variation sociale couvre plusieurs réalités dont principalement celle de l’habitat (ville/campagne, pays d’origine/pays d’immigration), du sexe, de l’âge, de

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la classe sociale et du niveau et du type d’instruction. La variation individuelle recoupe en partie la variation sociale, mais intègre aussi l’aspect idéo-historique et psychologique de l’individu (Lafkioui 2011).

3 Quant à la dialectométrie – suite pertinente à l’examen de dialectologie –, elle se préoccupe de la classification quantitative de la variation linguistique, ce qui permet de mettre au jour les faisceaux d’isoglosses structurées divisant la région étudiée. Ce genre d’étude offre en outre des résultats utiles à la compréhension de nombreux phénomènes de contact et d’évolution linguistiques, tels le phénomène d’adoption, d’acquisition et de diffusion. Les méthodes dialectométriques les plus usuelles (traditionnelles, perceptuelles et computationnelles) et leurs applications et adaptations au berbère ont été présentées dans Lafkioui (2008, 2009).

4 La géolinguistique englobe aussi le domaine d’étude appelé la linguistique aréale (areal linguistics ou linguistic geography), qui traite des transformations linguistiques issues de contacts stables au niveau inter-génétique dans des aires géographiques adjacentes (voir p. ex. Clements & Rialland 2008 pour une macro-classification aréale de l’Afrique fondée sur des traits phonologiques). Ses problématiques et ses méthodes ont été exposées en détail pour les langues africaines dans Lafkioui (à paraître).

5 Dans ce qui suit, je présenterai d’abord les outils méthodologiques d’enquête de terrain indispensables à la constitution d’un corpus de matériaux oraux et visuels qui permettent des analyses géolinguistiques, dont également celles de type comparatif. Ensuite, je montrerai quelles sont les méthodes cartographiques les plus appropriées pour présenter et représenter la variation et la diffusion géolinguistiques2.

2. Construction du corpus « empirique concentrique »

6 Un corpus empirique de référence doit son opérationnalité et sa pérennité essentiellement au plan d’outils théoriques et méthodologiques définis et à la qualité et quantité des matériaux collectés et systématisés. Car à la différence d’une base de données – correspondant à un rassemblement ou un réservoir de matériaux –, un corpus suppose un projet scientifique sous-tendant. Autrement dit, avant d’entamer des recherches de terrain, il importe de bien déterminer 1) l’objet d’étude pour lequel on souhaite recueillir des données, 2) les approches préconisées, 3) le terrain géographique, démographique et social sur lequel on souhaite effectuer ses enquêtes, et 4) la façon dont on envisage faire la collecte des matériaux. Ces paramètres non seulement garantissent le succès du projet mais déterminent également la nature des résultats obtenus car la manière dont on constitue un corpus a des répercussions définitoires sur la manière dont on analyse les données. Ainsi, par exemple, pour l’analyse de l’énoncé non verbal, il convient de tenir davantage compte des aspects suprasegmentaux (p. ex. intonation) et extralinguistiques (contexte d’énonciation) en raison de son fort ancrage dans la situation immédiate (Lafkioui 1999, 2001, 2006a, 2011 : 23-92). Bien qu’il soit nécessaire de prédéfinir le format de base du corpus de référence à réaliser, cela n’implique cependant pas que ce format exclue des changements au niveau des outils méthodologiques ou théoriques présélectionnés. Il arrive que les phénomènes attestés sur le terrain obligent l’enquêteur à modifier l’approche adoptée ou même parfois à abandonner certains aspects de l’objet d’étude choisi. La constitution d’un corpus empirique est donc un processus concentrique continu

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qui permet tout ajout ou changement ultérieur contribuant à la compréhension des formes et des contenus des langues étudiées (voir Figure 1).

Figure 1. Le corpus empirique concentrique

7 Voici les détails concernant les stades du processus continu qui constituent le corpus empirique concentrique :

Tableau 1. Stades du corpus empirique concentrique

Plan de travail

Stade I (p. ex. approches, outils, protocoles)

Collecte des données 1= collecte préliminaire

Systématisation des données = transcription, annotation, traitement et classification

Mise en place de la partie documentation Stade II (données et métadonnées)

Mise en place de la partie archivage (en formats standards)

Stade III Adéquation du plan de travail

= Stade I mais de niveau plus avancé Stade IV = Mise à jour 1 = collecte des données 2 (détaillée)

Stade V = Stade II mais de niveau plus avancé

Stade VI = Stade III mais de niveau plus avancé

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= Stades I et IV mais de niveau encore plus avancé Stade VII = Mise à jour 2 = collecte des données 3 (davantage détaillée)

… …

8 Le corpus empirique comporte aussi, en dehors des données linguistiques recueillies, les « métadonnées » pertinentes (voir Stade II de Tableau 1), comme par exemple les profils sociaux et démographiques des informateurs (ou consultants) ainsi que leur répertoire linguistique3. Ces métadonnées, conservées de manière systématique, permettent non seulement de mieux gérer le corpus – surtout lorsqu’il est dynamique et donc susceptible d’être mis à jour – mais aussi de mieux comprendre les phénomènes étudiés, dont notamment ceux conditionnés par la situation immédiate. Et lorsque ce corpus est digitalisé et systématisé, les métadonnées contribuent également à la recherche et l’exploitation systématiques des données collectées moyennant des robots confectionnés à ces fins (comme p. ex. Search Indexer) ; ces fonctions automatiques sont indispensables à la géolinguistique computationnelle.

9 Parmi les nombreux éléments que la partie métadonnées peut contenir (p. ex. localisation géographique, contexte interactif, date d’enregistrement, protocole, historique des changements succincts, outils d’élicitation, genres de texte, types d’enquête, commentaires extralinguistiques), elle comprend nécessairement une section consacrée aux types de consentement obtenus pour l’exploitation et la diffusion des données collectées. Car sans autorisation des informateurs – éventuellement après anonymisation des documents –, les matériaux ne peuvent être communiqués en partie ou intégralement au public.

10 Comme je montrerai plus loin dans cette contribution, le corpus empirique concentrique se donne aussi comme objectif d’être représentatif par rapport au projet défini, et ce à plusieurs niveaux. De ce fait, le corpus géolinguistique tient sa validité à sa représentativité au niveau scientifique (données et approches), géographique et démographique (variation et localisation horizontales), et social (variation verticale). La diversification des paramètres linguistiques et extralinguistiques est une condition sine qua non pour la constitution d’un corpus géolinguistique représentatif ; elle permet en outre que les phénomènes moins récurrents y soient aussi représentés.

Tableau 2. Plans de représentativité du corpus géolinguistique

Qualité et quantité des données Plan scientifique Adéquation des approches

Plan géographique et démographique Variation et localisation horizontales

Variation verticale Plan social (p. ex. classe sociale et niveau d’instruction)

11 Dans les sections suivantes, je mettrai au jour comment un corpus empirique de type géolinguistique est construit (à l’égard des stades de Figure 1) par le biais des matériaux recueillis durant mes nombreuses enquêtes de terrain en Afrique du Nord. Les

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méthodes et données présentées dans cet article proviennent principalement de mes travaux géolinguistiques réalisés dans le cadre de l’Atlas linguistique des variétés berbères du Rif (ALR, Lafkioui 2007).

12 Cet Atlas a comblé un vide dans la recherche en géolinguistique berbère car depuis la dernière publication d’André Basset, « Articles de dialectologie berbère », en 1959, aucune étude systématique n’avait été réalisée dans ce domaine. Il est, en outre, novateur parce que la région du Rif (Maroc du Nord) n’avait jamais fait l’objet d’une étude de géolinguistique et parce que les enquêtes de terrain menées dans le cadre de cette recherche sont de types variés (dirigé, semi-dirigé et non dirigé ; voir § 2.1. ici- même). Par ailleurs, ces enquêtes ont montré la nécessité d’inclure, à part égale, tous les domaines linguistiques (phonétique, phonologie, morphologie, syntaxe, lexique) intervenant dans la construction d’une étude géolinguistique comparative. Ce choix théorique et méthodologique – qu’on retrouve aussi dans le Nouvel Atlas linguistique de Basse-Bretagne (NALBB, Le Dû 2001), par exemple 4 – n’avait jamais été adopté dans les études de géolinguistique berbère généralement limitées au domaine du lexique. Enfin, il importe de signaler que l’ALR comporte également un nombre considérable de commentaires explicatifs d’ordre synchronique et diachronique.

2.1 Terrain d’enquête : le Rif

13 Le Rif est la région septentrionale du Maroc délimitée par la mer Méditerranée au nord, l’océan Atlantique à l’ouest, l’Algérie à l’est et le Moyen Atlas au sud. Il contient principalement deux aires majoritairement berbérophones : le petit isolat géolinguistique de Ghomara (Camps & Vignet-Zunz 1998 ; Colin 1929) et le territoire étendu bordé à l’ouest par Ktama, à l’est par les Iznasen (vers la frontière algérienne), et au sud par Gersif, dernier point géographique rifain avant le corridor de Taza (voir Figure 2). C’est le « rifain » qui est pratiqué sur ce dernier territoire, dénomination représentant un « continuum géolinguistique » de variétés berbères. Ce continuum empêche toute classification linguistique précise en raison de la variation graduelle et hybride des formes et fonctions dont il est composé (Lafkioui 2007, 2008, 2009). J’ai cependant constaté que plus on se dirige vers l’ouest, plus on détecte des traits appartenant au groupe « senhaja » (également dégagés au Maroc central), alors que vers l’est ce sont les traits « zénètes » qui prédominent, traits qu’on repère aussi ailleurs en Afrique du Nord comme dans l’Aurès en Algérie, à Djerba en Tunisie et à Zouara en Libye (p. ex. la palatalisation des vélaires et l’absence conditionnée de la voyelle préfixale). Il importe toutefois de remarquer que les notions ethnolinguistiques de « senhaja » et de « zénète » posent problème car non seulement elles ont tendance à disparaître dans les pratiques langagières des locuteurs berbérophones mais elles peuvent être aussi fort critiquées, ce qui est notamment le cas de « senhaja ». Dans cette contribution, c’est de ce continuum géolinguistique dont il est question et c’est à ce phénomène dans sa globalité et sa complexité que renvoie la notion de « rifain » (ou sa variante néologique berbère « tarifit »5) que j’utilise6.

2.2 Types d’enquête de terrain

14 Au vu de la variation linguistique – particulièrement marquée – du tarifit et de la complexité de la problématique, l’élaboration d’un ensemble structuré de méthodes adaptées au terrain géolinguistique du Rif était la démarche la plus appropriée pour

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obtenir un corpus géolinguistique représentatif. Pour ce faire, trois méthodes de collecte des données (notamment sonores) ont été employées (Lafkioui 2007) : enregistrements dirigés, enregistrements semi-dirigés et enregistrements non dirigés.

15 Enregistrements dirigés. Ce genre d’enregistrement fait appel à des questionnaires élaborés en fonction de la nature linguistique des variétés et de l’objet d’étude. Par « questionnaire », j’entends tout outil d’élicitation de données linguistiques, servant à la description et à la comparaison des variétés linguistiques. Il inclut des outils plus connus dans le milieu de la linguistique de terrain, tels que le questionnaire écrit, dont font partie par exemple l’élicitation par traduction (vers la variété cible et inversement) et l’élicitation moyennant des questions analytiques, mais il englobe aussi ce qu’on appelle de plus en plus les « stimuli », que je subdivise en stimuli « statiques » (p. ex. photos et desseins ; voir p. ex. Bouquiaux & Thomas 1971) et stimuli « dynamiques » (p. ex. jeux et vidéos, voir p. ex. Chafe 1980). Parmi les nombreux outils d’élicitation employés de nos jours, figurent ceux que met à disposition l’institut Max Planck, dont ceux du groupe Language and Cognition qui sont regroupés dans L&C Field Manuals and Stimulus Materials (http://-fieldmanuals.mpi.nl/). Un outil fréquemment utilisé en linguistique comparative et historique est la liste de Swadesh, qui contient un ensemble de concepts primaires (lexique de base) permettant de comparer des variétés génétiquement éloignées dans un contexte extra-linguistique relativement « neutre ». Cette liste a été accommodée à plusieurs reprises pour des contextes linguistiques et extralinguistiques diversifiés, comme par exemple le contexte asiatique pour lequel elle a été développée par Matisoff (1978) et qu’on connaît mieux sous le nom de CALMSEA (Culturally Appropriate Lexicostatistical Model for South East Asia). La liste de Swadesh a été aussi utilisée sous format ajusté en berbère dans le cadre de l’ALR (Lafkioui 2007).

16 Pour les questionnaires de l’ALR, je me suis aussi inspirée de nombreuses études, telles celles de Basset (1929, 1936, 1939, 1942), Chambers & Trudgill (1980) et Gilliéron & Edmont (1902-1910), outre les outils et le savoir-faire professionnel de l’enregistrement et de l’observation acquis durant mes autres expériences d’enquête de terrain et d’étude en linguistique et en ethnographie (depuis 1992).

17 Au fur et à mesure que j’ai progressé dans la collecte et l’exploitation des matériaux, des adaptations et des affinements de ces questionnaires se sont imposés. Car, dans une région comme le Rif, très peu explorée à l’époque (surtout le rifain occidental et méridional), des situations inattendues – linguistiques, mais aussi géographiques et démographiques – ont sensiblement altéré le contenu et la forme du questionnaire de base (voir aussi Pop 1950 : 1075). Par exemple, il a fallu développer davantage la section du questionnaire consacrée aux verbes statifs car plusieurs particularités ont été dégagées en rifain occidental, notamment au niveau de leur conjugaison et de leur rapport supplétif avec le nom adjectival.

18 Il va sans dire que le passage par une langue seconde (arabe dialectal, français ou espagnol) a présenté une utilité considérable (surtout pour l’élicitation par traduction), dans la mesure où il a permis de minimaliser l’influence (linguistique et autre) possible de l’enquêteur sur l’enquêté (observer’s paradox). Ainsi, l’arabe marocain a été d’une grande aide dans ces zones du Rif qui sont encore bilingues (berbère-arabe), bien que le berbère y soit menacé par l’arabe marocain qui le remplace à une vitesse vertigineuse, notamment chez les Ghomara et dans les zones frontières ouest (Figure 2 : n° 1 à 13), est (Figure 1 : n° 26-27) et sud (Figure 1 : n° 30 à 32) du continuum rifain. L’espagnol a également été d’intérêt pour ce genre d’enregistrement parce que le rifain est jusqu’à

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nos jours en contact étroit avec cette langue surtout par le biais de ses locuteurs résidant ou fréquentant les enclaves espagnoles de Melilla (*(ta)mlilt ou mrič ‘blanche’ en rifain) et de Ceuta (septem fratres en latin) – ayant le statut de villes autonomes depuis 1995 – qui forment des centres de commerce transfrontaliers importants pour la région du Rif et même pour le reste du Maroc. Les nombreux immigrés résidant légalement ou clandestinement en Espagne ainsi que les touristes espagnols visitant régulièrement le Rif contribuent activement au plurilinguisme qui caractérise les locuteurs rifains, dont notamment ceux habitant les zones urbaines ou périurbaines.

19 Enregistrements semi-dirigés. Ceux-ci sont réalisés par le biais des interviews dans lesquelles des questions ouvertes traitant de thèmes divers sont posées. Ces questions peuvent être aussi soutenues par des images statives et dynamiques. Le but principal de ce genre d’interview est de laisser plus d’espace aux informateurs pour l’élaboration narrative ou conversationnelle tout en préservant le gabarit de l’entretien, ce qui permet d’obtenir des données relativement ciblées et donc aptes à la comparaison intralinguistique et interlinguistique.

20 Deux paramètres sont particulièrement importants pour l’usage des stimulis, et notamment pour ceux de nature visuelle et dynamique (vidéos, jeux) : 1) il convient d’accommoder le stimulus présélectionné au contexte extralinguistique en question (contexte naturel et culturel). Dans certains cas, il vaut mieux le créer sur place avec des locuteurs natifs dans un contexte ethnographique approprié (« ad hoc stimuli », Lüpke 2010). Ainsi pour le Rif, il était parfois judicieux de filmer des images sur place, surtout quand il s’agissait de la description des actions, comme par exemple la cueillette des figues. 2) Il importe aussi de bien spécifier le mode de passation des stimulis afin que les informateurs comprennent comment utiliser les images et les paroles. Ces explications sont préférablement données dans la langue des informateurs. Une familiarisation aux supports d’enregistrement utilisés est également essentielle au bon déroulement de la collecte des données.

21 Enregistrements non dirigés. Dans ce type d’enregistrement, la primauté est donnée aux expressions verbales et non verbales spontanées, tout en tenant compte de leur diversité formelle et fonctionnelle. L’observation-participante dans des contextes sociolinguistiques variés (familles, associations, espaces publics) fait également partie des principaux outils ethnographiques employés pour ces enregistrements. L’ethnographie – au sens que lui attribue Hymes (1972) – a l’avantage majeur de prendre en compte un grand nombre de variables par le biais d’une corrélation entre les variables sociales et les variables linguistiques dans un cadre multidimensionnel. Bien qu’il soit difficile de classifier le langage humain sans perdre certains aspects linguistiques et socioculturels de l’événement langagier en question, la classification de Hymes (1972) qu’il présente sous l’acronyme SPEAKING (Setting, Participants, End, Act, Key, Instrumentalities, Norms, Genre) a certainement son utilité. Elle permet non seulement de comprendre et d’aménager l’interaction (monolocution et interlocution) – ne serait-ce que de façon préliminaire – mais elle facilite aussi des futures recherches au sein du corpus, pourvu que ses éléments ethnographiques soient soigneusement insérés dans la rubrique des métadonnées.

22 C’est la combinaison de ces trois méthodes d’enquête – ayant prouvé leur utilité à différents niveaux (Lafkioui 2007, 2011 ; Lüpke 2010) – qui a fourni un corpus représentatif et précis nécessaire pour comprendre les phénomènes géolinguistiques

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étudiés dans l’ALR. Les données obtenues ont été contrastées, tout d’abord entre elles au plan rifain et, par la suite, aussi au plan berbère et interlinguistique.

23 Les enquêtes de terrain de l’ALR ont été effectuées en quatorze mois étalés sur la période été 2001/été 2003. Elles ont été réalisées en plusieurs phases (trois au minimum), dont la sélection des points d’enquête accompagnée d’enregistrements préliminaires constitue la première phase. Dans la seconde, tout le programme d’enregistrements – incluant les différents types d’enquête – a été accompli. La dernière phase a servi de vérification des données collectées afin de les compléter et de les affiner.

24 C’était important d’essayer d’obtenir, à chaque séance, le programme d’enquête entier du même informateur. Mais ce n’était pas évident car cela dépendait fortement des capacités mentales et physiques de l’informateur, de sa disponibilité et du contexte d’enregistrement. Ainsi, les différentes parties du programme ont été parfois répandues sur plusieurs jours. Une version réduite du programme a été aussi utilisée dans les séances préliminaires et les séances de vérification ou de complétion.

2.3 Critères d’enregistrement

25 Les paramètres auxquels il conviendrait de prêter une attention particulière pendant les enregistrements concernent les informateurs7 – employés ici au sens de « consultants », soulignant l’aspect interactif entre l’enquêteur et l’enquêté – et le contexte d’enquête extralinguistique.

26 Pour l’ALR, il était primordial de veiller non seulement à ce que les deux sexes, les différents âges et les différents statuts socio-économiques des informateurs soient représentés pour chaque point d’enquête, mais aussi à ce que leur origine native soit garantie. Outre leur ascendance, leur mobilité extra-locale a été vérifiée afin d’exclure au mieux les effets de contact et donc d’assurer la représentativité (voir aussi Basset 1959 : 109 ; Lafkioui 2007 ; Pop 1950 : 1159 à ce propos). Il importe de signaler que la réalisation des enquêtes n’aurait pas réussi autant sans répertoire linguistique commun – c.-à-d. compétences linguistiques et savoir-faire interactif – entre l’enquêteur et les enquêtés.

27 En ce qui concerne le contexte d’enquête, la différence s’est surtout située sur le plan formel (p. ex. école, travail, association) versus informel (p. ex. contexte familial, entre amis), bien qu’il soit dans certains cas difficile de trancher nettement entre ces deux plans. Car le degré de formalité/informalité est fort variable suivant le contexte en question. Ainsi, un simple dîner de famille, en présence du père, peut être considéré et vécu comme un contexte fort formalisé auquel chaque membre de famille participe de manière spécifique.

2.4 Sélection des points d’enquête

28 Les points d’enquête ont été sélectionnés suivant le principe d’équidistance divisant le terrain d’enquête en plusieurs mailles dont chacune d’elles a été affectée d’un point qui pouvait correspondre sur le terrain à une localité8. Plus la variation était grande plus les mailles ont été réduites. Les quatre cent cinquante-deux localités retenues pour cette recherche ont été, en majeure partie, choisies de façon qu’elles puissent, a priori,

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indiquer des frontières linguistiques, ce qui découlait principalement de mes connaissances empiriques et scientifiques des différentes variétés parlées au Rif9.

29 D’autres approches ont aidé à trouver sur le terrain des points d’enquête indicatifs et à vérifier les conclusions premières tirées des inventaires linguistiques. L’une des plus centrales est la conscience de la variation linguistique des locuteurs, appelée aussi « conscience dialectale ». Elle n’a toutefois pas servi d’outil méthodologique de base pour la démarcation dialectale, comme en font certains dialectologues tels Daan (1999 : 20) car elle prend principalement appui sur l’expérience subjective des locuteurs dont les valeurs quantitatives – étant difficiles à mesurer – dépendent fortement de leurs dispositions individuelles (idéologiques, sociales, historiques). Même si les locuteurs se considèrent comme appartenant au même groupe linguistique – en se dénommant par le même anthroponyme par exemple – leur attitude linguistique est souvent motivée par le statut social accordé aux variétés en question et par le degré de solidarité à l’intérieur du groupe (Lafkioui 1998, 2006b). Par ailleurs, il n’est pas sans importance de mentionner que l’usage d’un anthroponyme berbère n’implique pas nécessairement une pratique linguistique de la langue berbère dans la région en question.

30 Un autre concept extralinguistique qui a été employé, avec précaution tout de même, comme critère subsidiaire dans la sélection des points d’enquête, est l’« intercompréhension », concept valorisé par Ameur (1990) mais rejeté par Durand (1992) dans leur essai de classification du berbère. Son inconvénient réside principalement dans le fait que sa validité dépend essentiellement de la volonté consciente ou inconsciente des locuteurs, ce qui ne permet pas toujours de savoir si elle découle réellement de leurs seules compétences linguistiques. Il n’est d’ailleurs pas rare de rencontrer des locuteurs qui prétendent ne pas comprendre, parce qu’ils refusent de comprendre, comme le signalent Chambers & Trudgill (1980 : 4) en disant « People, it seems, sometimes do not understand because, at some level of consciousness, they do not want to ».

31 Les points d’enquête présentés finalement dans l’ALR correspondent aux localités où la variation est la plus accusée et où elle permet la comparaison linguistique de la meilleure manière. Les cent quarante et un points géoréférencés – appartenant à trente- deux groupes rifains (appelés encore « tribus » dans le Rif) – ont été répertoriés avec leur code de localisation systématique au-dessous de la carte qui les présente (Lafkioui 2007 : 15 ; voir aussi ici Figure 3).

2.5 Systématisation des données

32 Dans le souci permanent de représentativité et d’exhaustivité, il était important de prendre en considération, autant que peut se faire, le caractère oral (multimodal) des textes lors de la transcription (et éventuellement de la traduction) des matériaux recueillis ; c’est-à-dire, toutes les dimensions (verbales, para-verbales et non verbales) accompagnant leur production effective, même si elles s’avèrent souvent difficiles ou laborieuses à rendre en graphie.

33 A cette fin, j’ai utilisé des systèmes de transcription et d’annotation existants, dont j’ai ajusté les applications aux besoins de mon corpus, tels p. ex. ELAN (Eudico Linguistic Annotator, MPI) qui permet de réaliser plusieurs tâches de systématisation, comme l’annotation, le glosage interlinéaire et la conversion des données. L’outil Toolbox (la suite de Shoebox) est particulièrement efficace pour créer des textes interlinéaires. Des

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logiciels comme PRAAT (Université d’Amsterdam) pour l’analyse instrumentale des données sonores ont l’avantage d’être non seulement fort opérationnels mais aussi entièrement gratuits.

34 Tous les matériaux collectés dans le cadre de l’ALR ont été digitalisés. Un grand nombre a été systématisé selon les besoins d’analyse (p. ex. descriptifs/explicatifs, synchroniques/diachroniques, qualitatifs/quantitatifs). La systématisation en classes grammaticales et listes lexicales issues des analyses synchroniques et diachroniques était primordiale. Afin de mieux appréhender les phénomènes linguistiques rifains et de justifier certains choix de présentation, des analyses comparatives avec les données berbères d’autres régions nord-africaines se sont imposées. Plusieurs textes transcrits ont été sélectionnés et accompagnés d’une glose.

2.6 Documentation et archivage

35 Comme il a été expliqué au début de cet article, les métadonnées contribuent de manière fondamentale à une meilleure documentation des phénomènes étudiés ainsi qu’à une meilleure préservation des données collectées. De plus, leur sauvegarde de manière systématique (notamment en format numérique) facilite la comparaison synchronique et diachronique, en raison de la nature cumulative du processus concentrique et continu qui forme le corpus empirique (voir Figure 1).

36 Un des outils les plus usuels pour gérer numériquement les métadonnées est IMDI de Max Planck Institute (http://www.mpi.nl/IMDI10), que j’ai utilisé pour certains sous- corpus de l’ALR et que j’utilise actuellement dans d’autres projets, ensemble avec un autre outil couramment employé en linguistique, à savoir OLAC Metadata Standard du réseau international OLAC (Open Language Archives Community). Un atout principal de ces deux outils est qu’ils sont conçus en format standard, ce qui les rend plus aptes à la procédure d’archivage, étape indispensable dans la constitution d’un corpus numérique. En fait, il est important d’employer des formats standards – formats bien diffusés et ayant prouvé leur validité – afin de garantir au mieux l’accessibilité des données numériques, leur exploitation ainsi que leur perpétuité. Mais bien qu’il existe des formats standards d’archivage, rien n’assure pour l’instant leur continuité en raison des problèmes de « portabilité » (Bird & Simmons 2003), c’est-à-dire l’aptitude d’un format numérique à être exécuté dans des logiciels différents et sur des ordinateurs de types différents sans modification considérable des données archivées.

3. Comment réaliser une carte géoréférencée digitale ?

37 Afin de pouvoir rendre de manière représentative la variation géolinguistique accusée en rifain, il était indispensable de concevoir une carte géoréférencée exacte des groupes (tribus) et villages berbérophones du Rif permettant, en outre, des traitements automatiques, car aucune carte de ce genre n’existait ou, du moins, n’était accessible au public11. Pour ce faire, j’ai utilisé des cartes topographiques et j’ai dessiné des nouvelles cartes par le biais des logiciels informatiques d’image, tels QCad (actuellement LibreCad), CorelDRAW et InkScape. Ensuite, j’ai manipulé ces cartes afin d’y intégrer les faits linguistiques analysés (procédé de « mapping ») moyennant des logiciels spécialisés en applications géographiques et des logiciels de traitement de données (systématisation et conversion) dont plusieurs étaient faits sur mesure (Lafkioui 2007).

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Ainsi, l’ALR a été entièrement conçu selon les méthodes techniques géolinguistiques les plus avancées, toutes soutenues par des logiciels spécialisés et adaptés aux exigences linguistiques spécifiques du berbère.

38 Sur cette carte numérique du Rif, j’ai délimité géographiquement les groupes berbérophones et je les ai indexés, comme le laisse voir la reproduction adaptée qui suit (Lafkioui 2007 : 14) :

Figure 2. Carte des groupes berbérophones du Rif (d’après Lafkioui 2007)

39 Noms des groupes berbérophones du Rif

40 1 Ktama 12 Targist 23 Igzennayen

41 2 Taġzut 13 Ayt Mezduy 24 Ibḍalsen

42 3 Ayt Bušibet 14 Ayt Ɛammart 25 Ayt Buyeḥya

43 4 Ayt Ḥmed 15 Ayt Iṭṭeft 26 Iznasen

44 5 Ayt Bunsar 16 Ibeqquyen 27 Ikebdanen

45 6 Ayt Bšir 17 Ayt Weryaġel 28 Iqelɛiyen

46 7 Zerqet 18 Ayt Temsaman 29 Wlad Settut

47 8 Ayt Ḫennus 19 Ayt Tuzin 30 Ayt Buzeggu

48 9 Ayt Seddat 20 Ayt Wlišek 31 Gersif

49 10 Ayt Gmil 21 Tafersit 32 Tawrirt

50 11 Ayt Bufraḥ 22 Ayt Sɛid

51 J’ai également reporté la sélection des points d’enquête sur cette carte numérique, comme le montre la figure suivante extraite de l’ALR (Lafkioui, 2007 : 15) :

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Figure 3. Carte des points d’enquête géoréférencés du Rif (d’après Lafkioui 2007)

4. Le procédé de « mapping »

52 Après avoir réalisé la carte des groupes des variétés berbérophones (Figure 2) et celle des points d’enquête (Figure 3) – toutes deux accompagnées de leur index systématique –, a suivi le procédé de « mapping », qui consiste à articuler les faits linguistiques sur les points géographiques choisis et pour lequel le logiciel de « Mapinfo Professional » a été employé.

53 La première étape de ce procédé était de numériser les matériaux suivant le format du logiciel « Mapinfo Professional », ce qui a nécessité leur systématisation et conversion moyennant Excel, Access et de nombreux logiciels informatiques sur mesure, tels par exemple :

ceux conçus en Mapbasic pour générer les cartes systématiquement et pour la représentation (symbole et couleur) des phénomènes linguistiques ; ceux conçus en Delphi pour l’édition des légendes (UlegendEditor) et pour la création des workmaps (1 workmap = 1 carte ; GenWorkMaps).

54 Ceci a abouti à un ensemble de matrices des données en format numérique. En voici un échantillon de l’ALR (format de Mapinfo Professional) dans le tableau suivant :

Tableau 3. Extrait des données numériques de l’ALR

Image 20000009000043AA00003CD172172D23.wmf

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55 Le résultat final de cette systématisation numérique des données et de leur articulation cartographique est un ensemble de 972 cartes géolinguistiques présentant des phénomènes divers de la linguistique berbère (rifain). J’ai sélectionné 356 cartes pour la publication de l’ALR (Lafkioui 2007).

56 Chacune de ces cartes porte un titre qui introduit le phénomène traité dans la carte en question. La notation en majuscule dans l’exemple, présenté comme cas de figure dans le titre, renvoie à la position du phénomène analysé. Par exemple :

57 Carte 51 : Spirantisation dynamique de la vélaire simple /g/, le cas de /aGuGil/ ‘orphelin’ (Lafkioui 2007 : 55 ; voir ici-même Figure 4).

58 La majuscule « G » indique que cette forme de spirantisation traitée dans la carte 51 concerne uniquement les deux vélaires du lexème /aGuGil/. Tout autre phénomène compris dans cet exemple n’est pas examiné, sauf s’il est en rapport direct avec la spirantisation. Dans le présent cas, il est aussi question de la mutation consonantique de la liquide /l/, pour laquelle je renvoie au chapitre de l’ALR (Chapitre 2, Section 4, p. 69-76) portant sur cette problématique. Les formes mutées du /l/ ont toutefois été insérées dans le corps du texte durant l’analyse de ce phénomène de spirantisation.

59 A propos de la spirantisation des deux vélaires de /-aGuGil/, la première peut faire l’objet d’une atténuation de sa tension articulatoire, d’une palatalisation ou d’une labialisation, tandis que la seconde est généralement palatalisée en /ž/ (]Ʒ[). Ainsi, on observe les variantes suivantes en rifain12 :

Tableau 4. Variantes géolinguistiques du lexème /aGuGil/ ‘orphelin’ en rifain

Variantes Variétés géographiques

/agugil/ - /igigil/ Ayt Bušibet

/agužil/ Ktama, Taġzut, Ifeṭṭušen (Ibḍalsen)

/amǝḥžur/ Ayt Seddat, Ayt Ḫennus, Ayt Ḥmed, Ayt Bunsar, Zerqet

/abužil/ Ayt Bšir

/abužir/ - /aḇužir/ Ayt Mezduy

/abužil/ - /abužir/ Ayt Bufraḥ

/abužir/ - /ayužir/ Targist

/agužir/ Ayt Gmil

/aḇužir/ Ayt Iṭṭeft, Ayt Weryaġel, Ayt Ɛammart

/aḇužir/ - /aḇužiȓ/ Ibeqquyen

Igzennayen du Nord, Ayt Wlišek, certaines parties des Ayt Sɛid de l’Est, /ayužir/ - /ayužiȓ/ Iqelɛiyen

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/ayužir/ Ayt Temsaman, Ayt Tuzin, certaines parties des Ayt Sɛid, Tafersit

/ayužiȓ/ Certaines parties des Igzennayen

/agužiȓ/ Ibḍalsen, certaines parties des Ayt Buyeḥya

/agužiȓ/ et / Certaines parties des Ayt Buyeḥya, Gersif ayužiȓ/

/ayužil/ Ikebdanen, Zayyu, Iznasen, Tawrirt, Ayt Buzeggu

60 Notons l’emploi exclusif de l’emprunt arabe amǝḥžur (]{m@ħZU4 dans plusieurs variétés du rifain occidental (voir aussi Figure 4). Une comparaison de ces données avec celles d’autres variétés berbères d’Afrique du Nord permet d’avancer l’hypothèse selon laquelle la deuxième vélaire /g/ – qui n’apparaît que sous forme de /g/ (]g[) ou de /ž/ (]Z[) en rifain – aurait connu les transformations diachroniques suivantes :

F0 */-gVgil/ DE */-gVžil/ (règle de dissimilation) F0 */-gVžil/ DE /-gVgil/ (règle d’assimilation)

61 La règle de dissimilation aurait été appliquée à toutes les variétés rifaines, alors que celle d’assimilation qui rétablit l’occlusive /g/ n’aurait été appliquée qu’ultérieurement dans certaines variétés du rifain occidental (Lafkioui 2007 : 55).

5. Présentation cartographique de la variation linguistique

62 Pour la présentation cartographique de la variation linguistique, j’ai opté dans l’ALR pour des cartes « display » sur lesquelles chaque signe symbolique correspond à une variante précise ou à un groupe de variantes défini. Cette méthode a plusieurs avantages dont notamment 1) l’aptitude de représenter la variation linguistique pour des localités exactes, 2) celle de rendre les cartes directement parlantes et 3) celle d’indiquer les rapports entre les différentes aires géolinguistiques. Afin d’optimaliser l’intelligence des cartes, j’ai utilisé des symboles variables en forme et en couleur, et ce en fonction du phénomène linguistique en question, de sa variation (notamment diatopique), de sa complexité et de sa connexion avec d’autres phénomènes. Les variantes qui accompagnent ces signes dans la légende au sein de la carte-même ont été, si besoin est, complétées (p. ex. par des formes idiosyncrasiques) et commentées au plan linguistique (synchronique et diachronique) et sociolinguistique (variation diastratique et diaphasique) en dessous de la carte. De la sorte, les cartes de l’ALR sont également de type « interprétatif » ou « thématique » dans la mesure où elles sont le résultat d’analyse linguistique des faits observés et de leur variation dans l’espace. L’ALR englobe donc à la fois des cartes « sources » géoréférencées et des cartes « thématiques », ce qui est rendu possible grâce au corpus empirique concentrique numérique sur lequel il est fondé, permettant en outre un accès aux données et leur mise à jour de façon continue.

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63 La carte géolinguistique, traitant de la spirantisation dynamique de la vélaire /g/ (voir § 4 ici-même) et extraite de l’ALR (Lafkioui 2007 : 55), en est un échantillon (Figure 4 ci- dessous).

Figure 4. Spirantisation dynamique de la vélaire simple /g/, le cas de /aGuGil/ ‘orphelin’ (Lafkioui 2007 : 55)

6. Conclusion

64 Les modalités méthodologiques présentées dans cet article montrent clairement la nécessité, de plus en plus pressante, d’employer les techniques numériques et les nouvelles technologies de l’information dans les projets géolinguistiques, et ce dès le tout début de la recherche envisagée. Le modèle de corpus que j’appelle « corpus empirique concentrique » (voir Figure 1) et que j’ai présenté dans cette contribution, moyennant des données et des analyses géolinguistiques berbères, en porte la preuve. Durant les stades dynamiques et cumulatifs dont ce type de corpus est composé, le chercheur s’efforce de collecter et de systématiser les données linguistiques, de les accompagner d’une documentation linguistique et extralinguistique appropriée, et de les archiver de manière durable. Ce processus continu permet de réaliser des recherches diversifiées, d’ordre fondamental et appliqué, d’ordre synchronique et diachronique, et d’ordre quantitatif ainsi que qualitatif. Il permet en outre de contribuer au débat épistémologique de la linguistique, et notamment à ses domaines qui prennent appui sur les corpus, tels la géolinguistique.

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Frei H. (1953). Le livre des deux mille phrases. Genève : Librairie Droz.

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Ibáñez E. (1944). Diccionario espanol-rifeñ ̃o. Madrid.

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Lafkioui M. (2006b). « Pratiques et représentations linguistiques en contexte multilingue. Le cas des Berbères en Belgique », Quaderni del Dipartimento di Linguistica (Unical) 24 : 73-84.

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Möhlig W. J. G. (1980). « L’atlas linguistique du Kenya : méthodes et résultats », in L. Bouqiaux & al. (éd.) Problèmes de comparatisme et de dialectologie dans les langues africaines, 57-83.

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Nathan D. & Austin P. K. (2004). « Reconceiving meta-data : Language documentation through thick and thin », in P. K. Austin (éd.) Language documentation and description, Vol. 2. London : SOAS, 179-187.

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Pop S. (1950). La dialectologie. Aperçu historique et méthodes d’enquêtes linguistiques. Dialectologie non romane. Louvain/Gembloux : Chez L’auteur/J. Duculot.

Renisio A. (1932). Etude sur les dialectes berbères des Beni Iznassen, du Rif et des Senhaja de Srair. Paris.

Saussure F. de (1973 ]1916[). Cours de linguistique générale. De Mauro T. (éd.), Paris : Payot.

Trudgill P. (1975). « Linguistic geography and geographical linguistics », in C. Board & al. (éd.) Progress in Geography, Vol. VII. London : Edward Arnold.

Trudgill P. (1994). Dialects. London : Routledge.

NOTES

1. Ce travail a bénéficié d’une subvention de FWO (Research Foundation- Flanders) et d’une aide de l’Etat gérée par l’Agence Nationale de la Recherche au titre du programme « Investissements d’Avenir » portant la référence ANR-10-LABX-0083. 2. D’autres méthodes de présentation cartographique, en lien direct avec la dialectométrie, ont été présentées dans Lafkioui (2008, 2009). 3. A propos de l’importance des métadonnées, voir p. ex. Nathan & Austin (2004). 4. Outre le Nouvel Atlas Linguistique de la France (ou la collection Les atlas linguistiques de la France par régions). 5. C’est surtout depuis la reconnaissance nationale du berbère au Maroc que ce terme néologique connaît une diffusion plus large auprès des rifainophones (dont notamment les scolarisés), bien que son usage dans le Rif semble être plus ancien (Laoust 1926 : 80). 6. En revanche, la variété de Ghomara – assez distincte du rifain linguistiquement parlant – est entièrement détachée de ce continuum par des variétés arabes des Jbala, appelées tajeblit en berbère ou jebliyya en arabe dialectal. 7. En ce qui concerne la typologie des locuteurs (notamment des langues en danger), voir entre autres Grinevald & Bert (2010). 8. A ce sujet, voir entre autres Basset (1929, 1936, 1939, 1942), Bouquiaux et al. (1980), Frei (1953), Gilliéron & Edmont (1902-1910) dont leur Notice servant à l’intelligence des cartes (1902), Kurath (1972), Kurath & Bloch (1939), Möhlig (1980), Orton (1960, 1962), Pop (1950) et Trudgill (1975, 1994). 9. Cette connaissance a été obtenue de mes nombreuses recherches de terrain depuis 1992. 10. Pour de plus amples informations sur cet outil, voir Brugman, Broeder & Senft (2003). 11. Les seules cartes des tribus rifaines disponibles – non détaillées cependant – étaient celle de Renisio qui remonte à 1932 et celle de Ibáñez de 1944. 12. Voici la notation API des graphèmes particuliers utilisés dans les exemples et les variétés berbères présentés dans cet article : ḇ (]B[), ḍ (d¬), ḥ (]ë[), ḫ (x), ġ (]G[), ȓ (]•[, ]4[, ]r[), š (S), ṭ (t¬), q (]q[), ɛ (]∂[), y (]j[), ž (]Z[).

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ABSTRACTS

A methodology for conducting geolinguistic research This article looks at the principal methods that geolinguistic studies require. Geolinguistics is a large research field dedicated to analysing linguistic variation, change and diffusion. Firstly, the article gives a systematic overview of the methodological fieldwork concepts and tools needed in order to construct a corpus of oral (and visual) data which allow for geolinguistic research, including comparative analysis. A number of these concepts could also be applied to other disciplines of Humanities because of their general nature. Secondly, it shows which cartographic methods are best suited to present and represent geolinguistic variation. Data from the Atlas linguistique des variétés bebères du Rif (Lafkioui 2007) are used to illustrate the discussed methods.

Cet article se veut une présentation des méthodes principales que nécessitent les études en géolinguistique, un vaste domaine de recherche consacré à l’analyse de la variation, du changement et de la diffusion linguistiques. Je présenterai d’abord les outils méthodologiques d’enquêtes de terrain indispensables à la constitution d’un corpus de matériaux oraux (et visuels) qui permettent des analyses géolinguistiques, dont également celles de type comparatif. Plusieurs de ces concepts pourraient être appliqués à d’autres disciplines des sciences humaines en raison de leur caractère général. Ensuite, je montrerai quelles sont les méthodes cartographiques les plus appropriées pour présenter et représenter la variation géolinguistique. Des données de l’Atlas linguistique des variétés berbères du Rif (Lafkioui 2007) seront utilisées pour illustrer les méthodes examinées.

INDEX

Keywords: geolinguistics, dialectology, methodology, corpus, linguistic atlas, berber Mots-clés: géolinguistique, dialectologie, méthodologie, corpus, atlas linguistique, berbère

AUTHOR

MENA LAFKIOUI Université Sorbonne Paris Cité LLACAN-UMR 8135 du CNRS/Inalco

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bu-nouns in Tashlhit An oft-overlooked complex morphosyntactic corpus

Karim Bensoukas

1. Introduction

1 In the literature1 on Amazigh linguistics, bu-nouns (buNs) (like butgmmi ‘the owner of the house’) have been dealt with only sporadically and have at times even been overlooked, notwithstanding their being very common (see Bensoukas 2013a-b for a review). A very productive process, buN formation presents diverse interesting phenomena, including the overall morphology of buNs and the morphosyntactic complexity of their inner nouns. id-pluralization also calls attention to the inflectional morphology buNs share with a larger gamut of nouns, including names, kinship terms, loanwords, and compounds. Also, the recursion that bu and id may exhibit is intriguing.

2 In this paper, we will present a corpus of Tashlhit buNs, bringing to the fore their challenging linguistic behavior as well as their theoretical relevance. Extensions to other dialects of Amazigh are suggested on the basis of the available data. In our description of the morphosyntax of buNs, different issues will emerge such as periphrasis, alienable vs. inalienable possession, the order of morphemes, syntax within words, the recursion of affixes, and the organization of the lexicon. The morphology of buNs will be shown to present challenges to robust generalizations about morphological organization, namely Greenberg’s Universal 28, the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis and the No Phrase Constraint.

3 We proceed as follows. In § 2, we describe the morphology and semantics of buNs and compare them to their periphrastic counterparts. § 3 highlights the morpho-syntactic complexity of buNs. § 4 describes id-pluralization, which concomitantly sets buNs apart from ‘normal’ nouns and aligns them with other morphologically simple or complex

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nouns. A comparative approach is attempted in § 5, placing Tashlhit buNs in a larger Amazigh context.

2. Tashlhit bu-nouns

2.1 Productivity and semantic richness

4 buN formation is very productive, affecting nouns that are native (1) and borrowed (from Moroccan Arabic (2a) and French (2b)). For descriptive convenience, we distinguish the ‘inner’ noun, the one to which the affix bu attaches, from the ‘outer’ noun, the entire buN combination.2 In some frozen native nouns (1a), the inner noun has a bleached meaning or otherwise does not stand alone. The inner noun is generally in Construct State (CS) form:3

(1) a. buʒʒɣlal ‘snail’ butagant ‘boar’ buttgra ‘turtle’ busskka ‘snake’ butllis ‘nyctalopia’ b. bu+agajju buwgajju ‘strong-headed person’ bu+aɣɣu buwɣɣu ‘one who sells butter-milk’ bu+anu buwanu ‘owner of the well’ bu+urti buwurti ‘owner of the orchard’ bu+imi bijmi ‘someone with a big mouth’ (2) a. bu+Arabic loans bu+zzrriʕa buzzrriʕa ‘seller of dried fruits’ bu+ʒʒlliʒ buʒʒlliʒ ‘layer of tiles’ bu+rrxam burrxam ‘marble craftsman’ bu+ʃʃfnʒ buʃʃfnʒ ‘doughnut seller’ b. bu+French loans bu+ssinima bussinima ‘owner of the cinema’ bu+laṣṣall bulaṣṣall ‘owner of the gymnasium’ bu+labatri bulabatri ‘drummer’ bu+libitiz bulibitiz ‘one who messes around’

5 Meaning-wise, bu expresses the generic notion of ‘the one with X’, where X stands for any noun, as in bulmal ‘the rich one (lit. the one with money)’. In this respect, it is opposed to the generic meaning ‘the one without’, expressed by war in warlmal ‘the poor one (lit. the one without money)’, and its feminine counterpart tar in tarlmal, for example. Nevertheless, buNs denote more specific meanings (3): ownership, personal characteristics, and professions. Also, some buNs have become lexicalized, others once used as nicknames have become proper nouns, and others yet are used idiomatically (4).4

(3) a. Ownership: butgmmi (bu+house), butfunast (bu+cow) b. Profession: buwuna (bu+wells), butammnt (bu+honey), butijni (bu+dates), bijslman (bu+fish), buɣṛum (bu+bread), bijlmawn (bu+skins (of animals)) c. Personal characteristics: bulmal (bu+money), butfustt (bu+small hand), bijbaʃiln (bu+big feet), bustta (bu+six (fingers)), bijmi (bu+mouth), buwħlig (bu+belly), butmẓẓuɣt (bu+small ear), butamartt (bu+beard), buwmggṛd (bu+neck) (4) a. (i) Personal names: buwḍaḍ (bu+finger), buwmẓẓuɣ (bu+ear), buwfus (bu+hand), buwɣaras (bu+way), butgajjut (bu+small head),

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bulħja (bu+beard), buwulli (bu+livestock), bijʒddign (bu+flowers), bijzmawn (bu+tigers), bijzgarn (bu+cattle), bijẓran (bu+stones); (ii) Toponyms: buwargan, buwabuḍ, bijkarran, bijgwra, bijzakarn, bijgudijn; (iii) Animal names: butagant ‘boar’, buttgra ‘turtle’, bumħnd ‘hedge-hog’, butfala ‘viper’, busskka ‘snake’; (iv) Insect names: buʒʒɣlal ‘snail’; (v) Illness names: butllis ‘nyctalopia’; (vi) Plant names: buqsas ‘kind of parasitic plant’ b. (i) Idiomatic expression: bijggwrdan ‘jail (lit. the one with fleas)’; (ii) Euphemisms: butmɣarin ‘womanizer (lit. the one with women)’, buddrrit ‘pedophile (lit. the one with children)’

2.2 A related periphrastic expression

6 In Tashlhit, ownership is also expressed periphrastically as in the multi-word expression bab n tgmmi ‘the owner of the house’. 5 To our knowledge, this periphrasis has not received due attention, except for sporadic mentions (e.g. Boukhris et al. 2008; Elmoujahid 1981, 1997; Galand 2010; Sadiqi 1997). Periphrastic ownership nouns in Tashlhit consist of masculine bab and feminine lal, which correspond to bu/mmu, respectively. In bab-Ns, the inner noun is obligatorily preceded by the preposition ]n[ ‘of’ and is in CS (5). While bab/lal cannot stand alone, they cannot be considered affixes, either, on account of their syntactic behavior. This is probably consonant with their being bound words/roots (Bensoukas 2013a).

7 Concerning gender and number markings, buNs and bab-Ns are similar. The masculine and feminine plurals of the periphrastic forms respectively have id and istt concatenated with them rather than ‘replacing’ them.6 This is reminiscent of the pluralization of buNs. Another characteristic the two nouns share is the complex inflectional patterns of the inner noun.

(5)

bu+tigmmi ‘house’ Periphrasis

Sg. butgmmi bab n tgmmi M. Pl. idbutgmmi idbab n tgmmi

Sg. mmutgmmi lal n tgmmi F. Pl. isttmmutgmmi isttlal n tgmmi

8 One basic difference between buNs and bab-Ns relates to the (in)alienability of the possession they express. Inalienable possession refers to items considered part of oneself intrinsically (e.g. body parts), whereas alienable possession refers to acquisitions through one’s life (e.g. objects or possessions). Compare for example the items in (6a), where bu and bab express alienable ownership synonymously. In (6b), on the contrary, bu expresses inalienable, while bab expresses alienable, possession:

(6) a. butgmmi ≈ bab n tgmmi ‘owner of the house’ b. buwgajju ≠ bab n ugajju ‘the one with the head’ ‘owner of the head (e.g. of a sheep)’

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9 In other words, while bab can only convey alienable possession, bu can denote both alienable and inalienable possession.

3. Morphosyntactic complexity

3.1 A complex morphology

10 In buNs, the inner and outer nouns show quite conspicuously puzzling inflectional behavior. First, the outer nouns take quite different inflectional affixes from the ones the inner nouns take. Second, buNs contain inflectional morphology inside them, a particularly challenging aspect for Greenberg’s Universal 28 if bu is considered a derivational affix.

3.1.1 Outer vs. inner nouns: Different inflections

11 The inner nouns are overtly marked for both the inherent inflections of gender and number and the contextual inflection of case; however, while the outer nouns take inherent inflections, they are not overtly marked for case. In (7a), the outer noun is singular, while in (7b) it is plural. In both cases, the inner nouns may be inflected for number, gender, and of course the compulsory CS.

(7) a. Sg. buN ‘the one with the hand(s)’

M. Sg. F. Sg. M. Pl. F. Pl.

inner N inner N inner N inner N

M. buwfus butfustt bijfassn butfassin

F. mmuwfus mmutfustt mmijfassn mmutfassin

b. Pl. buN ‘the ones with the hand(s)’

M. Sg. F. Sg. M. Pl. F. Pl.

inner N inner N inner N inner N

M. idbuwfus idbutfustt idbijfassn idbutfassin

F. isttmmuwfus isttmmutfustt isttmmijfassn isttmmutfassin

12 Concerning gender, M. bu alternates with F. mmu. In contrast, the inner noun may appear with the F. circumfix t…t. Also, concerning number, the outer nouns take M. id or F. istt, concatenated with the entire buN. The inner noun may also be plural, yet the pluralization mode is either sound or broken, as for normal nouns. In (7), all the inner plurals are sound, but broken plurals are also possible, like in buwuna ‘the one with well(s)’. Finally, the outer noun does not bear any overt CS marking. Contrariwise, the

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inner noun obligatorily occurs in CS and bears its mark overtly; inner nouns in FS are simply illicit (e.g. *buafus, *butafustt).

13 To conclude, buNs display an asymmetry in that the inner nouns are overtly marked for both the inherent (gender and number) and contextual (case) inflections, whereas the outer nouns are marked overtly for inherent inflections but definitely not for contextual inflection.

3.1.2 Morpheme order

14 The second challenge we deal with relates to the fact that buNs contain inner nouns inflectionally marked for gender, number and case.

15 As bu cannot be treated as an inflectional affix, this is a clear case of derivation occurring outside inflection.7 This is a serious challenge to Greenberg’s (1963: 93) Universal 28: “if both the derivation and inflection follow the root, or they both precede the root, the derivation is always between the root and the inflection” (see also Principle#505 of The Universals Archive). buNs reflect just the opposite situation: Compare (8a), what Universal 28 dictates, and (8b), the actual behavior of buNs:

(8) a. Universal 28: Inflection + Derivation + Root + Derivation + Inflection b. buNs: buwfus bu (=derivation) + u (=CS inflection) + fus (=Root)

16 As can be seen, the order of the affixes in the buN in (8b) is reversed, with derivation appearing outside inflection.

17 One possible way to reconcile buN-formation and Universal 28 is to posit bu as a special type of affix, i.e. a phrasal affix (see Bensoukas (2013a) for arguments). In this conception, bu attaches at the word or phrase level, a position amply justified. This so being, bu attaches to words that are fully inflected and that can appear in certain cases with modifiers and accordingly form phrases (see § 3.2).

3.1.3 Lexical integrity

18 The last challenge buNs pose is one related to the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis, stated in Anderson (1992: 84) as “the syntax neither manipulates nor has access to the internal structure of words” (see also Booij 2009; Lieber and Scalise 2007).

19 In buNs, the affixation of bu induces the CS. Generally, the inner noun is marked for CS regardless of its gender or number specifications. Recall from (8) that the inner noun in buwfus is marked for CS. The corresponding F. tfustt is also marked for CS; accordingly, the buN containing this form is realized as butfustt. The same thing happens with plural inner nouns: bijfassn and butfassin both reveal overt CS morphology.

20 As already pointed out, the CS is a contextual, case inflection which is sensitive to syntax. Therefore, buN-formation seems to be a morphological operation in which syntax is taking place, and syntax just seems to “manipulate” or “have access” to word internal structure. This behavior clearly breaches the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis.

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3.1.4 Recursion

21 (9) contains buNs showing a certain amount of recursion: bu is repeated or co-occurs with the feminine mmu. (9a) gives a case of frozen buNs, and (9b) gives both M. and F. outer buNs, with an inner noun in the feminine. These also show the same pattern of recursion, illustrating how general this aspect of the morphology of buNs can be.

(9) a. buttgra ‘turtle’ bubuttgra/mmubuttgra ‘the one with the turtle, M./F.’ b. mmidlaln ‘the one with braids, F.’ bummidlan/mmummidlaln ‘the one with the one with the braids (F.), M./F.’

22 In (10), we illustrate what we consider the most intriguing behavior: Recursion in buNs can yield quite long words, with bu and the plural id repeated consecutively in word initial position:

(10) buwgajju ‘strong-headed person’ idbijgwjja ‘strong-headed persons’ buidbijgwjja ‘father of strong-headed persons’ idbuidbijgwjja ‘fathers of the fathers of…’ buidbuidbijgwjja ‘father of the fathers of the fathers…’ idbuidbuidbijgwjja ‘fathers of the father of the fathers…’

23 It is noteworthy that we can technically keep adding bu and id recursively. More significantly, if there are any constraints on the extent of such recursion, and there should be, these would be psycho-linguistic, or other, rather than purely morphological.

24 In Bensoukas (2012), this aspect of buN morphology is taken as evidence for the existence of mild polysynthetic morphology in Tashlhit. Typologically, fusional, agglutinative, isolating and polysynthetic morphologies are generally recognized. Other ways of classifying languages have been proposed, mainly using their degree of fusion and synthesis (Bynon 2004; Helmbrecht 2004 and references therein). De Reuse (2006: 746-747) (see also De Reuse 2009) lists five properties of polysynthesis: Productivity, recursion, concatenation, interaction with syntax, and lexical category change. Examples from English are anti- and re-, both productive and recursive affixes (e.g. anti-antiabortion, rerewrite). The author uses the term “productive non- inflectional concatenation” (PNC) for such affixes, and asserts that languages can be mildly polysynthetic (a few PNC elements), solidly polysynthetic (over 100 PNCs), or extremely polysynthetic (several hundreds of PNCs).

25 Tashlhit morphology has been characterized as largely concatenative and non- concatenative (i.e. involving agglutination and fusion), even in single morphological classes like the plural. Never has there been mention of polysynthesis in Tashlhit. Bensoukas (2012) proposes that buN morphology probably reveals polysynthetic behavior. We have already seen how productive bu is. The most revealing, and actually quite intriguing, aspect of buNs is probably recursion, which is not documented. Although our data does not show lexical category change, buN morphology closely interacts with syntax in various ways (see § 3.2 below). An isolated case of noun incorporation may also be cited at this point, with some dialects of Tashlhit combining the expression jaɣ ijji/ax laẓ ‘lit. suffer me/us hunger; I am/we are hungry’ into jaɣlaẓi/ax, with subject and verb incorporated. The conclusion to be drawn is that, in

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addition to the concatenative, and obtrusively non-concatenative, morphology in Tashlhit, there is a certain degree of polysynthetic behavior, qualifying Tashlhit to be a mildly polysynthetic language.8

3.2 Syntax within words

26 We now show that the inner noun is actually a potentially syntactically complex NP which can contain coordinated structures and be modified. These aspects further buttress our conceptualization of bu as a phrasal affix in Bensoukas (2013a).

3.2.1 Coordination and modification inside bu-nouns

27 We consider first inner noun coordination (11), where the conjunction expressing addition is underlined:

(11) bu lxwḍrt d ddisir ‘The one who sells vegetables and fruit’ bu tmɣart d tarwa ʕzzanin ‘-- with the beautiful wife and children’ bijlqwnajnn d ifullusn ‘-- who sells rabbits and chicken’

28 Now we turn to modification. The inner noun of the buN in (12a) is not modified, an item to which we compare the items in (12b), all of which are pre-modified by a numerical expression.

(12) a. bu tmɣarin ‘the one with the wives’ b. bu jat tiṭṭ ‘ -- one eye’ bu sin iḍuḍan ‘ -- two fingers’ bu kraṭṭ rrwajḍ ‘ -- three wheels’ bu kkuẓt tmɣarin ‘ -- four wives’

29 The patterns of modification the inner noun can be involved in may be quite complex. For instance, in (13) the noun is pre-modified by a numerical expression and post- modified by a clause, which makes it a quite complex NP:

(13) bu kkuẓt tmɣarin (lli) ur ginin i ɣid ula ɣinn ‘lit. the one with the four wives that aren’t useful here or there; the one with the four hopeless wives’

30 In another instance, the inner coordinated nouns can be modified by parentheticals, making buNs quite long:

(14) a. bu tmɣart (lli) baɦra isawaln d tarwa (lli) baɦra baslnin ‘the one with the very talkative wife and the very spoilt children’ b. bu lxwḍrt lli jaɣ bdda tsrrħt d ddisir llid ʒʒun ur tiwit ‘the seller of vegetables, which you have always abundantly given us, and fruit, which you have never bought’ c. bu lxwḍrt lli jaɣ tsrrħt ajlliɣtt sur ur nħml d ddisir llid sul ur ttawit ajlliɣ ʕlajn att nttu ‘the seller of vegetables, which you have abundantly given us until we no longer like them, and fruit, which you no longer buy until we have almost forgotten it’

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31 To sum up, inner noun coordination and modification show that buNs can have very complex internal syntactic structure. The No Phrase Constraint is definitely at stake in the formation of these nouns.

3.2.2 Modification and structural ambiguity

32 When the post-modifier of an inner noun is a participle, a PP, or a clause, cases of structural ambiguity may arise. We start with buN+participle configurations in (15):9

(15)

i. ‘owner of small house’ a. butgmmi mẓẓin ii. ‘house owner who is young’

b. id butgmmi mẓẓin ‘owners of small house’

c. id butgmmi mẓẓinin ‘house owners who are young’

d. butgwmma mẓẓin ‘owner of houses who is young’

e. butgwmma mẓẓinin ‘owner of small houses’

i. ‘owners of small houses’ f. id butgwmma mẓẓinin ii. ‘owners of houses who are young’

33 (15a) and (15f) both display structural ambiguity. (16) shows the ambiguity with two internal constituencies corresponding respectively to whether the participle mẓẓin modifies the inner or the outer noun:

(16) bu+]tgmmi mẓẓin[ ‘owner of small house’ ]bu+tgmmi[ mẓẓin ‘house owner who is young’ id+bu+]tgwmma mẓẓinin[ ‘owners of small houses’ ]id+bu+tgwmma[ mẓẓinin ‘house (Pl.) owners who are young’

34 The second kind of post-modification is that involving a PP or a clause. (17) presents two structures corresponding to buliqqamt ‘mint seller’ and a following PP n uḍuwwar ‘of the village’. In (17a), the mint seller concerned is the one in the village, while in (17b), we mean the seller of the mint which is grown in the village. In other words, the fact that the PP can modify the outer noun (17a) or the inner noun (17b) makes possible two readings of the buN:

(17) a. bu+liqqamt ]n uḍuwwar[ b. bu+]liqqamt n uḍuwwar[

35 In (18), we present an analogous situation, but this time the post-modifier is the clause ‘that comes from Tiznit’. The buN means the seller of mint who comes from Tiznit (18a) and the seller of the mint which comes from Tiznit (18b):

(18) a. bu+liqqamt ]lli-d ittaʃkan ɣ tznit[

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b. bu+ ]liqqamt lli-d ittaʃkan ɣ tznit[

36 Note that the ambiguity disappears when buN is in the plural: provided the participle and the noun agree in number, we get two forms (19a-b), corresponding to (18a-b), respectively:

(19) a. id+bu+liqqamt ]lli-d (i)ttaʃkanin ɣ tznit[ b. id+bu+]liqqamt lli-d ittaʃkan ɣ tznit[

3.2.3 The No Phrase Constraint

37 Because syntax seems to interfere with buN-formation, buNs pose a challenge relating to the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis (§ 3.1.1). A further complexity relates to the No Phrase Constraint, according to which “no phrase may appear within complex words” (originally in Botha (1983); cited in Spencer (2005)). The main assumption behind the constraint is that in forming words, the bases are other words, roots, or stems, but definitely not phrases.

38 In § 3.2, two major aspects of buNs breach the No Phrase Constraint. buNs have been shown to contain coordinated structures inside them. The second type of evidence we have considered shows that the inner nouns can also be subject to quite intricate pre- and post-modification. Concomitantly, a quite interesting array of structural ambiguity can be witnessed with respect to buNs in Tashlhit.

39 In a nutshell, the inner nouns of buNs may exhibit a certain level of internal syntactic complexity, a serious challenge to the No Phrase Constraint. Not only are inner nouns simple nouns, but they may correspond to full-fledged phrases as well. This again suggests that bu is a phrasal affix.

4. Special number marking: id-pluralization

40 As we have seen above, (outer) buNs use a special type of pluralization, concatenating id or its F. form istt, before bu or mmu, respectively, a characteristic they share with bab-Ns. Quite distinct from the normal concatenative and non-concatenative pluralizations, id-pluralization has received only sporadic attention (Elmoujahid 1981, 1997; Galand 2010; Sadiqi 1997), suggesting that id-pluralization is at best marginal. Evidence points in the opposite direction. id-pluralization is not a particularity of buNs and bab-Ns. Rather, various morphologically simple and complex nouns use it. The potential number of items concerned is by all means significantly large, making id- pluralization more productive than the other pluralization patterns.

4.1 Morphologically simple nouns

41 We start with personal names. Masculine names take the prefix id, while feminine ones take istt (and alternately id):

(20) muħmmad - id muħmmad faḍma - istt faḍma ħasan - id ħasan ʕiʃa - istt ʕiʃa bṛaɦim - id bṛaɦim jamna - istt jamna

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42 Note that the plural id muħmmad is distinct from ajt muħmmad, a collective noun meaning ‘Mohamed’s family’.10

43 Kinship terms also use id-pluralization. The first three kinship terms below are borrowings from Arabic, because of which they can potentially take id-pluralization. However, the remaining ones are native:

(21) M. Sg. - M. Pl. F. Sg. - F. Pl. xali - id xali xalti - istt xalti ‘maternal uncle’ ʕmmi - id ʕmmi ʕmmti - istt ʕmmti ‘paternal uncle’ ʒddi - id ʒddi ʒdda - istt ʒdda ‘grandfather’ dadda - id dadda lalla - istt lalla ‘elder brother’ baba - id baba(tsn) inna - id inna(tsn) ‘father’

44 The third set of items contains words having a certain expressive morphology in that they either have a pejorative meaning or indicate a hideous entity:

(22) baħffu id baħffu ‘naïve person’ bajbbun id bajbbun ‘fat --’ ẓ̌uẓ̌ẓ̌u id ẓ̌uẓ̌ẓ̌u ‘stinking --’ murran id murran ‘callous --’ xittus id xittus ‘despicable --’ babbuz id babbuz ‘dog’ xuxxu id xuxxu ‘monster’ buʕʕu id buʕʕu ‘monster’

45 Note the phonological similarity of some these items, at least as far as their beginnings and their overall prosodic patterns are concerned.

46 Finally, borrowings (directly from, or through, Arabic), be they common nouns (23a) or numerical and frequency expressions (23b), take id-plurals. A native numerical expression uses normal pluralization, as in ifḍ ‘thousand’ and sin wafḍan ‘two thousand’.

(23) a. lkamju id lkamju ‘truck’ lpaṛabul id lpaṛabul ‘satellite dish’ lbabbuṛ id lbabbuṛ ‘ship’ luṛdinatur id luṛdinatur ‘computer’ b. ħina id ħina ‘sometimes’ mijja id mijja ‘hundred’ ʕʃrin id ʕʃrin ‘twenty’ alf id walf ‘thousand’ mljun id mljun ‘million’

47 The numbers in (23b) may contain loanwords entirely, or be expressed by combining native and borrowed numbers, the latter taking id-pluralization: tlt mijja/kraḍ id mijja ‘three hundred’, tlt alaf/kraḍ id walf ‘three thousand’, and tlata d lmlajn/kraḍ id -mljun ‘three million’.

4.2 Morphologically complex nouns

48 A number of morphologically complex nouns also use id-pluralization. We start with a special class of agentive nouns (24). These are recognizable through their meanings and their morphology, with their initial agentive noun affix m-. Compound nouns (25) also use id-pluralization.

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(24) Noun Verb base milluṭṭs - id milluṭṭs ṭṭs ‘sleep’ miṭṭus - id miṭṭus ṭṭs ‘sleep’ miḍrus - id miḍrus mmaḍrs ‘be improperly slaughtered’ millus - id millus lls ‘be dirty’ mikṣuḍ - id mikṣuḍ ikṣuḍ ‘be afraid’ mixxi - id mixxi xxi ‘defecate’ (25) mafaman id mafaman ‘water finder’ frṭaṭṭu id frṭaṭṭu ‘butterfly’ frtllis id frtllis ‘moth’ slm aggwrn id slm aggwrn ‘moth’ tall aḍar id/ istt tall aḍar ‘prostitute’ frd xxi id frd xxi ‘useless person’ ħllil ɣruḍ id/istt ħllil ɣruḍ ‘lazy --’ ssumm aḍaḍ id ssumm aḍaḍ ‘naïve --’ ʃʃ awi id ʃʃ awi ‘greedy --’ laħ amja id laħ amja ‘useless --’

49 Another type of nouns which take id-pluralization is the war-noun type. war is used to express the notion ‘without’. In certain contexts, war, whose feminine is tar, is the exact opposite of bu:

(26)

‘work’ ‘children’

Sg. war tawwuri war tarwa M. Pl. id war tawwuri id war tarwa

Sg. tar tawwuri tar tarwa F. Pl. istt tar tawwuri istt tar tarwa

4.3 id-pluralization: Some issues

50 id-pluralization raises at least three issues. First, why would a language need two types of pluralization? Mind that the Tashlhit ‘normal’ type of pluralization is rich and quite complex as it is. A related issue is how to formally predict the nouns undergoing normal pluralization and those undergoing id-pluralization. This hinges on the internal constituency of the nouns in question. Given the internal structure of some of the nouns subject to id-pluralization, especially the buN constructions, one might argue that id is an ad-phrasal affix, just like bu.

51 The second issue ensuing from the formalization of the difference between normal pluralization and id-pluralization is: Does morphological theory need to recognize ad- phrasal pluralization as a conceptual possibility? The facts of Tashlhit do suggest so. On the basis of the complex internal structure of buNs and periphrastic bab-Ns, it seems that id-pluralization does occur with phrasal affixes and bound stems.

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52 The last issue is related to what it is that buNs and bab-Ns have in common with borrowings, kinship terms, and proper nouns so that they behave in a similar way regarding pluralization. This calls for a certain organization of the lexicon.

5. bu-nouns in the larger Amazigh context

53 This section is concerned with buNs from other varieties of Amazigh. Our sources consist of a grammar book, a collection of proverbs, and mainly dictionaries/glossaries.

5.1 Tamazight

54 Taifi (1991: 5) states that, in Ait Mguild Tamazight, bu, a M. Sg. taking a noun in CS, indicates a relation of belonging in a number of structures (27a). Its feminine counterpart is m/mm (27b) (ibid.: 193), and both F. and M. Pl. forms take id (ibid.: 50-51), the latter pluralization also being attested with compounds and loanwords (27c).11 Related forms are bab, b-, ajt, and lal.

(27) a. bu-tħanut ‘owner of the grocery shop’ bu-wallən ‘the one with eyes; the one with big eyes’ bu-wdis (adis) ‘ -- the (big) belly’ b. mm-urgaz ‘ -- the man; married woman’ mm-udis ‘ -- the belly; pregnant woman’ mm-iħdʒamn ‘the woman with tattoos’ tagrtilt mm-ilqḍәn ‘the carpet with colored drawings’ tamṭṭut mm-iħənʒifən ‘pretentious woman’ mm-uɣjul ‘owner of the donkey’ c. id mm-iħənʒifən ‘pretentious women’ id bab-n-jigər ‘the owners of the field’ id lal-uxam ‘the household, F.’ id kwniniṛ ‘colonels’ id məsknunəj-ixxan ‘lit. push-dung; dung-beetle’

55 An interesting structure Taifi (1991: 365) mentions is a bu lalla faḍma nəɣra jaʃ ‘we beseech you father of Mrs. Fatma’, where bu takes a noun that is pre-modified.

56 A similar situation holds in Ayt Wirra Tamazight (Oussikoum 2013). Frozen buNs take the circumfix t...t (M. burəbbuḍ ‘snail’; F. taburəbbuḍt, p. 395). Otherwise, bu and mm are preceded by id in the plural (id bujəʒdi ‘pivot animal (in beating)’, p. 399; id mm iʃukkaʃ uɣẓifn ‘girls with long hair’, p. 623). The feminine of periphrastic bab is lall, and both pluralize by the addition of id (ibid.: 591). Morphosyntactic complexity is also a characteristic of Ayt Wirra buNs, as in the nouns bu ixf ibənẓəṛṛ, ‘the one with the grey hair’ p. 394, and mm uʃakkuʃ uɣwẓif/id mm iʃukkaʃ uɣẓifn ‘girl(s) with long hair’, p. 623.

5.2 Figuig

57 Our Figuig data comes from Benamara (2013: 199-203). The usual buN morphology is attested overall, although there are some notable differences.

(28) afərdu (p. 31) ‘pestle’ bufərdu id bufərdu tbufərdutt fus (p. 238) ‘hand’ bufus id bufus tbufust ʒəllaba ‘jellaba’ buʒəllaba id buʒəllaba tbuʒəllabat

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akəbbus (p. 55) ‘belly’ bukəbbus id bukəbbus tbukəbbust aqəlqul (p. 105) ‘head’ buqəlqul id buqəlqul(?) tbuqəlqult iɣəss (p. 271) ‘bone’ bujəxsan id bujəxsan tbujəxsant

58 A number of frozen buNs are also listed (ibid.: 199-203). These refer to illnesses (buḍəɦwar ‘fatigue’; bunəggaf ‘asthma’; buẓəggwaɣ ‘measles’; buzəllum ‘sciatica’; buɣatir ‘chickenpox’); plants, animals and insects (buħəmmu ‘desert spiny lizard’; buɦnita ‘insect that defends itself by staying inert’; bururu ‘owl’; busəkka ‘cobra’; busəltaʕ ‘kind of bird’; buṭṛamba ‘insect that lives in flour’; buxlala ‘desert plant’; buʕəkkad ‘wild chicory’); and dates (bufəqqus; buħəfṣ; buʒəṛḍal; burəfsu; busəkri; bujfunasən). All of the buNs listed so far have plurals in id, and when they do, they have feminine forms with circumfix t...t. bab-Ns are also attested (p. 191) and form their feminine by lal/lalt (p. 287): bab n tiddart/ lal n tiddart ‘owner of the house’. Both the masculine and feminine pluralize by adding id. Data showing buN morphosyntactic complexity is not readily available, though.

59 Two aspects deserve special mention. First, some buNs in Figuig take normal nominal morphology, thus behaving more like frozen buNs.12

(29) budi ibuditn tbudit ‘seller of butter-oil’ bufusəj ibufusaj tbufusəjt ‘right-handed’ buẓəlmaḍ ibuẓləmḍən tbuẓəlmətt ‘left-handed’

60 In Tashlhit, the corresponding buNs all have F. forms in mmu and Pl. forms in id/istt. More strikingly, Benamara does not list F. mm as a correspondent of bu. The only forms we managed to find are in (30), and their plurals suggest at first blush buN pluralization. The jury is still out, however, for at least two reasons: initial m(m) cannot be established as corresponding to bu, and id-pluralization in Figuig may also apply to certain action nouns (Benamara 2013: 256).

(30) mmusisi - id mmusisi ‘wagtail’ p. 316 mundaz - id mundaz ‘hell’ p. 324 musafəlliq - id musafəlliq ‘white-crowned wheater’ p. 324

5.3 Standard Moroccan Amazigh

61 In their reference grammar of Standard Moroccan Amazigh (St. MA), Boukhris et al. (2008: 36-40) point out the morphology of buNs just in passing. The inner noun is marked for CS, and F. m corresponds to bu (31a). Both pluralize by adding id, as do bab- Ns (31b-c). No items are provided that display morphosyntactic complexity.

(31) a. bu iħllan miħllan ‘liar’ b. butgra id butgra ‘turtle’ butagant id butagant ‘boar’ bu islman id bu islman ‘fish seller’ m ufus id m ufus ‘one-armed, F.’ c. bab n tgmmi id bab n tgmmi ‘owner of the house’ lal n uxam id lal n uxam ‘wife’

62 In St. MA, buN morphology serves as a basis for coining terms used in the media and especially in grammatical description. In Ameur et al. (2009: 107), the following bu and bab nouns are meant for media:

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(32) a. bab n tattujt tagldant ‘His royal highness’ bab n waddur ‘His majesty’ b. buɦjjuf ‘hunger’ bu lkamiṛa ‘cameraman’ bu tmzrujt ‘columnist’

63 Likewise, Boumalk and Nait Zerrad (2009) provide the grammatical terms in (33a), taken up in context (33b) (Ameur et al. 2011: 43-44). Some of these involve a modified inner noun.

(33) a.

Sg. p. Pl. p.

bu jan uskkil 82 id bu jan uskkil 41 ‘monoliteral’

bu sin iskkiln 81 id bu sin iskkiln 25 ‘biliteral’

bu kraḍ iskkiln 81 id bu kraḍ iskkiln 57 ‘triliteral’

bu kkuẓ iskkiln 81 id bu kkuẓ iskkiln 50 ‘quadriliteral’

bu usmmud 81 id bu usmmud 57 ‘transitive’

b. g d amjag bu jan uskkil ‘“do...” is a monoliteral verb’ ml ... d imjagn id bu sin iskkiln ‘“show”... are biliteral verbs’ drɣl d amjag bu kkuẓ iskkiln ‘“be blind” is a quadriliteral verb’ lmd ... d imjagn id bu kraḍ iskkiln ‘“learn”... are triliteral verbs’ gan imjagn sin wanawn: amjag bu usmmud (ẓr, ml...)... ‘There are two types of verbs: Transitive verbs (see, show...)...’

5.4 Kabyle

64 According to Dallet (1982: 4-5), βu in Kabyle takes a noun in CS (34a) and has a corresponding F. Sg. m, a M. Pl. aθ, and a F. Pl. suθ (34b). The inner noun shows the same inflectional complexity as in Tashlhit: it can be M. Sg. (34a) as well as F. Sg., M. Pl. and F. Pl. (34c):

(34) a. aṣəlβuʕ ‘bald head’ βu ṣəlβuʕ p. 812 aʕəbbuḍ ‘belly’ βu ʕəbbuḍ p. 969 aʕənsis ‘big belly’ βu ʕənsis p. 993 aṣəmmaḍ ‘cold (weather)’ βu ṣəmmaḍ ‘rheumatism’ p. 779 θəllis ‘eye weakness’ βuθəllis (cf. p. 55) ‘partial blind- ness’ p. 824 b. βu qəṛṛu (>aqəṛṛu p.672) m uqəṛṛu ‘stubborn person’ βu znaβəṛ (>znaβəṛ p.950) aθ znaβəṛ ‘sb. wearing a mustache’ m iʒəʤʤigən p.475 suθ iʒəʤʤigən p. 5 ‘with flowers’

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suθ θqəlmunin ‘with hoods’ p. 794 c. iʒərβuβən (>aʒərβuβ ‘rags’) βu iʒərβuβən p. 379 θaxənθusθ ‘frown’ βu θxənθusθ p. 904 θiddas ‘kind of checkers game’ βu θiddas p. 160 θixiðas (>θixiðəsθ ‘trick’) βu θxiðas p. 892 θixwəbbirin ‘gossip’ βu θxwəbbirin p. 889 θixnanasin (> (θ)axnanas(θ) ‘lechery’) βu θəxnanasin p. 904

65 bab-Ns are also mentioned, with their F. lall (Dallet 1982: 4-441) (βaβ əlɣəlla ‘land owner’; lal bbwaxxam ‘wife’). The plural of bab-Ns is formed with imawlan (imawlan bbwaçrarən ‘the owners of the sheep’).

66 Concerning morphosyntax, the data available reveals syntax within buNs in the form of modification and complementation. Pre-modifier numbers are attested within buNs as in βu jiwən iʃʃ ‘lit. the one with one horn; unicorn’ (p. 70), axxam βu snaθ θəbbura ‘house with two doors; life’ (p. 4; also Nacib 2002: 184), θaxxamθ m sin ṭwiqan ‘room with two windows’, and βu sin w uðmawən ‘the one with two faces’ (Nacib 2002: 288). Moreover, post-modification is also attested, as in βu waçrarən inna ‘the owner of these sheep’ (Dallet 1982: 4) and βu θəmgraθ θazuranθ ‘the one with the strong neck’ (Nacib 2002: 133). Complementation within buNs is another aspect of syntax within words, as in βu θiçli ð imçsawən ‘the one who accompanies shepherds’ (Nacib 2002: 189).

6. Conclusion

67 This paper has brought to the fore an oft-overlooked corpus of Tashlhit buNs. We also conducted a comparative approach. The following table summarizes the various buN affixes as well as their periphrastic counterparts.

M. Sg. F. Sg. M. Pl. F. Pl.

bu mm(u) id bu istt/id mm(u) Tashlhit bab lal id bab istt/id lal

bu m/mm id bu id mm Tamazight bab lal(l) id bab id lal(l)

bu t...t id bu ti...in Figuig bab lal(t) id bab id lal(t)

bu mm id bu id mm St. MA bab lal id bab id lal

βu m/mm aθ suθ Kabyle βaβ lal(l) imawlan imawlan?

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68 The comparison has revealed a number of affinities as well as differences between the dialects of Amazigh examined. The affinities show that buN formation exhibits more or less the same cross-dialectal complexity.

69 Inherent in buN-formation are a number of empirical and theoretical challenges. The inner noun number, gender and case alternations, the periphrastic relationships, the id-pluralization pattern, and the possible recursion of affixes are all interesting aspects from a theoretical and typological stance. Even though buN-formation is a very promising field of inquiry into the morphology and syntax of the language, it has received only scanty treatment in the literature, which shows that we probably still have a long way to go.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Anderson S. R. (1992). Amorphous Morphology. Cambridge: CUP.

Benamara H. (2013). Dictionnaire amazighe-français- Parlers de Figuig et ses régions. Rabat: IRCAM.

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Bensoukas K. (2013a). “Expressing Ownership in Tashlhit: Phrasal Affix(ation) vs. Bound Word(hood)”, to appear in Asinag 10.

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Booij G. (2009). “Lexical Integrity as a Formal Universal”, in S. Scalise, E. Magni and A. Bisetto (eds.) Universals of Language Today. Berlin: Springer, 83-100.

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Chaker S. (1988). “L’état d’annexion du nom”, Encyclopédie Berbère V: 686-695.

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de Reuse W. J. (2006). “Polysynthetic Language: Central Siberian Yupik”, in K. Brown (ed.) Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 2nd ed., Vol. 9. Oxford: Elsevier, 745-748.

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de Reuse W. J. (2009). “Polysynthesis as a Typological Feature. An Attempt at a Characterization from Eskimo and Athabaskan Perspectives”, in M-A. Mahieu and N. Tersis (eds.) Variations on Polysynthesis- The Eskaleut Languages. Amsterdam: Benjamins, 19-34.

Elmoujahid E. H. (1981). La classe du nom dans un parler de la langue tamazight: le tachelhiyt d’Igherm, Thèse de troisième cycle, Université Paris V, René Descartes.

Elmoujahid E. H. (1997). Grammaire générative du berbère- Morphologie et syntaxe du nom en tachelhit. Rabat: FLHS.

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Greenberg J. (1963). “Some Universals of Grammar with Particular Reference to the Order of Meaningful Elements”, in J. Greenberg (ed.) Universals of Language. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 73-113.

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Haspelmath M. (2000). “Periphrasis”, in G. Booij et al. (eds.) Morphology- An International Handbook on Inflection and Word-Formation (Vol. 1). Berlin: de Gruyter, 654-664.

Helmbrecht J. (2004). “Cross-linguistic Generalizations and their Explanation”, in G. Booij et al. (eds) Morphology- An International Handbook on Inflection and Word-Formation (Vol. 2). Berlin and NY: de Gruyter, 1247-1254.

Jebbour A. (1991). “Structure morphologique du nom et problème de la voyelle initiale des noms en tachelhit, parler de Tiznit (Maroc)”, EDB 8: 27-51.

Lieber R. and Scalise S. (2007). “The Lexical Integrity Hypothesis in a New Theoretical Universe”, in G. Booij et al. (eds.) Online Proceedings of the Fifth Mediterranean Morphology Meeting, 1-21. http:// mmm.lingue.unibo.it. Last accessed May 2012.

Nacib Y. (2002). Proverbes et dictons Kabyles traduits et introduits. Alger: Maison des Livres.

Oussikoum B. (2013). Dictionnaire amazighe-français- Le par-ler des Ayt Wirra- Moyen Atlas- Maroc. Rabat: IRCAM.

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Saib J. (1982). “Initial Vowel Syncope and Reduction in Tamazight-Berber Nouns”, Langues et Littératures 2: 159-184.

Spencer A. (2005). “Word-formation and Syntax”, in P. Štekauer and R. Lieber (eds.) Handbook of Word-formation. Dordrecht: Springer, 73-97.

Spencer A. (2006). “Periphrasis”, in K. Brown (ed.) Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, 2nd edn., Vol. 9. Oxford: Elsevier, 287-294.

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NOTES

1. For discussions of the materials contained herein, we are indebted to N. Amrous, A. Boumalk, Y. Hdouch, H. Khtou, R. Laabdelaoui, M. Lahrouchi, J. Lowenstamm and M. Marouane. At the conference Études et recherches en linguistique et littérature amazighes: la mesure du sens et le sens de la

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mesure (Hommage au professeur Miloud Taifi), FLSH, Saïs-Fès, April 25-26, 2013, where we presented the core analysis of bu-nouns in Tashlhit, we benefited from comments by M. Ameur, F. Boukhris, A. Boumalk, C. Taine-Cheikh, as well as conversations with M. Benlakhdar, A. El Mountassir, F. Saa, and M. Taifi. Finally, we would like to thank a reviewer for comments on the manuscript. The usual disclaimer applies. We use IPA transcription except for the dot underneath segments for emphatics; ẓ̌ is the emphatic palato-alveolar fricative. Double consonants correspond to geminates. Also, we have adapted the transcriptions in the sources to our protocol. Abbreviations: Sg.=singular; Pl.=plural; M.=masculine; F.=feminine; N=noun; NP=Noun Phrase; PP=Prepositional Phrase; CS=Construct State; FS= Free State; lit.=literally. 2. We consider bu a phrasal affix on the basis of its being bound. Some sources treat buNs as compounds. See Bensoukas (2013a) for arguments against this conception. bab is treated therein as a bound word. 3. CS is a case-marking on the noun when it is a post-verbal subject, the object of a preposition or the complement of a numeral (e.g. Basset 1932; Chaker 1988; Guerssel 1983; Jebbour 1991; Saib 1982). CS contrasts with Free State (FS). Generally, CS morphology replaces the initial vowel ]a[ of

F0 M. Sg. nouns by ]u[ (agajju AE ugajju ‘head’) and deletes that vowel in both Sg. and Pl. F. ones (tagajjut/ tgajjut; tigwjja/ tgwjja). A special class of nouns maintain their vowel in M. Sg., and CS vowel appears as a glide ]w[ instead (anu/wanu ‘well’; urti/wurti ‘orchard’). In the F. of these nouns, the initial vowel does not delete (tanut and turtit). 4. The data in (3-4) display two phonological processes. First, vowel assimilation results in bu/ mmu alternating with bi/mmi when the singular or plural inner noun starts with ]i[ (bijmi, bijbaʃiln). Second, when the CS marking creates a hiatal *]uu[, the second vowel turns into the glide ]w[ (-buwgajju), and an analogous situation holds after ]u[ is assimilated to ]i[ (bijbaʃiln). Alternately, one of the vowels may delete (bugajju/mmugajju). 5. “The term periphrasis ... refers to the use of longer, multi-word expressions in place of single words…” In its narrower sense, periphrasis refers to “a multi-word expression…used in place of a single word in an inflectional paradigm…” (Haspelmath 2000: 654). An example is more beautiful/ *beautifuller. Spencer (2006: 287) provides a much similar definition and concludes that periphrasis is different from syntax in that periphrastic constructions express grammatical properties or are used derivationally (Ibid.: 293). 6. A reviewer has pointed out that, in some Tashlhit dialects, id-pluralization is used by both M. and F. buNs and suggested that an explanation other than regional variation is possible. In fact, the gender distinction of the plural marker is absent in some dialects, which also seems to be the case in Tamazight and Figuig. Kabyle is different; although suθ is used to pluralize F. buNs, the m(m) is not maintained (see § 5 below). More comparative work is necessary in this respect, and the historical dimension has to be considered, too. At this point, we may prima facie entertain two hypotheses: (i) leveling, involving a simplification of the morphology by using just id in plural buNs; or (ii) analogy, resulting in using istt, so that buNs have the same feminine plural morphology as the other related nouns (see § 4 below). 7. A related issue is that bu is not an inflectional affix, yet it is fully productive. This is incongruous on account of the tendency for derivational affixes to be ‘semi-productive’ and inflectional ones ‘fully productive’. 8. The range of this proposal is yet to be explored. Clearly, a deeper investigation is in order before establishing the extent of this polysynthetic behavior. We presently keep it to the minimum of ‘mildly polysynthetic’ until more substantial evidence is available. 9. Participles in Tashlhit can show number syncretism: mẓẓin ‘small’, for example, can be both singular and plural. When syncretism is involved, the ambiguity becomes even more complicated. We do not pursue this here. In our examples, we do not syncretize for the sake of the clarity of the argument.

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10. The Sg. of ajt is ggw and its F. is ultt. ggw alternates with u before a vowel initial noun. These forms occur in some kinship terms like gwma/ Pl. ajtma ‘lit. the one from my mother; my brother’ and ultma/ Pl. isttma ‘my sister’, which are synchronically frozen expressions. Similar synchronically decomposable words are M. ggw ugadir/ u tznit and F. ultt ugadir / ultt tznit, and their plurals ajt ugadir/tznit and istt ugadir/tznit ‘the one from Agadir/Tiznit’. 11. Taifi (1991: 658) mentions in the entry to ist that, in addition to being the F. Pl. corresponding to ajt, it corresponds to F. Sg. mm/m. However, no examples of the latter use are provided. 12. A reviewer has rightly pointed out that the buN facts of Figuig are interesting and that further analysis than we have been able to provide is possible. It seems to us that in Figuig buN morphology is simplified in the feminine and maintained in the plural. The facts are not simple, though, since id-pluralization is used even with some action nouns (see Benamara 2013). Once more, more comparative and diachronic work is necessary.

ABSTRACTS

This paper presents a corpus of Tashlhit bu-nouns, in which bu generally expresses the possessor of what the inner noun refers to. Comparison with other dialects of Amazigh is undertaken, revealing the cross-dialectal complexity of this type of nominal formation. Notwithstanding their morphosyntactic intricacy, which challenges Greenberg’s Universal 28, the Lexical Integrity Hypothesis and the No Phrase Constraint, bu-nouns have been dealt with only sporadically and have at times even been overlooked. The presentation will shed light on the inflectional alternations inner bu-nouns exhibit, the existence of an alternative periphrastic expression, the pluralization pattern of these nouns, their alienable vs. inalienable possession patterns, as well as the possible recursion of the bu-noun affixes.

Les noms en bu- en tachelhit. Un corpus morpho-syntaxique complexe souvent négligé Nous présentons dans le présent article un corpus des noms tachelhite en bu, où bu exprime généralement le possesseur de ce que désigne le nom interne. Une approche comparatiste avec d’autres parlers amazighes révèle la complexité inter-dialectale de ce type de noms. La complexité morphosyntaxique des noms en bu pose des défis pour l’Universal 28 de Greenberg, l’Hypothèse de l’Intégrité Lexicale et l’Absence de Syntagme (No Phrase Constraint). Néanmoins, ces noms n’ont été traités que de façon sporadique et ont parfois même été négligés. La présentation mettra en évidence les alternances flexionnelles inhérentes aux noms en bu, l’existence d’une expression périphrastique analogue, la pluralisation de ces noms, les modes de possession aliénable et inaliénable qui les caractérisent, ainsi que la récurrence des affixes des noms en bu.

INDEX

Mots-clés: noms en bu-, pluriels en id-, morphologie, morphosyntaxe, tachelhite, amazighe Keywords: bu-nouns, id-pluralization, morphology, morphosyntax, Tashlhit, Amazigh

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AUTHOR

KARIM BENSOUKAS CLEMS Laboratory Faculty of Letters and Human SciencesMohammed V University, Rabat, Morocco

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Deictic directionality and Space in Berber A typological survey of the semantics of =d and =nn

Aicha Belkadi

1. Introduction

1 The verbal directional clitics =d and =nn have attracted much attention in the recent Berber literature. This interest is motivated by their rich distributions across varieties and a range of uses not obviously linked to their primary directional semantics. The information available, although rich and detailed, is very much distributed and still incomplete, as studies tend to focus on particular languages or dialects. Furthermore, despite being centred on the clitics’ interpretations, descriptions are not formulated within particular semantic frameworks. This lack of comparison and formalism makes it difficult to define some general patterns and identify microvariations in the semantics of the directionals.

2 In this paper I compare the distributive properties of =d and = nn across several languages –Taqbaylit, Tashlhit, Tamazight, Tuareg, Tetserret and Ghadamsi– within Talmy’s framework of event structure and verb composition. I survey a corpus of data from various sources, including previous descriptions of the clitics, grammars and my collection of Tikicurt Taqbaylit narratives. I focus on two aspects: (i) the types of semantic concepts lexicalized by the verbs modified by the directionals and (ii) the interpretations resulting from their interaction with certain concepts. The results show only two coherent semantic classes of verbs interact with the clitics as directionals across Berber –verbs lexicalising motion or describing events conventionally conceptualised as involving motion and change of state verbs. With other classes of verbs different interpretations of the directionals are derived. Although varied, the ‘new’ interpretations are not random; they are all derived from the clitics’ directional

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or deictic semantics, and follow patterns attested cross-linguistically in the grammaticalization of directionals. Furthermore, the results show that the directionals closely interact with one verb component: Path, and suggest that the extension of the directionals from modifying verbs describing motion events to verbs encoding other kinds of events may be driven by their lexicalisation or not of this particular component.

3 The paper contains two main parts. Section 2 provides a descriptive and comparative overview of the semantics of the directionals across Berber. I show there that the directionals have two distinct functions in Berber, one as markers of deictic directionality, discussed in section 2.1. and the other as markers of Associated Motion, discussed in section 2.2. The directionals may be associated with other meanings, but these are still very much context-dependent and idiosyncratic to the semantic content of particular verbs. This is discussed in section 2.3. The second part of the paper, particularly sections 4 and 5, contains a verb-based analysis of the distribution of the clitics in Berber, fledged within Talmy’s (2000) framework of event structure and verb lexicalisation. These sections are preceded by a discussion of previous analyses on the clitics in section 3.

2. Semantics and functions of the directionals

2.1 Deixis

4 The principal function of the clitics is to specify the direction of an event from the perspective of a deictic anchor. The ventive =d (and its phonological variants) encodes the deictic path ‘to or toward the speaker’. The itive =nn (and its phonological variants) expresses the path notion ‘not in the direction of the speaker’. This is illustrated with examples from Ait Seghrouchen Berber and Ghadamsi in (1) and (2).

(1) Ait Seghrouchen (Bentolila 1969) a. iṛaḥ D ġr i ‘He came to mine.’ b. iṛaḥ N ġr i ‘He went to mine.’ (2) Ghadamsi (Kossmann 2013) a. y-útăf=ǝd 3SGM-enter.PRF=VEN He came in (towards the speaker). (3) b. t-úse =n 3SGF-come.PRF=ITV ‘She came (not in the direction of speaker).

5 This function as markers of deictic paths is found across Berber. Even Zuaran, Awjilah and Siwi, where the clitics are no longer in use, have lexicalised remnants on the verb as ‘to come/ to arrive’ and the causative motion verb which encodes the same meaning as ‘to take’ in English. In Siwi, Laoust (1932) contrasts the stems aḫǝn ‘to take (not in the direction of DC)’ and aġǝd ‘take (in the direction of DC)/ bring’ which incorporate respectively the itive n and ventive d. As for the verb as, it also shows traces of d in particular morphosyntactic contexts. The ventive is visible on the stem with some subject agreement markers, in the imperfective form tasǝd and in the infinitive tizdi (Souag, 2010). In Awjilah the ventive is only and obligatorily found with the verbs yi=d

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‘to come’ and aγi=d ‘to bring’ (van Putten, 2014). Similar assimilation of the ventive with these stems are found in Zuaran (Mitchell, 2009: 200-201), as shown in the following examples.

(4) Zuaran (Mitchell 2009) uγǝd -γ =ɑ́k =ti bring -1SG =2SG.M.DAT =3SGM.ACC ‘I brought him to you.’ (5) usǝ́dǝn kmǝ́l(ǝ)n ǝlγǝ́ṛs dbǝʕd amǝ́šwaṛ tuṛǝ́w. ‘They all came to her at home and after a while she gave birth.’

6 The lexicalisation of the directionals in those languages seems to be asymmetrical. Remnants of the ventive are found everywhere, but this is not the case for the itive. This asymmetry in distribution is also found in languages where the clitics are productive, and is well documented. Many varieties of Taqbaylit do not use =nn (Mettouchi, 1998; Aoumer, 2011; Belkadi, 2014); itive path in those varieties is unmarked. Some languages, such as Ait Seghrouchen or Tetserret, which formally mark the distinction, tend to use the itive less frequently than the ventive (Bentolila, 1969; Lux, 2013). Other languages keep a morphological opposition mainly in contexts involving canonical motion.

7 The deictic anchors with respect to which the directionals are interpreted differ both across and within varieties depending on a number of factors. Many varieties use =nn not necessarily to describe motion ‘not in the direction of the speaker’ but to describe motion ‘to or toward the addressee’ (Bentolila, 1969; Fleisch, 2007). Furthermore, events encoded by ditransitive verbs can be anchored with respect to the indirect object, provided the speaker is not a participant of the event. In (6) the deictic anchor for =d can therefore be the goal argument tqcict ‘girl’.

(6) fka-n =as =d i tqcict snat n give.PRF-3PLM =3SG.DAT =VEN DAT girl.CS two of tibwadin n lggatu. boxes of sweet ‘They gave her two boxes of sweets.’

8 Another type of contexts in which a shift of deictic anchor can be observed are events relating to natural phenomena and bodily secretions. These involve a conventionalised metaphorical motion and will be discussed in section 5. Since they involve motion, they are often specified for deictic path by the clitics. Focussing on Tashelhit, El Mountassir (2000) shows that the deictic anchor in these contexts is not the particular location of the speaker at the time of utterance, but the space generally inhabited by the speaker and other humans. Motion perceived as occurring away from the human space triggers a use of the itive directional as opposed to the ventive. Example (7) describes the downward motion of the sun from the sky into the ground, away from the human’s sphere and the itive is used to orientate this motion deictically.

(7) Tashlhit (El Mountassir 2000) t-ḍḍr =nn tafukt 3SGF-fall.PRF =ITV sun ‘The sun sets.’

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9 This shift in the deictic anchoring of the directionals seems to be pervasive, perhaps universal, across Berber. In addition to Tashlhit, examples of this phenomenon were found in Ayer Tuareg, Ghadamsi, Mali and Burkina Faso Tamasheq, Taqbaylit and Tetserret. Two more examples are provided below from Tetserret and Taqbaylit.

(8) Tetserret (Lux 2013) mǝnkkat ogǝd as=du tǝ-zoggǝr tofuk which moment when=VEN 3SGF-exit.IMPF sun s awwaṛ towards morning ‘When does the sun appear in the morning?’ (9) Taqbaylit (Belkadi, 2010) n-wala itij y-wt =d 2SG-see.PRF sun 3SGM-hit.PRF =VEN di lwqt n tnac in hour POSS twelve ‘Then, we saw the sun shining (Lit. hit) as when it is noon.’

10 Deictic shifts are more prominent inside narratives, where in addition to the speaker the directionals can be anchored with respect to any character or location of the events recounted (Bentolila, 1969, El Mountassir, 2000). What constitutes the deictic anchor in these monologues depends on its narrative genre –whether it is a personal narrative or a folk tale–, the role played by the speaker and information structure notions. Personal narratives are informal and spontaneous accounts provided by speakers. These narratives are generally about some episodes of speakers’ lives, but they may also describe events unrelated to the speaker (Vaux & Cooper, 1999, Sakel & Everett, 2012). If the speaker is a participant of the events she is the deictic anchor for the directionals (see also Bentolila, 1969). In such contexts, the directionals function in the same way as in discourse. The following example from a personal narrative in Tikicurt Taqbaylit is characteristic.

(10) Tikicurt Taqbaylit … y-uli =d umγar=im 3SGM-ascend.PRF =VEN old.man=POSS.2SGF ‘Your father in law came up the stairs.’ i-dal =d γr=iw 3SGM-pop.one’s.head.PRF =VEN to=POSS.1SG ‘He popped his head in.’ i-pd =d miskin y-uγal 3SGM-arrive.PRF =VEN poor 3SGM-become.PRF d awraγ COP yellow ‘The poor (man) arrived, he became yellow.’

11 Example (10) is from a narrative about the birth of one of the speaker’s sons. In this particular extract, she recounts how her husband arrived home after work and came in her room to check on her. All the verbs which refer to motion directed towards the speaker’s location are modified by the ventive.

12 When the speaker is not a participant of the narrative, different options are available. Bentolila (1969) explains that the directionals’ distribution in these contexts can be governed by anaphora. Under these circumstances, the deictic anchor of the

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directionals is a current topic; either a location which has just been mentioned in the discourse, the main location of the narrative or the location of a participant established as a topic. Consider, for instance, the two following examples from Ait Seghrouchen:

(11) Ait Seghrouchen (Bentolila, 1969) tiḌa La Tili ḫas Gwaman; nTat lḥažt D iṛaḥn aTsw, La Tṛaɛa aT tadf ‘The leech is found in water only; when an animal comes to drink, it (the leech) tries to get inside it (the animal).’ iSḍuṛ as tnt i tišikwt; kuL lfas aTTšat tanila Ns baš ad ġlbn, aD ḍṛn ‘The ennemy encircled Tichoukt; each post had to bombard their side so that they (the enemies) would win, and the others would come down (to the bottom of the hill where the enemies were waiting for them).’

13 In example (11), the ventive takes the water, which has just been mentioned, as its deictic anchor, while in (12), the ventive is used to refer to the location of the enemy, who again is the current topic.

14 Folk tales are traditional stories, which are told or ‘performed’ in a particular register and whose structure may follow particular cultural norms (Vaux & Cooper, 1999, Lüpke, 2011). These types of narratives are ‘highly formalized’ types of texts (Sakel & Everett, 2012). Given the special genre one might expect the directionals to function slightly differently. El Mountassir (2000) discusses the topic and identifies a number of elements which are decisive. In some contexts, the deictic centre is the main location of the folk tale. The example in (13) below is the first sentence of a folk tale about a hyena, a hedgehog and a ploughman. Since the main location is the house of the ploughman, all motion events directed towards it are modified by the ventive.

(12) Tashlhit (El Mountassir, 2000) yan ḍḍur ẓẓa-n=d sin one time run.after.PRF-3PLM=VEN two ingwmarn f-yan ifis, i-rur, hunters on-one hyena 3SGM-run.away.PRF i-lkm=d yan umkraz, 3SGM-arrive.PRF-VEN one ploughman i-nna=yas 3SGM-say.PRF=3SGM-DAT ‘Once upon a time, there were two hunters running after a hyena. She ran away and arrived at a ploughman’s house and asked him.’

15 In other contexts, the use of the directionals reflects the scission of the space into human vs. non-human. The ventive is used to direct motion towards locations traditionally inhabited by humans, while the itive directs motion away from this space. This contrast is illustrated by the following two examples, extracted from the same folk tale: =d is used to direct events to the house, while the itive is used to direct the motion towards the forest.

(13) Tashlhit (El Mountassir, 2000) i-rur=d Idir ar=d 3SGM-ran.away.PRF-VEN Idir IMPRF=VEN i-ttizzal s-tgmmi 3SGM-run.IMPRF to-house ‘Idir ran away to the house.’ (14) lliɣ i-km y-af=nn

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when 3SGM-arrive.PRF 3SGM-find.PRF-ITV yan uchchn mẓẓiyn one small jackal ‘When he arrived, he found (inside the forest) a small jackal.’

16 Finally, the directionals are also found in formal introductions and conclusions of folk tales. The itive directional is used in introductory expressions, which set the location of the story in a distinct space and time:

(15) i-kka-tti=nn yan ḍḍur 3SGM-be.somewhere-3SGF.ACC-ITV one time ɣ-yat tmazirt ur i-ssn yan in-one country NEG 3SGM-know.PRF one ‘Once upon a time in a country that no one knows…’

17 The ventive is found in concluding expressions, such as (16).

(16) yinn aɣ-tt=nn fl-ɣ there in-3SGF.ACC=ITV leave.PRF-1SG achkh=d s-ɣid come-1SG-VEN toward=here ‘I left her there and I came back here.’

2.2 Associated Motion

18 The directionals encode a second type of function, derived from their deictic path semantics, which I will refer to as Associated Motion1 (AM). AM involves the presupposition of an additional motion event prior, concomitant or subsequent to the event described by the verb. Consider for instance the following sentence from Ait Seghrouchen:

(17) Ait Seghrouchen (Bentolila, 1969) aṛaḥ ažm =d aman go.AOR draw.out.AOR VENT water ‘Go draw out some water (and bring it here).’

19 In (17) the ventive does not specify a deictic path for the event encoded by the verb ― ažm ‘to draw out’. Instead it implies the occurrence of an independent motion event, which is itself directed to the deictic centre. Thus the interpreted meaning is not the expected ‘draw out water from the inside of a well out into the human sphere’, but one where the subject comes to the location of the speaker after the event.

20 This use of the directionals differs in important respects from their canonical deictic uses. Compare, for instance, (18) and (19) from Taqbaylit, which involve respectively an AM use of the ventive and a typical deictic directional use.

(18) Taqbaylit i-ʕum =d. 3SGM-swim.PRF =VEN ‘He (went somewhere) swam and came back (to the location of the speaker or to his house).’ Not available: ‘He swam (towards or to the location of the speaker). (19) t-jjlb =d γr tavla.

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3SGF-jump.PRF =VEN to table ‘She jumped on the table (in the direction of the speaker).

21 The verb ‘jump’ describes a motion event occurring in a certain manner2 –a motion through the air by exerting force onto one’s own legs. =d contributes a deictic path semantics to that event, and the resulting interpretation is one in which the endpoint of the jumping corresponds to the location of the speaker. In (18), while the verb ‘swim’ also encodes motion and manner –i.e. moving one’s body in water– the deictic clitic does not mark the endpoint of this event as corresponding to the location of the speaker. Just like the example discussed by Bentolila, AM is derived, and is oriented deictically.

22 Since the deictic path component in AM is not a subpart of the event, it also differs from directional interpretations of deictics in terms of Tense-Aspect-Mood sharing. In contexts where the main verb is in the imperfective, the additional motion event can be understood with a different TAM semantics. This results in a mismatch between the time of the event described by the verb and the path associated with the deictic.

(20) Tikicurt Taqbaylit lla =d i-tt-awum PROG =VEN 3SGM-IMPRF-swim.IMPRF ‘He is swimming and then he will come.’

23 Examples of AM are mentioned and found in several other Berber languages, including Tashlhit, Tamasheq, Ayer Tuareg, Tamazight, Ghadamsi and other varieties of Taqbaylit. However there are small variations between the languages surveyed. It seems to be quite marginal in Taqbaylit dialects, while Mali Tamasheq, at the other end, seems to make very high uses of AM. In this domain too, the ventive and itive display asymmetrical distributions. Apart from Tamasheq and Ghadamsi, most examples of AM involve =d rather than =nn.

24 There are variations across and within dialects regarding the time in which the AM event takes place relative to the event encoded by the main verb. In Ait Seghrouchen (Bentolila 1969) and Taqbaylit, AM is either posterior to the main verb’s event (e.g. do X and come or go get Y and bring it) or concomitant to it (e.g. do X while coming). In Ghadamsi, Kossmann (2013) describes AM meanings for the itive with verbs of verbal interaction, such as ăn ‘to say’, aslil ‘to call’, ăsmağği ‘to speak’. In addition to describing that the agent is in a location distinct from the deictic centre, =nn can also presuppose that the agent has moved away from the deictic centre prior to speaking. Mali Tamasheq (Heath 2005) allows different time relations between the verb’s event and the AM event:

25 Concomittance

(21) i-ššǝγæ =ǝ́dd 3SGM-work.PRF =VEN ‘He came working (he was working as he came).’

26 Precedence

(22) i-kfa =hín áz̦rǝf è mæssi-s 3SGM-give.PRF =VEN money DAT master-3SGPOSS ‘He went and gave the money to his master.’

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27 Subsequence

(23) ad æ̀̀kk-æγ γás FUT go.to.AOR-1SG only t-a-yæ̀̀d̦d̦uf-t FE-SG-terminate.mound-FESG y æγš-æq-qæt =ǝ́dd DAT dig.AOR-1SG-3SGFO =VEN y a ǝ́kšǽ ́-n àra-tæn DAT DEM eat.RESLT-3PLM child-MAPL ‘I will go only to the terminate mound, to dig it up and bring it, for (to get) something for the children to eat.

28 AM uses of deictic directionals are not unique to Berber languages. The phenomenon is found in other African languages; some also from the Afro-Asiatic phylum –such as Somali (Bourdin 2006) and Pero, a Chadic language from Nigeria (Frajzyngier 1989)–, others from Niger-Congo and Nilo-Saharan families, all spoken over geographically close areas. Based on a number of intrinsic properties of directional AM in these languages, Belkadi (2015) proposes that these uses derive from pragmatic reconstructions based on inference and relevance in contexts where there is a mismatch between the deictic path semantics of these morphemes and the verb they modify. Amongst the arguments for her analysis are the facts that, in those languages, AM is construed with non-motion verbs or verbs which do not otherwise occur with deictic directionals, and the distributions of the two functions rarely overlap. What’s more, it is frequent for the time relations between the verb’s event and that of the AM to vary depending on which is most appropriate given the discourse and syntactic contexts.

29 However, these inferences, as they arise consistently, may become conventionalised and deictic directionals end-up grammaticalising into semantic markers of AM (cf. Traugott & Dasher 2002). Different languages may be at more advanced stages of grammaticalisation and use directionals to mark AM more often, with some verbs that otherwise allow a deictic path modification. In Berber, only Mali Tamasheq seems to have reached that stage. AM is the only derived interpretation of the clitics which presents enough contrasts with their basic deictic path function to be systematically distinguished, and which is recurrent across, and possibly available to, all Berber varieties. There are other types of meanings which the deictics take which are very much idiosyncratic of the content of the verb modified. They are described in section 2.3.

2.3 Information structure, modality and aspect

30 Interesting other types of meanings have been reported in the literature, relating particularly to the ventive and occurring for the most part in Taqbaylit varieties. These meanings are marginal and associated with such domains as Information Structure, modality and aspect. Mettouchi (2011) reports that the ventive may be used to mark unexpectedness. Unexpectedness, also referred to as surprising information is a particular type of new information and is related to information structure. Mettouchi provides the following example, in which the clitic provides a surprise implicature.

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(24) Taqbaylit (Mettouchi 2011: 6) imi-t̹ =idd t-lli when-ABS3SG.F =VEN SBJ3SG.F-open.PRF t-ufa =dd d baba-s 3SG.F-find.PRF =VEN COP father-KIN3SG ‘When she opened the door, she realised it was her father (unexpectedly).’

31 However, the meaning of unexpectedness does not seem to be provided by the clitic itself. Rather it seems to be inferred in this particular utterance based on the meaning of the verb and its interaction with the ventive semantics of the clitic. Indeed, the verb ‘to find’ encodes a particular semantics which itself may involve unexpectedness. Finding an entity presupposes that it was out of sight or perception before the event. If an entity can be found after it is searched for, which decreases the element of surprise in finding it, there are many occasions in which things are found that are not expected to be found. Along similar lines, Fleisch (2012) cites the following example from Kuningas (2008) in which the clitic seems to mark the aspectual notion of suddenness. However, again, the suddenness seems to come from both the punctuality and unexpected nature of the event described by the verb qqers ‘to break’.

(25) Taqbaylit (Kuningas 2008) deggr-eγ =tt kan yiwen webrid push.PRF-1SG =3SGF.ACC only one time i-qqers =d umrr=nni 3SGM-break.PFV =VEN rope=ANAPH ‘I pushed it ]=the swing[ only once and the rope got torn at once.’

32 El Mountassir (2000) presents examples showing the alternative meaning for the ventive as it interacts with the imperfective aspect in Tashlhit. The clitic triggers inchoative or inceptive implicatures; that is the imperfective is there understood as describing the beginning of an event of change of state.

(26) Tashlhit (El Mountassir, 2000) a. ar i-ttisgin IMPRF 3SGM-blacken.IMPRF ‘This is blackening’ or ‘It tends to blacken.’ b. ar =d i-ttisgin udγar=ad IMPRF =VEN 3SGM-blacken.IMPRF fabric=DEM ‘This piece of fabric is starting to blacken.’

3. Verb semantics in previous analyses

33 The clitics as markers of deictic direction modify verbs of motion, but also occur with a range of other verbs. These other verbs encode different semantic contents and overall form different coherent semantic classes. A number of studies (Bentolila 1969; Mettouchi 1998; 2011; Heath 2005; El Mountassir 2000; Fleisch 2007; 2012; Aoumer 2011) have provided detailed descriptions of the meanings of the clitics as they interact with verbs in single dialects. These comprehensive studies constitute valuable contributions since they establish links between the clitics and specific event types, semantic arguments and grammatical contexts. The factors distinguished tend to be associated with deictic directionals cross-linguistically (Fortis & Fagard 2010; Mietzner 2012), and,

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as I will try to show, they are also attributable to the common semantics verbs modified by the clitics carry.

34 Amongst the verbs and events found to be highly associated with the directionals are those relating to natural phenomena and bodily secretions (Bentolila, 1969; El Mountassir, 2000; Fleisch, 2012; Kossmann, 2013). As discussed in section 2.1, these events are almost exclusively encoded by motion verbs, and do form strong collocations with the clitics across Berber. Visibility, appearance or emergence is another criteria claimed to trigger high uses, again across varieties (El Mountassir 1969; Mettouchi 1997; 2011; Aoumer 2011; Kossmann 2013). In the literature, this factor is used to explain the specification by the directionals of a range of events. The passage into visibility and/or invisibility is given as a reason for the occurrence of clitics with change of states and their causatives counterparts (e.g. 27), events involving the appearance or disappearance of a physical entity into the speaker’s vision (e.g. 28), of an abstract entity into/out of the speaker’s mind (e.g. 29).

(27) Ghadames (Kossmann, 2013) arumo:1s y-úrăw=dd anṭfal brother:1S 3SM-give.birth:p=VEN boy ‘My brother has got a boy.’ (Lit. My brother has given birth to a boy) (28) Taqbaylit (Iɛemranen variety; Aoumer 2011) i-ḥuf =d axxam 3SGM-look.for.PRF =VEN house ‘He looked for a house (and found it).’ (29) Tamasheq (Mali; Heath, 2005) a. t-ǝttǝwæ-d =ín 2SG-forget.PRF-2SG =VEN ‘You forgot.’ b. kattæ-n =ǝ́dd remember-AOR-3PLM =VEN ‘They remember (regularly).’

35 The appearance factor is also used to explain the frequency of the ventive on a number of verbs encoding motion in Taqbaylit such as kšm ‘enter’, ali ‘ascend’ and k ‘come.from’ (Mettouchi 1997).

36 In Taqbaylit still, and with respect to the ventive, Mettouchi (1997 2011) discusses a connection between viewpoint and lexical aspects. She suggests that =d is highly associated with telicity, an observation supported by the fact that many verbs describing events that have inherent endpoints occur frequently with the ventive. In her corpus (Mettouchi 2011), for instance, she finds that sixty five per cent of occurrences of the verb awǝḍ ‘arrive’ are with the ventive, sixty six per cent for the verb ǝkks ‘remove’, and ninety nine per cent for the verb as ‘reach’. All three verbs can be classified as achievements, and hence have inherent endpoints. Moreover, she proposes that =d may also participate in the marking of a resultative subtype of the perfective. The ventive occurs on verbs in the perfective aspect to mark a kind of TAM semantics close to that of the perfect in English (Mettouchi 1997). Its function in such contexts is to mark the relevance of the event or state described by the verb to the current context. The example given by Mettouchi to illustrate this function is in (30). The clitic marks that the event described n-ɛaDa ‘we passed’ has resulted in a state still true at the time of speech: the speaker knows what the government jails are like, and this state of knowledge is a direct result of they having gone through them.

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(30) Taqbaylit (Mettouchi 1997) n-ɛaDa =d dg=snt, 2SG-pass.PRF =VEN in=them n-ẓṛa asu swa-nt 2SG-know.PRF what be.worth.3PLF ‘We went through them (government jails) and we know what they are worth.’

37 Finally, verbs with an argument understood as the beneficiary, recipient or affected patient of an event have also been claimed to trigger appearance of the clitic (Mettouchi 1997 2011). This relation is supported by the fact that ditransitive verbs, whose indirect argument is marked by the dative preposition often occur with the clitics in other Taqbaylit varieties, and also that there is a high association between dative clitics and the directionals (Bentolila 1969; Mettouchi 1997; Fleisch 2012). The next examples illustrate the link.

(31) Taqbaylit (Mettouchi 1997) awufan a ṛBi ayn i =γ =d please oh god what REL =2PL.DAT =VEN Ğa-n imzura Nγ leave.PRF-3PL ancestors POSS.2PL ur =t n-Tgir ara NEG =3SG.MS.ACC 2PL-give.up.IMPRF NEG ‘Let’s hope that we will not give up the teachings our ancestors have left for us. (32) Tuareg (Heath, 2005) (…) ǝyyǝ̀-n =a-s =ǝ́d leave.AOR-3PLM =DAT-3SG =VEN Á-lyaḑ w-à n ‘æ-mǽḑray SG-child ma-DEM.SG POSS SG.younger.SIB ‘]and that they should[ leave the younger sibling for him ]the midget[.’

38 The above factors have asymmetrical statuses. Verbs describing natural phenomena and bodily secretions almost systematically trigger uses of the directionals as markers of deictic orientation in all Berber languages. Similarly, many verbs which lexically select for beneficiary or recipient arguments are marked in relevant deictic contexts, apparently in all Berber languages. However, it is not the case that verbs which lexically select for a beneficiary or affected argument occur with the deictic directional just to mark these participants. In the next example the same verb as used in (32) occurs with the ventive, but there is no presupposition that any argument is either affected by or benefits from the event. The sole role of the clitic seems to be to deictically modify a location giving an interpretation which could be translated as ‘they left nothing here’.

(33) wǝ̀e =ǝdd ȍyye-n àr NEG =VEN leave.PRF-3PLM except ǝ̀nta d ‘æ-mǽḑray -ǝnnet 3SG with SG-younger.sib -3SGPOSS ‘They left no-one, except him ]the midget[ and his younger brother.’

39 Similarly, the remaining verb contents and contexts are to be seen as patterns or tendencies more than decisive factors. It is not necessarily the case that any verb which

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describes an event involving appearance/disappearance, telicity or involves an affected patient can be modified by the directionals as expressing deictic goal. Due to the nature of the corpus consulted, it is not possible to provide negative evidence that could be generalised over all Berber languages. However, Belkadi (2014) discusses some examples from Tikicurt involving verbs encoding these precise semantic features which occur with the ventive and trigger an Associated Motion interpretation instead of a deictic directional one.

(34) Telicity tǝ-γra =d taktaf 3SGF-read.PRF =VENT book ‘She read the book somewhere else and came back (to the location of the speaker).’ Not available: ’She read the book completely’, or ‘She read the book and the content of the book appeared to her mind.’ (35) Appearance/emergence t-zz-bzgg =d iman =is yawk. 3SGF-CAUS-be.wet.PRF =VENT self =POSS.3SG all ‘She went somewhere, soaked herself and came back’ or ‘She arrived soaking wet (to the location of the speaker)’. Not available: She became wet.’ (36) Affected object (Ethical dative) t-čča =(y)as =d lgatu 3SGF-eat.PRF =3SG.DAT =VEN biscuit ‘She ate her biscuit (somewhere and came back)’

40 Belkadi (2014) also suggests that AM presuppositions constructed by speakers in such examples as (34-36) can be used as clues about the function of the clitic, and what it requires in the verb it modifies. Following work from Rappaport Hovav (2006), Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2010) and Beavers (2009 2011),3 she argues that verbs which trigger AM are ‘deficient’ in some way and lack the property which makes deictic modification by =d possible with other verbs. Concretely the semantic component these verbs are missing is the very one thing speakers coerce or infer: a path.4 The main argument for this analysis is that the motion event that speakers create is one that provides path; either a return path (go do X and come back) or a goal path (do X and come), and this path is the entity directed to the speaker’s location, rather than the event encoded by the verb. This idea that the clitic’s appearance is linked to the notion of path is reminiscent of Aoumer (2011)’s analysis of the ventive clitic in the Iɛemranen variety of Taqbaylit. Aoumer also provides a verb-based analysis of its distribution, and proposes that verbs expressing a transition from the outside into the inside of the speaker’s space are modified by the deictic. The idea presents also similarities with El Mountassir’s work on the directionals in which he highlights the role of displacement and change in the appearance of the clitics. The path analysis however has the advantage of uniting these notions of transition, displacement and change, while also incorporating the notions of motion, telicity and beneficiaries mentioned in other studies.

41 Belkadi’s study focussed mainly on the ventive uses involving verbs that do not describe motion events in Tikicurt Taqbaylit. In the next section, I evaluate her hypothesis against data from different Berber languages. I show that, although the claim that all verbs which are modified by the clitics lexicalise a Path is a bit strong, the

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notion is still critical to the appearance of the directionals and their extension across verb classes.

4. Events, verb lexicalisation and the directionals

42 I adopt the view of neo-generativist and cognitive semantics that the lexical meaning of verbs reflects event conceptualisations (Jackendoff, 1983; 1992; Langacker, 1992; Levin & Rappaport, 1991; 2005; Talmy, 2000 amongst others). I consider verb meaning to be composed of more abstract or primitive concepts. There are different ways in which the concepts encoded by verbs are represented or even apprehended by different approaches (see Levin & Rappaport, 2005). In the present work I adopt Talmy’s compositional framework (2000). My aim is different to that of Talmy’s, however the event structure he proposes for framing events can be applied to events in general and in Berber.

4.1 Talmy’s event structure

43 Talmy’s work focusses on how events are conceptualised and structured in language and across languages. The core of his work centres on macro-events involving motion. A macro-event consists of at least two events, encoded linguistically in the same way as single events. Consider the following English example:

(37) The rock rolled down the hill.

44 This sentence involves two events. The motion event describes the displacement of the rock over the hill. The second event is encoded in the verb ‘roll’ which describes a rotational self-contained motion, and stands in a relation of manner with the first event; i.e. it describes the manner in which the motion event unfolds. (37) can be paraphrased as (38), in which the two events are represented separately.

(38) ]the rock MOVED down the hill[ WITH-THE- MANNER-OF ]the rock rolled[.

45 In (37-38), the motion event is the main event, referred to as the framing event, while the manner event is the co-event. Co-events stand in different relations with framing events. In addition to Manner, they can also establish a causal relation, Cause. Now, a framing event consists of four components. The first component is the Figure, the entity on which attention is focussed. The second component is the Ground, which is a reference entity. The third component is an activating process, a process in which the figure entity either makes a transition or stays fixed with respect to the ground. The activating process has either of two values: transition or fixity. The fourth component is an association function, which sets up a particular relation between Figure and Ground. The association function is the schematic core of the events, the thing which distinguishes it from other types of events. The schematic core of an event is called the core schema. In the complex motion event in (37), the Figure is ‘the rock’ whose motion is described. The ground is ‘the hill’, the entity with respect to which the Figure is moving. The activating process is a translational motion, since the location of the Figure changes over time, and has a transitional value, represented in a paraphrase by the semantic component MOVE. Finally, the core schema, is the Path, lexicalised in the

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preposition ‘down’. The Path, which provides the trajectory traversed by the Figure, is the core schema here because it establishes a relation between the Figure and the Ground specific to this motion event. The Manner co-event is lexicalised by the verb ‘roll’. Following Talmy, the respective components of the complex motion event are mapped onto lexical items as in (39).5

(39)

46 This representation of events is primarily aimed at describing cross-linguistic patterns in the lexicalization of complex events. The work has led to the dichotomy between Verb-framed (V-framed) and Satellite-framed (S-framed) languages depending on where the core schema of macro-events is lexicalised in the clause. With regard to motion events, S-framed languages, like English and most Germanic languages, tend to lexicalise Path outside of the main verb, as prepositions or particles (cf. 37-39). V- framed languages (e.g. Romance, Arabic) tend to lexicalise Path components in the main verb. The following example from Spanish, where the verb encodes the Path ‘across’ while a satellite gerund form encodes Manner, illustrates this pattern.

(40) Spanish (Talmy, 2000: 49) La botella cruzó el canal flotando. the bottle MOVED-across the canal floating ‘The bottle floated across the canal.’

47 The typology has been revised in different ways in a range of subsequent works by other authors. One of the issues with the dichotomy discussed in the literature (and directly relevant to the description of the distribution of Berber directionals) is the fact that many V-framed languages present, under specific circumstances, S-framed patterns. Much work has focussed on these patterns in Romance languages, where some manner-of-motion verbs can combine with locative prepositional phrases to encode directional events. This pattern is illustrated in (41-42) with the Italian and French manner verbs a rimbalzo ‘to bounce’ and courir ‘to run’.

(41) Italian (Folli and Ramchand, 2005) La palla e rimbalzata sopra il tavolo. the ball is bounce.PSTPRT on the table ‘The ball bounced onto the table.’ (42) French (Pourcel and Kopecka 2006) Il court dans le jardin He runs in the garden ‘He runs into the garden.’

48 S-framed patterns are available with certain manner-of-motion verbs, but not others. In Italian, in addition to a rimbalzo ‘to bounce’, the verbs correre ‘to run’ and volare ‘to

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fly’ can also derive directional readings of locative PPs. On the other hand, nuotare ‘to swim’, camminare ‘to walk’, and danzare ‘to dance’ are not compatible with directional readings in these contexts (Folli and Ramchand, 2005).

49 These directional interpretations of locative prepositions are also found in S-framed languages (Gehrke, 2008). Like in Romance languages, only some manner verbs allow a directional interpretation. The two examples below from English illustrate the distinction: jump gives rise to a directional interpretation of the locative P in, but not swim.

(43) English (Gehrke, 2008) a. Sharon jumped in the lake. paraphrase of the locative reading: Sharon jumped while being in the lake. paraphrase of the directional reading: Sharon jumped and (as a result) she ended up in the lake. b. Shakuntala swam in the lake. paraphrase of the locative reading: Shakuntala swam while being in the lake. paraphrase of the unavailable directional reading: *Shakuntala swam and (as a result) she ended up in the lake.

50 A similar phenomenon is found in Berber, and collocations of the directionals with certain manner-of-motion verbs also strongly resemble these patterns (cf. sections 4.2, 4.3). There are a number of semantic and structural accounts of this phenomenon (see Folli and Ramchand, 2005; Fàbregas, 2007; Gehrke, 2008 amongst others). Here, I adopt Levin et al. (2009)’s pragmatic account of these constructions. Following the work of many authors (Nikitina, 2008; Kopecka, 2009 and Allen et al. 2007…), Levin et al. argue that the directional inferences found are derived from a range of contextual factors, including the type of manner encoded by the verb, the duration of the event it expresses, and the configuration of the Ground. Under this assumption, the manner-of- motion verbs which derive directional interpretations of locative prepositions are verbs which ‘implicate the notion of Path without lexicalising it’. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that the manner verbs found in the S-framed patterns in Romance, but also with locative prepositions in English and Dutch are those describing motion ‘characteristic of animate entities and typically used with the intent of reaching a goal’, those describing punctual transitional events and those implying displacement. These patterns are moreover typically found with grounds that have precise boundaries (e.g. container-types of grounds).

4.2 Lexicalization of complex motion events in Berber

51 Berber languages can be described as predominantly V-Framed. Path is generally lexicalised in verbs rather than expressed by satellites, such as particles in English, The contrast between English and Berber is illustrated in (44) with data from Tamasheq where it can be observed that the path expressions ‘after’, ‘in’, ‘out’ (…) in English are encoded inside the verbs.

(44) Tamasheq (Burkina Faso, Sudlow 2009) ǝlkǝm ‘to go after’, ǝggǝz ‘to go in’, năwăl ‘to go around’, ǝjǝ́l ‘to go away’, ǧăwăy ‘to go east’, ǝfǝl ‘to come from’, guzǝt ‘to come after’.6

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52 The predominant V-framing structure of Berber is supported by the tendency to give little attention to manner of motion in narratives. As shown by Slobin (2004) the weak focus on manner of motion in the description of motion events is typical of V-framed languages. This means that most motion verbs found in narratives are those lexicalising path. The extract in (45) is from a Taqbaylit narrative based on the Pear Story film. All the verbs used to describe the motion of the different characters are verbs lexicalising path, such as ddu ‘to pass’, uɣal ‘return’, and ruḥ ‘to go’.

(45) Taqbaylit (Belkadi, 2010) cwit ak aki y-ada=d wrgaz, little like DEM 3SGM-pass.PRF=VEN man ntta d taɣat=is him with goat=POSS.3SG ‘After a little while, a man and his goat walked past.’ i-tf avrid=is, i-ruḥ 3SGM-take.PRF path=POSS.3SG 3SGM-go.PRF ‘He left.’ (…) cwit ak=a y-uɣal=d little like=DEM 3SGM-return.PRF=VEN yiwn n uqcic sufla uvilu one of boy on.top.of bike ‘A moment later, a boy came on his bike.’ (…) aqcic nni y-lḥu boy DEM 3SGM-move.forward.PRF sufla uvilu on.top.of bike ‘This boy, he cycled away.’

53 These observations are supported by Fleisch (2011)’s study of narratives based on the Frog storybook in Tashlhit Berber. He notices a similar high frequency of path motion verbs such as ffǝɣ ‘to emerge’ or ali ‘to ascend’.

54 In contexts when the Manner co-event is described, it is most canonically lexicalised within a satellite. For instance, in Taqbaylit, manner co-events are encoded by an adverbial clause formed by the progressive particle lla and a manner verb in the imperfective, a construction which looks very similar to the gerund verb forms used in Romance languages to encode manner.

(46) Taqbaylit (Belkadi, 2010) i-suḅ umɣar =im 3SGM-descend.PRF old.man.CS =POSS.2SG lla y-ttazzl PROG 3SGM-run.IMPRF ‘Your father-in-law ran down the stairs.’

55 Fleisch (2011) describes a similar construction in Tashlhit, and two additional ways in which manner of motion can be expressed in this variety. First, the Path is lexicalised in the main verb, while Manner is encoded in a prepositional phrase containing a deverbal nominal:

(47) Tashlhit (Fleisch, 2011) amxar i-ffuɣ=d ɣ=tggurt thief 3SGM-emerge.PRF=VEN in=door

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s=tizzla with=run.NOM ‘The thief ran out through the door’ (lit: emerged in the door running)

56 Second, the complex motion event can be expressed within a ‘chained-aorist’ construction. Chained-aorist constructions are multiclausal structures in which only the first clause contains a verb inflected for aspect. The remaining clauses contain verbs in the aorist form, the semantically empty forms of verbs (Bentolila, 1981; Mauri, 2015). Aorist verbs in such sequences are dependent of the verb in the initial clause. In complex motion event descriptions, the first verb is the Path verb, and the verb lexicalising Manner occurs in the aorist form, as can observed in (48).

(48) Tashlhit (Fleisch, 2011) t-lkm =d t-rggig 3SGF-enter.PRF =VEN 3SGF-float.AOR ‘It entered (a wooden stick) floating.’

57 Berber languages present S-Framed patterns too that are very similar to those found in Romance languages. Locative prepositions can be found with some manner-of-motion verbs and be construed with goal interpretations. It is illustrated with the combination of the preposition ɣr ‘at’ with the verb azzl ‘run’ in (49) from Taqbaylit.

(49) Taqbaylit (Belkadi, 2010) mi=t wala-n ak=nni when=3SGM.ACC see.PRF-3PLM like=DEM y-ɣli, uzl-n ɣr=s 3SGM-fall.PRF run.PRF-3PLM at/to=3SGM.OBL ‘When they saw that he had fallen, they ran to him.’

58 In the Berber literature, ɣr is traditionally described as encoding both locative and directional semantics. But ɣr seems to be primarily locative. It is conceived with directional meanings only after verbs of motion lexicalising path and a few manner-of- motion verbs, such as azzl ‘run’ or jjlb ‘jump’. The following examples are characteristic.

(50) a. Tamazight (Quitout, 1997) y-ffer ɣr dar uma =s 3SGM-hide.PRF at house mother =POSS.3SG ‘He hid at his mother’s house.’ b. Taqbaylit (Chaker, 1983) y-Tu ay-n y-Ča 3SGM-forget.PRF what-DEM 3SGM-eat.PRF ɣr =nɣ at =POSS.2SG ‘He forgot what he at ate at our’s.’ (51) Taqbaylit (Chaker, 1983) a. dwali ɣli-nt akw ɣr lqaɛa vines fall.PRF-3PLF all at ground ‘The vines all fell to the ground.’ b. y-S-uFɣ =iten (…) ruḥ-n 3SGM-caus-exit =3PLM go.PRF-3PLM imir-n ɣr Taɣanimt. moment-DEM at Taghanimt ‘He evicted them, at this point they went to Taghanimt.’

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(52) t-jjlb γr tavla. 3SGF-jump.PRF to table ‘She jumped on the table.’

59 The verbs in (50) translated as ‘to hide’ and ‘to eat’ are activity verbs which do not involve motion towards a goal. With these verbs it is therefore the primary locative reading of the preposition which is activated. With verbs in (51) which encode directed motion, a directional interpretation is activated. As (52) and (49) show, the verbs azzl ‘to run’ and jjlb ‘to jump’ trigger directional interpretations.

60 Based on the previous information and Talmy’s decomposition of event structure, I surveyed all the verbs which occur in the corpus with the directionals as markers of deictic orientation and classified them according to the components they lexicalise. Given Belkadi (2014)’s proposal, I paid particular attention to the lexicalisation of the Path component. The results show that there are overall two main classes of verbs modified by the directionals. The most prominent class englobes verbs of motion or verbs which describes events that are conceptualised with respect to the domain of motion, at a deeper level. In this class, the notion of Path is relevant, since most of the verbs which occur with the directionals encode Path. Yet, the lexicalisation of Path inside the verb is not obligatory as some verbs which do not encode Path may occur with the clitics. The second relevant class of verbs is the class of change of states. For Change of States, the lexicalisation by the verb of a Path, or its CoS counterpart is crucial. The results are discussed in sections 4.2 and 4.3 below.

4.3 Motion verbs

61 There is a strong tendency for the verbs modified by the clitics to be also those which lexicalise the component Path. The particular path lexicalised by the verbs may be of different shapes. The deictics are most frequently found with verbs encoding punctual transitional paths (Beavers, 2011). Punctual transitional paths have no internal structure and thus involve no duration. They simply involve two parts, a starting point and an endpoint. The verbs in the following examples all encode these types of paths.

(53) Taqbaylit qim-nt dg uxxam a ttrağu-nt sit.PRF-3PL in house IRR wait.IMPRF-3PL milmi a=d t-awḍ when IRR=VENT 3SGF-arrive.PRF ‘They stayed and waited for her to arrive.’ (54) Tetserret (Lux, 2013) a∫ =d i-kkom i:n=ad when =VEN 3SGM-enter.PRF house=DEM.PROX uhun ǝd i-ddaz then IRR 3SGM-tweak.IMPRF ‘When came in the house, he was tweaking.’ (55) Mali Tamasheq (Heath, 2005) ǝjmæ̀ḑ-æγ =ídd flee.PRF-1SG =VEN ǝndi =hí i-kša before =1SG.ACC 3SGM-eat.PRF ‘I fled before it (the lion) ate me.’

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62 Verbs which encode punctual shaped paths might be considered to involve solely the notion of emergence. The verbs in (53) and (54) are more likely to describe events from the perspective of a deictic anchor located at the endpoint of their path. However, it is not necessarily the case that these verbs are always understood from this perspective. It is perfectly possible for someone to arrive at or enter a location which is not that of the deictic anchor, in which case the itive directional can be used. Example (55) shows this. There, the verb encodes a rapid motion away from a location. Based simply on the semantic content of the verb, which involves some kind of disappearance from a scene, one would expect the itive clitic to occur, rather than the ventive. What seems to be happening here is that the directional simply modifies the endpoint of the path depending on its proximity to deictic centre.

63 The directionals are also found with verbs which encode durative paths; paths which include some intermediary points, between their starting and finishing point.

(56) Taqbaylit i-suḅ =d umɣar =im 3SGM-go.down.PRF =VENT old.man.CS =2SGF.POSS ‘Your father-in-law came down (the stairs).’

64 The occurrence of the clitics with these verbs further shows that emergence or disappearance are secondary factors, and that the directionals really primarily modify a path. In (56) it is perfectly acceptable to use the ventive, even when the descending event does not end in the exact same location as the deictic center. Thus, if the deictic centre is, say, on the ground floor of a house, the Figure can go down from the second to the first floor. Even though, the Figure’s arrival on the first floor is not visible to the speaker and hence cannot be described as involving emergence, this type of events may still trigger a use of the ventive. This shows that what is deictically specified in such cases is really the path, or more specifically a part of it deemed proximal to the location of the speaker.

65 Finally, although this is rare in the corpus, verbs with unbounded paths may also be used with the directionals. Unbounded paths, although they specify a particular trajectory that a Figure in motion follows, do not encode transition per se. That is they do not involve the crossing of a boundary. Thus, the verbs translated as ‘to approach’ and ‘to pass’ below respectively presuppose motion of a Figure toward or via a location which is not their inherent terminal point. The clitics do not necessarily trigger changes in the meaning of the verbs which describe a TOWARD path. With verbs expressing a VIA path though, the directionals may give rise to bounded interpretations or at least put focus on the path part which is most compatible with their deictic semantics. In (57), the part focused on is the part directed toward the location of the deictic centre. In elicitations, most speakers refuse to use =d if the ‘away from’ part of the path is focused on.

(57) Taqbaylit y-ada =d wrgaz wyaḍ 3SGM-pass =VEN man other ‘(then) another man walked past.’ (58) Mali Tamasheq (Heath, 2005) ohæ̀z̜-æn =ǝ́dd approach.PRF-3PLM =VEN

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‘The approached together.’

66 Many occurrences of the directionals are also with verbs describing the motion of a Figure caused by an external Agent or derived from the motion of an Agent’s body part. Many verbs which describe events involving the induced motion of a Figure by the movement of an Agent’s body part also lexicalise a Path. These verbs are classified by Talmy (2000) as lexicalising the component PUT. PUT refers to a special kind of MOVE events, one in which the Agent’s whole body does not move. Some PUT-verbs7 do not necessarily involve a cause, as in the following examples.

(59) Ghadamsi (Kossmann, 2013) t-ăssúrăs=ǝn făssăn nn-ăs éγăf=i 3SG-put:P=ITV hands of-3SG head=LOC ‘She put her hands on the head.’ (60) Tetserret (Lux, 2013) awwaṛ γǝrǝd ǝd=d okkǝʃ-ǝk morning.SG all IRR=VEN remove/AOR-1SG illa-n oddǝʒ-adǝn wheat-PL grind/AOR ‘Every morning, I take the wheat to grind it.’

67 Other kinds of PUT events may stand in relation to a CAUSE co-event. Some of the verbs describing these events also lexicalise a Path:

(61) Ayer Tuareg (Kossmann, 2011) w-ǝyaḍ t-ăčč=en w-ǝyaḍ M:P-some 3SGF-eat:A=3P:M:ACC M:P-some t-ǝssǝrtǝḳ =ḳăn =du 3S:F-make.fall:A =3P:M:ACC =VEN ‘Some she eats, others she throws (off a cliff).’ (62) ǝgmăy-ăn a=tǝt=d= ǝkkǝl-ăn try:P-3PM NR=3SF:ACC=VEN= lift:A-3PM ‘They tried to lift her up.’

68 Other verbs do not lexicalise a Path but simply a CAUSE co-event. The verbs in examples (63) and (64) below lexicalise the event causing the particular motion of the Figure –respectively the urine and the meat and the okras– rather than a precise trajectory followed.

(63) Ghadamsi (Kossmann, 2013) y-ăbul=az=d esm=i 3SGM-urinate:P=3S:IO=VENT ear=LOC ‘He urinated in his ears.’ (64) t-ăllăn=ǝn ɛáf-ǝs àlmluxiyya =ye daksǝm=e 3SF-pour.P=ITV on-3S okra-ANP:S and meat-ANP:S ‘She poured the okra and the meat onto him.’

69 However, in each case the events are inferred as directed. Thus, the ‘ear’ in (63) is construed as the goal of the urine’s motion, rather than a location over which the entire event of urinating enfolds. Although directionality is not explicit in the translation provided by the source, the configuration of the entity referred to by the noun esm ‘ear’ makes a goal interpretation the only one available. The fact that ‘him’ is interpreted as the goal in (64) is explicit from the translation provided, since the

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locative preposition ɛáf ‘on’ is translated with the English directional preposition ‘onto’. Given the availability of a directional interpretation despite the verbs not lexicalising path, the examples above could be argued to involve S-framed patterns. Following Levin et al. (2009) (cf. 4.1 and 4.2.) I take directionality to be inferred here from a combination of the pragmatic context and the type of events the verbs refer to. One reason to follow this line of analysis is that, apart from the directional clitics, none of these two examples actually contain a morpheme encoding path or direction. Apart from the ventive, example (63) only contains another spatial marker: the locative clitic =i. This clitic, which is found in the Libyan varieties Ghadamsi and Awjilah (Kossmann, 2013; van Putten, 2014), is primarily a marker of locative grounds. Nouns hosting the clitic may be interpreted as goals, but mainly with verbs that lexicalise a path. The examples below show this. In (65) from Awjilah the manner verb ‘to walk’ gives rise to a locative interpretation, whereas the path verb ‘to enter’ derives a goal interpretation. Similar interpetations arise in (66) from Ghadamsi with the stative verb ‘to be’ and the directional ‘to take’.

(65) Awjilah (van Putten 2014) w=i-žigàž dsǝnqín=i n=ašàl and=3SGM-walk.IMPRF street=LOC of=village ‘and he would walk in the street of the village.’ y-ùna ammùd=i 3SGM-enter.SEQ mosque=LOC ‘He entered the mosque.’ (66) Ghadamsi (Kossmann 2013) dima óğǝm ǝnnúk=én always heart of.1SG= LOC t-ǝlla-m 2PLM-be.PRF-2PLM ‘You will always be in my heart.’ kum=ăbb-ăɛ daž ǝnnuk=én 2PLM.ACC=take.FUT-1SG house of.1SG=LOC ‘I shall take you into my house.’

70 Given this, it seems that the locative in (64) is understood as a goal because the verb is associated pragmatically with directional movement. In (64), the only spatial element apart from the itive clitic is the locative preposition ɛáf ‘on’. Again this preposition get directional readings given the right contexts.8,9

71 Inside the class of motion verbs are of course found and in numerous number what Talmy refers to as GIVE-verbs; verbs describing events in which an Agent MOVES a Figure into the grasp of another agent. The class of verbs also lexicalises a Path component: the transfer of the Figure into the beneficiary’s grasp. Note that most verbs which involve beneficiary arguments, as discussed in previous studies, belong to that class. Finally, verbs of causative motion involving an Agent’s whole body, as in example (67), are also found in high number with the directionals.

(67) Mali Tamasheq (Heath, 2005) à =tt =in s-ìs-æγ FUT =3SGM.ACC =ITV CAUS-arrive.AOR-1SG ‘I will deliver it (I will make it arrive).’

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72 Collocations with verbs encoding the manner in which a motion event unfolds are quite rare. In the corpus surveyed, only three verbs were found to occur with the directionals, outside of elicitations. In addition to the verb azzl ‘to run’ (already mentioned), ggăd ‘to fly’ and rkv ‘to ride’ were found. The relevant examples are presented in (68) below. Note that example (68a) involves an S-framed structure since the path is encoded by the directional preposition clitic sǝr ‘towards’.

(68) a. Ayer Tuareg (Kossmann, 2011) as d= ǝgl-ăn t-ǝggăd =du when VENT=go:P-3PM 3SF-fly:P =VENT =sǝr-săn tăγalge =towards-3PM EA:vulture ‘When they had gone, a vulture flew towards them.’ b. Taqbaylit di lavidat n dada, dg=s i=d in Vedette POSS dad, in=3SG.OBL REL=VENT rkv-γ ride.PRF-1SG ‘It is in my dad’s car that I rode (there).’

73 The rarity of collocation with manner-of-motion verbs comes partly from the fact that Berber languages are V-Framed languages and pay less attention to manner in narratives. However this also may come, as predicted by Belkadi’s hypothesis (2014), from the fact that manner verbs do not lexicalise a Path component. A comparison between the verbs in (68) with cdḥ ‘to dance’ and ʕum ‘to swim’ (69-70) which give rise to AM interpretations when modified by the ventive, seems to support this analysis. The verbs in (68) describe events that, as described by Levin et al. (2009) involve a motion in which a Figure’s location is likely to change over time. Despite the facts that these verbs do not lexicalise a specific direction in which the events occur, and as such are not Path verbs (in Talmy’s sense), they can still be interpreted as involving motion across space, and derive a deictic interpretation of the clitics. The manner-of-motion verbs in (69-70) describe events which involve most canonically self-contained motion and thus derive an AM readings. Notice further that the verbs which do not allow a basic deictic directional interpretation of the clitics are the same as those which do not derive directional interpretation of locative PPs in most Romance languages.

(69) Taqbaylit t-cdḥ =d 3SGF-dance.PRF =VEN ‘She danced (at a party) and came back.’ Not available: ‘She danced toward the DC.’ (70) Taqbaylit i-ʕum =d. 3SGM-swim.PRF =VEN ‘He (went somewhere) swam and came back (to the location of the speaker or to his house).’ Not available: ‘He swam (towards or to the location of the speaker).

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4.4 Change of states

74 The other class of verbs occurring with the directionals is the class of change of states. This class is where there are most variations across varieties. First between =d and =nn, since =nn is found in this domain much less frequently than in the domain of motion. Second between varieties: in the corpus, Ghadamsi, Mali Tamasheq, Ayer Tuareg and Tetserret did not present many change of states and clitic compounds that did not also encode motion, apart from the variants of ‘to awake’, ‘to be born’ and ‘to cause to be born’ (e.g. 71 and 72). As discussed by Bentolila (1969) these verbs almost systemically occur with the ventive, with which they almost form semi-lexicalised expressions (‘expressions semi-figées’).

(71) Tetserret (Lux, 2013) ǝd =du tǝ-tt-aṛǝk IRR =VEN 3SGF-IMPRF-give.birth.IMPRF ta∫ak gud ayan tribe.SG in men ‘which the men’s tribe gives birth to.’ (72) Ghadames (Kossmann, 2013) nitto y-ăssǝkkăr=d ǝnd-aruma-yis=id he 3SGM-make.rise:P=VENT P-brother-3S=ANP:P s anǝddǝm=i from sleep=LOC ‘He woke up his brother from (in) sleep.’

75 Third, at least this is the impression one gets from Tikicurt Taqbaylit and a quick glance at a few folktales from other varieties, occurrence of the directionals with change of states are accepted in elicitations, under certain circumstances to be discussed below, but do not occur inside narratives as frequently as with motion verbs. Finally, the types of change of state verbs which can be modified by the directionals differ depending on the variety. Thus Tikicurt Taqbaylit only allows modification with ambivalent stative verbs, those which can get change of state interpretations without the clitic (Guerssel 1986; Chaker 1993; Mettouchi 2004 amonst others).

(73) a. y-vna uxxam. 3SGM-build.PRF house.CS ‘The house is built’ or ‘the house got built’. b. y-vna =d uxxam. 3SGM-build.PRF =VEN house.CS ‘The house got built’. (74) a. y-ḥma yimnsi. 3SGM-be.hot.PRF dinner.CS ‘The dinner is hot’ or ‘The dinner became hot.’ b. y-ḥma =d yimnsi. 3SGM-be.hot.PRF =VEN dinner.CS ‘The dinner became hot.’

76 Verbs which do not receive inchoative interpretations without the clitics, do not get modified by the clitics as deictic directionals, but instead give rise to AM readings (cf. section 2.2).

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77 El Mountassir (2000) shows the same constraints in Tashlhit, but there the clitic interacts with the viewpoint aspect carried by the verb in question (cf. section 2.3). Aoumer (2011) describes a pattern in the Iɛemranen variety of Taqbaylit whereby stative verbs which do not inherently lexicalise inchoativity, can be modified by the ventive when they carry imperfective semantics. She states that such verbs when in the imperfective are attributed an inchoative interpretation. They are thus treated as change of states and can be modified by the ventive directional. She does not provide any examples of this alternation, but it seems she is referring to a class of verbs known as ‘verbs of quality’ (Achab, 2012). These verbs have two particularities. First, they do not take regular subject agreement affixes. Instead they are marked by accusative clitics. Second, they only occur in the perfective (Achab, 2012; Rabdi, 2004). Achab (2012) shows that these verbs actually have inchoative counterparts, which are marked with regular subject agreement and occur in other aspectual forms, including the imperfective. While the verbs of quality cannot occur with the ventive directionals, their inchoative counterparts can. These contrasts resemble those discussed by Aoumer, and are illustrated with the examples in (75) (Achab, 2012).

(75) a. semd =itt lqahwa =ya cold.PRF =3SGF.ACC coffee =DEM ‘This coffee is cold.’ b. t-ismid =d 3SGF-cold.PRF =VEN ‘This coffee has become cold.’

78 It would be tempting to analyse the possibility of using the clitics, particularly the ventive with change of states as coming only from a perception of the event they describe as involving emergence. However, the fact that verbs have to either lexicalise the change or be in the imperfective aspect in order to be modified points to a different story. And again the notion of Path can be seen to be relevant.

79 The link between motion and change of state domains has long being acknowledged, and change of states have been shown across the literature to share similarities with spatial paths (Lackoff 1980; Aske, 1989; Levin and Rappaport Hovav 1992; 1995; Talmy, 2000; Zwarts, 2006; Beavers 2008). One prevalent observation, relevant here, is that the V-framed vs. S-framed patterns found in motion extend to the descriptions of change of state events. Particularly there is a parallel between the lexicalisation of Path of motion and that of the result of a change of state. Thus, V-framed languages also favour lexicalisation of result inside the main verb of a clause, while expressing the manner in which the change of state enfolds in a satellite (Aske, 1989; Talmy, 2000 amongst others). The examples in (76) and (77) illustrate the differences in lexicalisation between S-framed English, and V-framed Spanish and French.

(76) a. I burned him to death. b. He wiped the table clean. (77) a. Lo mataron con fuego. him they.killed with fire ‘They killed him with fire.’ b. Marie a nettoyé la table Marie has cleaned the table avec une éponge with one sponge

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‘Marie cleaned the table with a sponge.’

80 Given these similarities, Talmy (2000) decomposes change of state events by analogy to motion events. In change of state events, a certain property is assigned to a particular object or situation. The change of that property or situation is a state change framing event. In there, the Figure is the object or situation whose change with respect to a certain property is measured. The ground is the property itself. The activating process is the transition of the figure with respect to the ground. The core schema is the transition type and state combination. In other words, the counterpart of Path in a change of state event is the change of state itself, or result. Given that most verbs that are modified by the clitic in this domain need to lexicalise the change of state or inchoativity, again it can be seen that the notion of Path is critical to the occurrence of the directionals in this domain too.

5. Fictive motion

81 In this final section, I address the other verbs which also frequently occur with the clitics, but do not obviously fit in the two classes discussed in section 4. These verbs are the verbs describing events relating to natural phenomena and bodily secretions, verbs of acquisition of a stimulus, verbs of perception of a stimulus and vision, and verbs of emission of a stimulus discussed in various parts of this article. Most studies use the notions of emergence, appearance/disappearance or visibility/ invisibility to explain these co-occurrences (Bentolila, 1969; Aoumer 2011; El Mountassir, 2000; Fleisch, 2012; Mettouchi, 2011; Heath, 2005; Lux, 2013; Kossmann, 2011; 2013). Appearance/ disappearance is certainly involved at some level. This can be observed from the high occurrence of the ventive and itive with the forms for, respectively ‘to remember’ and ‘to forget’ across Berber. Furthermore, verbs of visual perception, such as verbs of seeing and looking, display frequent uses with the ventive clitic. In such cases, the experiencer rather than the speaker is the deictic anchor. Thus, in the following examples, the ventive clitic modifies the verbs glossed as ‘to see’ and ‘to look’, even though the appearance of the stimuli is described as having occurred in a location different from that of the speech event.

(78) a. Tamasheq (Heath, 2005) a-s-íkǝl wǝ-ndín…, SG-INSTR-trip Ma-RecAnaph…, má-dǝγ-ǝs =ǝ̀dd t-ǝnháy-æd? What?-in-3SG =VEN 2S-see.RESLT-2SGS ‘That recent trip, what did you see during it?’ b. Ayer Tuareg (Kossmann, 2011) a ddu= t-ǝswăḍ ba=tănăt when VENT= 3S:F-look:P be.not:P=3P:F:ACC ‘When she looked, they were not there.’

82 However, other verbs with similar content behave in unexpected ways. This is the case of the Berber verb af ‘to find’, found in most sources looked at, but which does not necessarily always occur with the ventive and can sometimes be modified by the itive. According to the semantic content of the verb –the appearance of an entity into an

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experiencer’s visual space– this should not happen. Consider the following example from Ghadamsi.

(79) Ghadamsi (Kossmann, 2013) y-úfe =n dos ğăḥḥa i-ttăkkăs 3SGM-find:P =ITV there Găḥḥa 3S:M-pull.out:I ǝssínaka d ǝflelán carrots and onions ‘He found (there) Gahha pulling out carrots and onions.’

83 In (79), it is the particular location of the stimulus’s appearance which is modified deictically by the directional. In the following example, also from Ghadamsi, where the appearance of the stimulus is the location of the speech event, as marked the deictic da ‘here’, the ventive is used.

(80) lam t-ăεğăl-ǝd t-úfe-t=d ma-ik da if 2S-haste:P-2S 2S-find:P-2S=VENT mother-2S:M here ‘If you had been here earlier you would have found your mother here.’

84 I propose that the verbs under discussion represent events that are conceptualized as involving fictive motion –that is the meta-phorical or perceived motion of some stimulus or other entity along an abstract path (Talmy 2000; Slobin 2008). Like in the domain of real motion, the Path associated with fictive motion verbs is the entity which the directionals modify. In the case of af in Ghadamsi, a movement of the experiencer’s gaze over a visual path whose starting point is the experiencer and whose endpoint is the object or situation ‘found’ is involved. The endpoint is the part of the path evaluated deictically. For verbs of seeing or looking, possibly of hearing too, the motion involves a fictive path whose starting point is the stimulus and whose endpoint is the experiencer. Again the end of that path is the entity modified by the directionals. Verbs of sound or stimulus emission can also be assumed to be conceptualised as involving the movement of a sound out into the speaker’s sphere (the world). In Tikicurt Taqbaylit, these verbs occur almost systematically with the ventive clitic. Such verbs include inna ‘to tell’, sffṛ ‘to whistle’, ḍsa ‘to laugh’, or γni ‘to sing’.

85 Events relating to natural phenomena or bodily secretions are also conceptualised metaphorically in relation to motion, as is often the case cross-linguistically (Lackoff, 1980). These metaphors are linguistically reflected in Berber, as most events describing such situations or phenomena are encoded by motion verbs. The example which follows, from El Mountassir (2000: 141), has the verb γli ‘to ascend’ used to describe the motion of the sun into the speaker’s sphere, marked by the ventive.

(81) Tashlhit (El Mountassir 2000) t-γli =d tafukt 3SGF-go.up.PRF =VENT sun ‘The sun rises.’

86 Similar examples are found in other Berber languages. Bentolila (1969) describes events relating to bodily secretions in Ait Seghrouchen which are encoded by verbs of motion. In the following examples, the motion verbs ḍṛ ‘to go down’ and K ‘to pass, to go’ are used to describe the secretions of tears and fat.

(82) Ait Seghrouchen

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imṬawn La Ṭaṛn-i-D zGwaLn-inw ‘Tears came out of my eyes.’ (83) alġm din mu D tKu Dunt imŽan ‘The camel whose fat comes out of its ears.’

6. Conclusion

87 This paper has shown that the distribution of the directionals in Berber is, in addition to the usual criteria given in the literature such as appearance/ disappearance, telicity and displacement, also governed by the lexicalisation patterns of verbs. Particularly, whether a verb lexicalises the components MOVE and Path, or describes an event for which motion and a path can be easily reconstructed from the pragmatic context seems to be relevant in the appearance of the clitics. The survey has also shown that the clitics do occur across Berber languages with similar classes of verbs, although their meanings may differ slightly, usually as they interact differently with Path. Despite these overall similar tendencies, different Berber languages also display individual grammatical paths for the directionals. It was observed, for instance, that Mali Tamasheq seems to be developing a specific grammatical category of Associated Motion, while many other Berber languages make remote uses of this function of the clitics. Similarly, the ventive, as it interacts with particular verbs in varieties of Taqbaylit, gives rise to inferences of unexpectedness and suddenness. These meanings, if they become reinforced and extended to more verbs, may generate yet again new functions for the directionals. Finally, although only briefly, it was shown that inside narratives, the occurrence of the directionals is also governed by anaphoricity and information structure notions.

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NOTES

1. The term is borrowed from the literature on Australian and Central/ South American languages where it refers to a type of inflectional affixes occurring on verbs to signify that the event they encode is framed within a motion event (see Koch 1984; Tunbridge 1988; Guillaume 2009). The following example from Mparntwe Arrernte (Australia: Wilkins 2006), in which the Associated Motion affix is bolded, illustrates the phenomenon. a. angk-artn.alpe-ke speak-Quick:do&go.back-pc ‘Quickly spoke and then went back.’ 2. Here, I follow Talmy (2000) and consider the verb jjlb ‘to jump’ as a manner-of-motion verb. In terms of its aspectual properties this verb, similarly to its English counterpart, can be described as semelfactive. Semelf-actives describe events which are punctual and atelic (Smith, 1991). It was suggested by one of the reviewers that being a semelfactive, this verb should be classified as a result predicate in the sense of Rappaport Hovav and Levin (2010). In the motion class, RH&L’s result predicates roughly corresponds to Path verbs (cf. section 4.1.). However, they classify as result predicates only Path verbs which lexically specify a direction. ‘Jump’ does not specify a particular direction in the same way that ‘enter’ or ‘arrive’ do. It is indeed both possible to jump up onto something or jump down from it. 3. For space limitation the reader is referred to Belkadi (2014) for more detail about these analyses, and about the analysis of Associated Motion provided. Belkadi (2015) also provides a description and analysis of Associated Motion in a range of languages. 4. The analyses by RH&L (2010) and Beavers (2011) on which Belkadi’s work is based are very reminiscent of Gehrke’s analysis (2008) of locative PPs interpreted as directionals in a range of languages. Her analysis holds that locative PPs are interpreted as directionals as long as the verb preceding lexicalises incremental structure. Although the notions of incrementality and scalar structure are similar, the two analyses do not always make the same predictions: some verbs classified by Gehrke as having incremental structure are not considered to have scalar structure in these previous works. 5. Slightly adapted from Talmy (2000). 6. One of the reviewers wondered whether Path motion verbs in Berber could be decomposed into a motion root affixed with a Path morpheme (as in Latin). From a synchronic point of view, it is unlikely that the forms above could be decomposed as such. The types of affixes which occur on verbs in Berber have been well-described in the literature (see Kossmann 2007 for a recent overview). These only include agreement markers, aspectual markers, such as the imperfective - tt-, and valence changing prefixes, such as the passive -ttw-, the causative -ss- and the reciprocal - m- (and their allomorphs). From a diachronic point of view, it is quite unlikely that Berber motion verbs were at some point decomposable into several morphemes, some of which encoding path. To my knowledge no work has been devoted to the etymology of motion verbs in Berber, and little is known about the semantics of proto-Berber and earlier stages of the different

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Berber dialects. However, in the data there is no recognisable common motion root or path morpheme. 7. Here I use the term PUT-verbs to refer to verbs in Berber which lexicalise the mid-level predicate PUT proposed by Talmy (2000: 38-39; 51-52). The term PUT-verbs is also used by Levin (1993: 111) to refer to a class of English verbs, including the verb put, which present similar semantic traits and morpho-syntactic behaviour. Although some verbs lexicalising PUT in Berber could be classified as PUT-verbs in the sense of Levin, I make no claims that the two classes are the same. This needs to be further investigated. 8. In fact, as the following examples show the same verbs in French give rise to directional readings of locative prepositions too. Verser la soupe dans un recipient adapté. Pour.INF the soupe in one dish suitable ‘Pour the soup into a suitable dish.’ Il ne faut pas uriner sur une blessure It NEG must NEG urinate on one wound ‘You should not urinate on a wound.’ 9. One could argue that the directionality is provided by the directional clitics found on the two verbs. Given the corpus consulted, it was not possible to find similar verbs occurring without the clitics. However, the argument developed in this paper is that the directionals do not derive directionality on their own. It was shown in sections 2.2. and 4.2. that these clitics derive Associated Motion when directionality is not available from another source. It is thus rather unlikely that they contribute a path, other than a deictic path.

ABSTRACTS

Berber languages use the directionals =d and =nn to specify the deictic path of motion verbs. These clitics occur with a range of verbs from other semantic classes (e.g. change of state verbs, verbs of vision and perception), with which they can be attributed different meanings. The first goal of this paper is to provide a cross-dialectal description of these meanings. The second goal is to show the role of verbal semantics in their constructions and the overall distribution of the clitics. Adopting Talmy’s framework (2000) of lexicalisation of semantic concepts, linked to the domain of space and motion, I propose that the particular meaning components lexicalised by the modified verb govern the occurrence of the clitics and their particular meaning.

Directionalité déictique et espace en berbère. Un survol typologique de la sémantique de =d et =nn Dans les langues berbères, la trajectoire déictique des verbes de mouvement est marquée par les clitiques directionnels =d et =nn. Ces clitiques se trouvent avec de nombreux verbes d’autres classes lexicales (ex : verbes de changement d’état, verbes de vision et perception), où différents sens leurs sont attribués. Le premier but de cet article est de présenter une description pan- berbère de ces sens. Le deuxième est de démontrer le rôle de la sémantique verbale dans la distribution des clitiques. Adoptant la théorie de lexicalisation de concepts sémantiques, liés notamment au domaine de l’espace, développée par Talmy (2000), il est proposé que le type de concepts lexicalisés par le verbe modifié gouverne la présence des clitiques et leur sémantique.

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INDEX

Mots-clés: directionalité, mouvement, trajectoire, changement d’état, mouvement fictif, mouvement associé Keywords: directionality, motion, path, change-of-states, fictive motion, associated motion

AUTHOR

AICHA BELKADI School of Oriental and African Studies

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Wh-Cliticisation: The derivation of operator-variable links and wh- words in Berber

Jamal Ouhalla and Abdelhak El Hankari

1. Wh-clitic-doubling

1 The phenomenon1 explored in this article can be seen in the Tamazight examples (1a&b), with counterparts across Berber varieties, including Tashelhiyt (Radford, Felser and Boxell 2012)2. The examples are wh-questions where the operator-variable link corresponds to the dative argument (indirect object) of verbs such as ‘give x to y’ and ‘read x to/for y.’ Their most striking property is that they include two occurrences of wh. One is a wh-word situated to the left of the wh-Comp(lementiser) a(y) in the position corresponding to Spec,C. The other is a wh-clitic in the dative form situated to the right of the wh-Comp in the clitic-position associated with C (the CL2/C=CL position). We refer to this phenomenon as wh-clitic-doubling3.

(1) a. m-a(y)=mi i-uša lktab? (Tamazight)

WH-COMP=WHDAT he-gave book ‘To whom did he give the book?’ (Ouali 2006:123) b. m-a=mi i-ġra tabrat?

WH-COMP=WHDAT he-read letter ‘To/for whom did he read the letter?’ (Sadiqi 1997:155)

2 The wh-word to the left of wh-Comp is also prosodicaly dependent insofar as the Comp-

complex wh-Comp=whDAT is pronounced as one prosodic word. However, it is not a (syntactic) clitic because syntactic clitics are normally pro-clitics in Berber (Ouhalla 1988, 2005). For current purposes, we assume the distinction between prosodic clitics and syntactic clitics outlined in Klavans (1980, 1985) and subsequent literature. The

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former are a function of the mapping of syntactic structure onto prosodic structure and involve linear adjacency. Rightward attachment of the wh-word in Spec,C to the wh-

Comp=whDAT complex is an instance of this process. Syntactic clitics are subject to displacement from the positions associated with their grammatical function. Displacement of the dative wh-clitic =mi to C is an instance of this process, referred to here as wh-Cliticisation and understood as an instance of Clitic Placement in the transformational sense of Kayne (1975). Syntactic clitics are designated with the symbol =.

3 Wh-clitic-doubling is found in other Berber varieties, although it may be partly hidden by prosody-driven processes that distort the underlying form of the Comp-complex. Example (2) is from Tashelhiyt and involves the extraction of a dative argument of a noun (possessor). The Comp-complex has broadly the same form, with Comp flanked by two wh-words, the second of which is the dative wh-clitic =mi. It differs in that the wh- Comp has the form ]ad[ rather than ]ay[, which we take to be insignificant as far as the underlying pattern is concerned.

(2) m-a(d)=mi i-ḥsa ]tanddamt[? (Tashelhiyt)

WH-COMP=WHDAT he-learn poetry ‘Whose poetry does he know by heart?’ (El Moujahid 1993:394)

4 A slightly different situation is found in Tarifit. As shown in (3), the wh-Comp-complex has the form immi, which appears to lend itself to more than one analysis depending on how the morpheme i- in the initial position is parsed.

(3) a. i-m=mi i-uša lktab? (Tarifit)

to-WH=WHDAT he-gave book ‘To whom did he give the book?’ b. i-m=mi i-ġra tabrat? - to WH=WHDAT he-read letter ‘To whom did he read the letter?’

5 One possibility is that the initial i corresponds to the wh-Comp a(y), which is generally pronounced as ]i(g)[ in Tarifit (Cadi 2006, El Hankari 2010, Ouhalla 1988). This would mean that the Comp-complex has the form i=mmi, consisting of the wh-Comp i(g) and a prosodically augmented form of the dative wh-clitic, but no wh-word corresponding to Spec,C. However, there are good reasons to exclude this parsing. Although null wh- words corresponding to Spec,C are common in relatives (see below), this is not the case in wh-questions. Moreover, although the wh-word corresponding to Spec,C and Comps are subject to variation across varieties and operator-variable constructions (see below), the dative wh-clitic has a constant form and distribution across all constructions and varieties. The more plausible parsing is one where the vowel in the initial position is the dative preposition i ‘to’ seen in the non-extraction contexts (4)- (6). Accordingly, the Tarifit wh-Comp-complex has the form i-m=mi, which consists of the dative wh-PP i-m ‘to-wh’ and the dative wh-clitic =mi, with a null Comp in between.

(4) uši-x lktab i-Fatima. (Tamazight) gave-I book to-Fatima ‘I gave the book to Fatima.’ (Ouali 2006:113)

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(5) i-ḥsa ]tanddamt i -Sidi Ḥmmu[. (Tashelhiyt) he-learn ]poetry to -Sidi Ḥmmu[ ‘He knows the poetry of Sidi Ḥmmu.’ (El Moujahid 1993:396) (6) uši-x lktab i -ufrux. (Tarifit) gave-I book to -boy ‘I gave the book to the boy.’

6 It is possible to abstract away from variation across varieties and assign the Comp- complex of operator-variable constructions a uniform underlying representation along the lines in (7). The constituent corresponding to Spec,C can be either a dative wh-PP of the form ‘to-wh’, as in Tarifit, or a non-Case-marked wh-word, as in Tamazight and Tashelhiyt. The Comp a(y)/i(g) is subject to partial or total deletion subject to variation across constructions and varieties. The third constituent is the dative wh-clitic =mi in the C=CL position, which is not subject to deletion and has a constant form across varieties4.

(7) ]CP (]PP to) ]DP wh[([) ]C’ ]C a(y)/i(g)[ =]whDAT[ ]TP …

7 The Doubly Filled Comp Filter effects that manifest themselves in a complementary distribution between wh-words in Spec,C and Comps are more evident in relatives. The Tamazight example (8) includes the relative Comp (re-Comp) da and the dative wh- clitic =mi, but lacks the wh-word corres-ponding to Spec,C. On the other hand, the Tashelhiyt and Tarifit examples (9)-(10) lack a re-Comp and instead include the wh- word corresponding to Spec,C in addition to the dative wh-clitic =mi. Whether this variation involves deletion or null categories or indicates the involvement of Head- raising in some relatives (Kayne 1994) is irrelevant to current purposes. What is clear and crucially relevant is that all three examples show the dative wh-clitic =mi in the C=CL position.

(8) argaz ]da=mi i-sġa lktab[ (Tamazight)

man COMP=WHDAT he-bought book ‘the man for whom he bought the book’ (Sadiqi 1997:164) (9) afrux ]m=mi=t nni-x[ (Tashelhiyt)

boy WH=WHDAT=itACC told-I ‘the boy to whom I told it’ (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1989:184) (10) argaz ]i-m=mi sġi-n lktab[ (Tarifit)

man ]to-WH=WHDAT bought-they book[ ‘the man for whom they bought the book’

8 The situation in clefts is broadly the same, bearing in mind that clefts tend to share their Comp and other properties with wh-questions rather than relatives (11)-(13) (Cadi 2006, El Hankari 2010, Ouali 2006, 2011, Ouhalla 1988, Sadiqi 1982, 1997). Worth singling out is the Tarifit example in (13), where the cleft constituent appears in the dative form and the Comp-complex consists of the animate wh-word u ‘who’ and the dative wh- clitic =mi, presumably separated by a null wh-Comp.

(11) argaz a=mi i-fa iqaridn. (Tamazight)

man COMP=WHDAT he-gave money ‘It was to the man that he gave the money.’

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(Sadiqi 1997:216) (12) rrays ad=mi t-fka ijjign. (Tashelhiyt)

singer COMP=WHDAT she-gave flowers ‘It was to the singer she gave flowers.’ (El Moujahid 1993:442) (13) i -rmusakin u=mi i-uša tmnyat. (Tarifit)

to -poor WH=WHDAT he-gave money ‘It was to the poor that he gave the money.’ (Cadi 2006:309)

9 It is our judgement that the examples cited so far already contain sufficient information to exclude the possibility that the dative wh-clitic is a copy of the wh-word in Spec,C. This possibility arises in the context of the Copy Theory of Movement, whereby the extraction of arguments from within vP operates through the left-edge of vP, where it leaves a copy that normally deletes (Chomsky 1995). According to this scenario, the dative wh-clitic would be the copy left on the edge of vP by wh-Movement of the wh-word in Spec,C. The copy does not delete and instead cliticises to C for some reason. The two wh-constituents in wh-clitic-doubling are not exact copies of each other as can be seen in many examples above. The differences include the fact that while the dative wh-clitic is invariably in the dative form across varieties, the wh-word in Spec,C shows a dative marker in Tarifit, but not in Tamazight and Tashelhiyt. They also include the fact that the wh-word in Spec,C displays an animacy property in Tarifit but the dative wh-clitic does not. Moreover, it is unclear if and how Cliticisation of the copy to C is a substitute for deletion, particularly in view of the fact it brings the copy closer to the antecedent in Spec,C. Rather, dative wh-clitic-doubling shows the significant role of wh-Cliticisation to C in the derivation of operator-variable links. Its preponderance in Berber is a reflection of the fact that the language relies on wh- Cliticisation (= derivational linking) rather than wh-Movement (Pied-piping) for extraction. This will become clearer as more data are examined5.

2. Wh-Cliticisation

10 It is tempting to treat dative wh-clitic-doubling as an instance of the more general phenomenon of dative clitic-doubling, avail-able across Berber varieties (Cadi 2006). Doubling by the dative pronominal clitic can be seen in (14)-(15).

(14) uši-x=as lktab i-Fatima. (Tamazight)

gave-I=herDAT book to-Fatima ‘I gave the book to Fatima.’ (Ouali 2006:112) (15) ur(d)=as uši-x lktab i-Fatima. (Tarifit)

NEG=herDAT gave-I book to-Fatima ‘I did not give the book to Fatima’.

11 In view of the general availability of dative clitic-doubling, it is conceivable that dative wh-clitic-doubling is merely a manifestation of this more general phenomenon. The fact that the doubling clitic is of the wh-type in operator-variable constructions would follow from an Agree-based analysis of clitic-doubling of the kind outlined in Ouali (2006, 2011). When the dative complement is not a wh-phrase, it is doubled by a pronominal dative clitic (pronominal clitic-doubling), and when it is a wh-phrase, it is

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doubled by a wh-clitic (wh-clitic-doubling). Arguably, this analysis would correctly rule out doubling of a dative wh-phrase by a dative pronominal clitic in local contexts such as (16). These examples were previously considered in the context of resumption reduced to binding (Ouhalla 1993), but they can equally conceivably be considered as instances of a mismatch in a chain-link (Ouali 2006, 2011).

(16) m-a=mi (*=as) i-uša lktab? (Tamazight)

WH-COMP=WH (*=herDAT) he-gave book ‘Who did he give the book to?’ (Ouali 2006:123)

12 However, there are at least three major differences between the two types of dative clitic-doubling. First, while both constituents are in the dative form in pronominal clitic-doubling, only the wh-clitic is consistently in the dative form in wh-clitic- doubling in Tamazight and Tashelhiyt. Secondly, while dative pronominal clitic- doubling is optional (17a&b), dative wh-clitic-doubling is obligatory in the sense that the presence of both wh-constituents is required, bearing in mind that relatives have a null wh-word in Spec,C.

(17) a. ur uši-x lktab i -ufrux. (Tarifit) NEG gave-I book to -boy ‘I did not give the book to the boy.’ b. ur(d)=as uši-x lktab.

NEG=himDAT gave-I book ‘I did not give him the book.’

13 The third difference is more subtle and involves the clitic position targeted by pronominal clitics, including the dative one, compared to the clitic position targeted by the wh-clitic. A useful way of explaining this difference is to invoke a debate in the literature on Berber as to whether clitics and Cliticisation target a high position in the C-domain (Ouhalla 1988) or a lower position in the T-domain (Boukhris 1998, Sadiqi 1992). The latter view is based on, among other things, the rather straightforward fact that in sentences that include functional heads of the T-domain such as Tense and Negation, clitics appear to the right of these functional heads, as shown in (18a-b). The fact that clitics appear attached to a Comp element in sentences that do not include intervening functional heads in the T-domain such as (18c) is merely a (misleading) prosodic effect whereby the clitic seeks an adjacent prosodic host to its left. These contexts mask the fact that Cliticisation targets a lower position in the T-domain rather than a higher position in the C-domain.

(18) a. is ur dad=tn clu-x? (Tamazight)

Q NEG FUTURE=themACC see-I ‘Will I not see them? b. is ur lli=tn ucu-x?

Q NEG PART=themACC see-I ‘Will I not see them often?’ c. is=tn cli-x?

Q=themACC saw-I ‘Did I see them?’ (Boukhris 1998:318)

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14 El Hankari (2012) undertakes an evaluation of both views and reaches the conclusion that they are both correct, but for different sets of data, more precisely, different sets of clitics. We will adopt this conclusion here, though from a different angle. We make a distinction between two types of clitics and Cliticisation. One type (A-clitics, A- Cliticisation) targets the T-domain, and mostly involves clitics linked to argument positions within VP but not to an operator in the C-domain. Typical examples of this type are the pronominal clitics in (17b) and (18a-c). The other type (A’‑clitics, A’- Cliticistion) targets the C-domain and involves clitics linked to an operator in Spec,C. The most notable example of this type is the dative wh-clitic, although there are others discussed below. As shown in the Tamazight example (19), the dative wh-clitic appears to the left of functional heads such as Tense and sentence Negation, suggesting that it targets the C-domain directly skipping over all intervening heads in the T-domain.

(19) argaz ]da=mi ur mad f-x iqaridn[

man ]COMP=whDAT NEG FUTURE give-I money ‘the man to whom I will give money’ (Sadiqi 1997:165)

15 We conclude from the noted differences that dative wh-clitic-doubling is not reducible to dative pronominal clitic-doubling in general, while not excluding the possibility that there may be a significant link between the two instances of dative clitic-doubling. We will not pursue this line here as the focus is mainly on wh-clitic-doubling and operator- variable constructions.

16 In view of the proposed classification of clitics and Cliticisation, the question whether Cliticisation is an instance of XP-Movement or Head-Movement (Kayne 1989) arises in an arguably stronger way. The possibility that Cliticisation involves a combination of XP-Movement followed by Head-Movement is conceivable on the view that clitics are heads that do not take a complement (i.e. they are both heads and XPs). A version of this mixed derivational scenario is applied to Berber in Boukhris (1998), whereby pronominal clitics move as XPs to the edge of vP and subsequently attach to the nearest functional head to their left, yielding the pattern seen in (18a-c). Extended to wh- clitics, the analysis could be understood to imply that their Cliticisation targets the edge of TP, placing them in a position from which they attach to the nearest constituent to their left, yielding the pattern seen in (19). According to this analysis, sketched in (20), Clitic Placement could conceivably be an instance of wh-Movement, in which case it would remain unclear why it does not target Spec,C instead. Stipulating that Spec,C is already filled with the other wh-word would amount to circular argumentation that fails to explain the essence of wh-clitic-doubling.

(20) ]CP ]wh[ ]C’ C ]TP =[whDAT] ]TP Neg/T ]vP ([whDAT])

]vP v ]VP ... =]whDAT[ ...

17 The distribution of clitics in Berber is consistent with the view in Kayne (1989) that clitics move as heads and target head positions in the T-domain and C-domain. At the same time, the fact that the wh-clitic targets the C-domain directly, skipping over functional heads in the T-domain, clearly indicates that Cliticisation is not subject to the Head Movement Constraint (HMC). This would follow if Cliticisation = Head- Movement were feature-based and therefore discriminatory with respect to the head positions it targets. Presumably, the ability of the wh-clitic to target the C-domain

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directly is a function of the wh-feature it bears and shares with the C-domain of operator-variable constructions6.

(21) Cliticisation = Feature-based Head-Movement

18 As far as wh-Cliticisation (Head Movement to C) is concerned, the justification for its existence in addition to wh-Movement turns out to rest on the fact that it applies in contexts that exclude wh-Movement (XP-Movement/Pied-piping to Spec,C), although it resembles wh-Movement in that is essentially a mechanism for deriving operator- variable links. This is what transpires from a close examination of wh-clitic-doubling contexts.

3. Dative objects of verbs and the dative wh-clitic

19 El Moujahid (1993) and Sadiqi (1992) explicitly link the dative wh-clitic =mi to the dative marker i- ‘to’ seen in (4)-(6). El Moujahid (1993:395) and Cadi (2006:309) go one step further and gloss the dative wh-clitic as qui- à, consisting of the wh-word m ‘wh’ and the dative preposition i ‘to.’ This analysis implies that =mi is a PP-clitic, which is not implausible in view of the fact that Berber has PP-clitics on a productive basis and in fairly transparent forms (Boukhris 1998, Dell & Elmedlaoui 1989, Ouhalla 1988). Berber PP-clitics can be pronominal, consisting of a preposition and a pronominal object clitic located in the T-domain, as in (22). They can also be of the wh-type, consisting of a preposition and a wh-object located in the C-domain of operator-variable constructions, as in (23a&b). A more detailed discussion of wh-PP-clitics is included in the section on the extraction of objects of prepositions below.

(22) ur=[ġi=s] i-ddi. (Tamazight)

NEG=]at-himDAT[ he-went ‘He did not go to his/her place.’ (Boukhris 1998:417) (23) a. m-a=[ag=mi] i-dda? (Tamazight)

WH-COMP=]with= WHDAT[ he-leave ‘Who did he leave with?’ b. argaz a=[x=mi] i-tizar.

man COMP=]on= WHDAT[ he-look.for ‘It is the man he is looking for.’ (Boukhris 1998:398)

20 In view of the fact that Berber prepositions normally take their object to the right, the wh-P order implied by the analysis of the dative wh-clitic as a PP-clitic suggests a derivation whereby the wh-object undergoes wh-Movement to Spec,P suggested in Riemsdijk (1978) for wh-PPs where the wh-object precedes the preposition (e.g. English Who(did she leave) with?). However, there are compelling reasons to exclude the possibility that =mi is a PP-clitic with an internal structure and derivation. They include the fact that wh-PPs normally have the P-wh order rather than the wh-P order, as shown in (23a&b). This order is maintained in in-situ contexts such as (24) and (25). The reasons also include the fact that dative mi can appear as the object of a variety of prepositions, including dative preposition i itself in (24).

(24) i-fa tabrat i-mi! (Tamazight)

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he-gave letter to-whoDAT ‘He gave the letter to whom!’ (Sadiqi 1997:155) (25) i-ḥsa ]tanddamt n-mi[! (Tashelhiyt)

he-learn ]poetry of-whoDAT[ ‘He knows the poetry of whom!’ (El Moujahid 1993:396)

21 For current purposes, we will assume that dative i is a Case-marker in the dative wh- clitic =mi and a preposition in other contexts 7. Its presence in the dative wh-clitic indicates that it is specified for a Case-feature in addition to the wh-feature realised by the wh-morpheme m along the lines shown in (26).

(26) The dative wh-clitic

]DP ]D =mi]WH, DAT[[[

22 Given (26), the dative wh-clitic corresponds to an inherently Case-marked second argument (indirect object) of the verb in the examples repeated in (27) and (28). In contrast, the wh-word in Spec,C does not bear dative Case-marking in the Tamazight example (27).

(27) m-a=mi i-ġra tabrat? (Tamazight)

WH-COMP=WHDAT he-read letter ‘To whom did he read the letter?’ (Sadiqi 1997:155) (28) i-m=mi i-ġra tabrat? (Tarifit)

to-WH=WHDAT he-read letter ‘To whom did he read the letter?

23 In view of the fact that it is the dative wh-clitic in the C=CL position that consistently shows the Case of the extraction, variable site, it is plausible to conclude that the dative wh-clitic is the one that undergoes displacement from the dative position. If so, the wh- word in Spec,C must be base-generated in its surface position rather than moved there by wh-Movement as it is difficult to conceive of a derivational scenario that involves both wh-Movement to Spec,C and wh-Cliticisation to C at the same time. The possibility that the wh-word in Spec,C functions as a scope-marker, suggested for the upper occurrence of the wh-word in partial wh-Movement (Fanselow 2006), is unlikely in view of the fact that the wh-clitic in C shares essentially the same scope position. The alternative possibility that it functions as a wh-expletive (Horvath 1997), reducible to an EPP effect associated with C (Chomsky 1995), also appears unlikely in view of the fact that it shows the animate-inanimate distinction evident in the Tarifit example (13). The most likely possibility is that the wh-word in Spec,C functions as the operator that binds the variable in the dative position. The wh-clitic and wh-Cliticisation have the function of derivationally linking the wh-operator in Spec,C to the variable it binds. The derivation is shown in (29), which eschews the issue whether wh-Cliticisation out of vP involves the intermediate step of adjunction to vP on a par with wh-Movement.

(29) ]CP ]wh[ ]C’ C=[whDAT] ]TP … ]VP read ]DP letter[ ]DP =[whDAT][...

24 According to the analysis outlined in (29), wh-Cliticisation does the job that would otherwise require indexing, routinely assumed for (resumption) contexts where the operator is base-generated in its scope position. As such, wh-Cliticisation is in

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complementary distribution with wh-Movement, which applies in contexts where the operator is base-generated in the variable position and the operator-variable link is derived by wh-Movement of the operator to its scope position (Spec,C). These conclusions are summarised in (30a&b).

(30) The derivation of operator-variable links a) Wh-movement in contexts where the operator is base-generated in the variable position. b) Wh-Cliticisation in contexts where the operator is base-generated in its scope position.

25 Berber is a language that makes use of the option of base-generating the operator in its scope position, possibly a function of the fact that its wh-words lack a Case-feature and therefore cannot be merged into Case/variable positions. This is more evident in Tamazight and Tashelhiyt than it is in Tarifit8. In contrast to wh-words, the wh-clitic clearly bears an additional dative Case-marker in all varieties. This contrast between frozen Caseless wh-words and the mobile dative wh-clitic will become more evident as more contexts of wh-clitic-doubling are discussed. These include contexts that involve so-called wh-words traditionally thought of as listed items that undergo wh-Movement. These wh-words turn out, on closer inspection, to have a compositional form that includes an occurrence of the wh-clitic. An early example is maymi ‘why’ reported in Cadi (2006) for a Tarifit dialect (31). This wh-word has pretty much the same form as the wh-Comp-complex in contexts that involve extraction of a dative argument of verbs such as (27). It is transparently analys-able as m-ay=mi corresponding to wh-

Comp=whDAT . Other dialects of Tarifit have a version of this wh-word that has the form mimi, where the Comp-constituent has the more familiar Tarifit form m-i=mi ‘ wh-

Comp=whDAT .’ Although it is unclear how the meaning ‘why’ arises, there seems little doubt that maymi/mimi is a wh-Comp-complex derived in the C-domain by wh- Cliticisation of the dative wh-clitic to C, the Spec of which is filled by a base-generated wh-word.

(31) maymi i-ffġ ? (Tarifit) why he-left ‘Why did he leave?’ (Cadi 2006:299)

4. Dative objects of prepositions and prepositional clitics

26 As indicated above, Berber has wh-PP-clitics found in contexts that involve the extraction of the object of a preposition such as the ones repeated in (32a&b). These wh-PP-clitics include the dative wh-clitic as the object of the preposition, consistent with the fact that objects of prepositions in general are in the dative form.

(32) a. m-a=[ag=mi] i-dda? (Tamazight)

WH-COMP=]with= WHDAT[ he-leave ‘Who did he leave with?’ b. argaz a=[x=mi] i-tizar.

man COMP=]on= WHDAT[ he-look.for

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‘It is the man he is looking for.’ (Boukhris 1998:398)

27 Before addressing the role of these wh-PP-clitics in the extraction of objects of prepositions, it is useful to explore their internal structure and derivation. We will assume that they are derived by (wh-)Cliticisation of the dative wh-clitic to P along the lines shown in (33) (Ouhalla 1988, 2005). Following the reasoning in Riemsdijk (1978), displacement of the wh-object to P(P) can be seen to have the function of transporting the wh-feature of the wh-object to P(P). Some languages do this by wh-Movement to Spec,P, while others, such as Berber, do it by (wh-)Cliticisation to P. These two movement strategies are over and above the percolation strategy found in languages where wh-PPs show no signs of reorganisation (Riemsdijk 1978).

(33) ]PP ]P P=[D whDAT] [ ]DP [D whDAT][[

28 The derivation in (33) has two critical consequences. One is that wh-PP-clitics can

undergo CL-Placement as complex prepositional heads of the form ]P P=]Wh[[, which in the present context amounts to wh-Cliticisation to C. In view of this, the term wh-PP- clitic is a misnomer and should perhaps be replaced with the more accurate term P]wh[-clitic. The second consequence is that P]wh[-clitics carry a wh-feature that enables them to link up with a wh-operator in Spec,C much like the dative wh-clitic. In other words, P]wh[-Cliticisation is an instance of wh-Cliticisation. Accordingly, examples (32a&b) have the derivation shown in (34), where P]wh[-Cliticisation has the function of linking the wh-operator base-generated in Spec,C to the variable in the dative position inside PP.

(34) ]CP ]wh[ ]C’ ]C[=[P with=whDAT] ]TP … ]VP go ]PP [P with=[D whDAT]] …

29 The strategy of extracting objects of prepositions shown in (32a&b) and (34) sheds significant light on the better known and more common strategy shown in (35) and (36a&b). In the latter, the preposition is bare, missing the wh-object. As shown in (35) and (36b), the bare P appears to the left of the functional heads of the T-domain, including sentence Negation and Tense in (36b), confirming it is located in the C=CL position.

(35) tafruxt ]=f ra=awn sawl-x[ (Tashelhiyt) girl ]=on will=you talk-I[ ‘the girl about whom I shall talk to you’ (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1989:183) (36) a. m-i=(a)g t-qqim? (Tarifit) WH-COMP=with she-sat ‘Who did she sit with?’ (El Hankari 2010:194) b. ajatir m-i=xf ara ur ṭṭǝssa-n carpet WH-COMP=on were NEG sleeping-they ‘the carpet on which they were not sleeping’

30 The bare P in this context is widely described in the literature on Berber as ‘une préposition orpheline,’ which establishes a link between it and P-stranding in English. This perceived link formed the basis for the derivational scenario outlined in Sadiqi (1982) and Ouhalla (1988), which assumes that the object of P is extracted by wh- Movement to Spec,C and the resulting problem of P-stranding, whatever it is, is dealt

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with by P-Cliticisation of stranded P to C. However, the pattern in (32a&b), overlooked at the time, suggests a simpler and more consistent derivational scenario, whereby P has a null wh-object recoverable under (partial) identity with the wh-word in Spec,C. The derivation is shown in (37) based on the Tarifit wh-question (36a), which is identical to the derivation in (34) apart from the fact that the wh-object of P is null. According to this analysis, seemingly bare P has the form P]wh[ and its Cliticisation to C is an instance of wh-Cliticisation9.

(37) ]CP ]wh[ ]C’ ]C[=[P with[whDAT] [TP ... ]VP sit

]PP with ]DP=]whDAT[[ ...

31 The analysis outlined in (34) and (37) is consistent with and provides additional evidence for the conclusion here that Berber relies on wh-Cliticisation to C rather than wh-Movement to Spec,C in the derivation of operator-variable links. The conclusion is equally reflected in the internal structure of some wh-words traditionally thought to be listed items, which on closer inspection turn out to include an occurrence of a P]wh[- Clitic. The pattern that involves a wh-PP-clitic can be found in Tarifit mrmi ‘when’ seen in (38a), which includes an instance of the locative temporal preposition ar ‘at/in’ seen in (38b). This preposition is situated in a Comp-complex of the familiar form wh-Comp-

whDAT . Accordingly, Tarifit mrmi ‘when’ and the wh-questions that include it such as (37a) have the structure and derivation shown in (34). Rather than being listed, the so- called wh-word mrmi ‘when’ is assembled, derived in the C-domain and the temporal meaning reduces to something like ‘at ]time[ what.’

(38) a. m=[r=mi] t-kka zg-idas? (Tarifit) WH-COMP=]at=WH[ she-wake from-sleep ‘When did she wake up?’ b. ar uʕšši/sbah/xmsa. in/at afternoon/morning/five o’clock

32 On the other hand, the pattern that involves a bare P can be found in the Tarifit wh- word mixf ‘why’ (39a) and arguably also maġa ‘why’. For example, mixf clearly incorporates the preposition x(f) ‘on/about’ seen in (39b) in addition to the wh-Comp i and the wh-word m in the initial position. The Comp-complex has the familiar derived form wh-Comp=P such that the meaning ‘why’ is compositionally derived from the complex ‘what on/about?’ and possibly ‘what for’ for maġa.

(39) a. m-i=xf tmnaqar-n? (Tarifit) WH-COMP=on argue-they ‘Why are they arguing?’ ‘What are they arguing about?’ b. tmanaqar-n x-tənʕašin. argued-they on-money ‘They are arguing about money.’

5. Dative arguments of nouns (possessors)

33 As indicated above, wh-clitic-doubling is found in contexts that involve the extraction of a dative argument of a noun (El Moujahid 1993). The relevant Tashelhiyt example is repeated in (40).

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(40) m-a=mi i-ḥsa ]tanddamt[? (Tashelhiyt)

WH-COMP=WHDAT he-learned ]poetry[ ‘Whose poetry does he know by heart?’ (El Moujahid 1993:394)

34 In his discussion of this context, El Moujahid (1993) points out that possessors can appear either in the dative form or the genitive form, as shown in (41a-b), but only the dative form can be extracted. This is arguably more evident in focus-constructions such as (42a-b). In view of the fact that Berber makes use of wh-Cliticisation for extraction, the inability of the genitive form of possessors to extract can reasonably be thought of as a function of the fact that the language lacks genitive clitics (of the Romance type such as French dont). The exclusive reliance on wh-Cliticisation for extraction also accounts for the absence of the DP-pied-piping strategy used by various languages for the extraction of possessors, including Moroccan Arabic and English (e.g. š-šiʿr dyal men ḥafed? Whose poetry does he know by heart?) on the reasonable view that pied-piping is an instance of wh-Movement.

(41) a. i-ḥsa ]tanddamt i-Sidi Ḥmmu[. (Tashelhiyt) he-learned ]poetry to-Sidi Ḥmmu[ ‘He knows Sidi Ḥmmu’s poetry by heart.’ b. i-ḥsa ]tanddamt n-Sidi Ḥmmu[. (Tashelhiyt) he-learned ]poetry of-Sidi Ḥmmu[ ‘He knows Sidi Ḥmmu’s poetry by heart.’ (El Moujahid 1993:395-6) (42) a. i-Sidi Ḥmmu a(d) i-ḥsa ]tanddamt[. to-Sidi Ḥmmu COMP he-learn ]poetry[ ‘It is Sidi Ḥmmu’s poetry he knows by heart.’ b. *n-Sidi Ḥmmu a(d) i-ḥsa ]tanddamt[. of-Sidi Ḥmmu COMP he-learn ]poetry[ ‘It’s Sidi Ḥmmu’s poetry he knows by heart.’ (El Moujahid 1993:398-9)

35 Example (40) has the structure and derivation shown in (43), where the dative wh-clitic undergoes wh-Cliticisation from the possessor position inside DP to C through D (the escape hatch out of DP). Wh-Cliticisation through D is consistent with the fact that Berber lacks definite articles, although the question whether wh-Cliticisation out of DP operates through D needs closer examination than we are able to offer here.

(43) ]CP ] wh[ ]C’ C=[whDAT] ]TP ... ]VP learn

]DP =[whDAT] ]NP poetry =[whDAT] …

36 Sadiqi (1997:166-7) discusses another possession context that gives rise to wh-clitic- doubling, shown in (44). This context differs in that it involves possessors of inalienable nouns such as ‘man’ = ‘husband.’ The Tarifit equivalent is given in (45a) along with an example that includes a body-part noun (45b).

(44) tamṭut ]da=mi i-mmut wargaz[ (Tamazight)

woman ]COMP=WHDAT he-died man ‘the woman whose husband died’ (Sadiqi 1997:166) (45) a. tamṭut ]i-m=mi i-mmut wargaz[ (Tarifit)

woman ]to-WH=WHDAT he-died husband

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‘the woman whose husband died’ b. i-m=mi qss-n azakuk?

to-WH=WHDAT cut-they hair ‘Whose hair did they cut?’

37 The additional examples in (46a&b) show the possessor of the inalienable noun in the form of a pronominal clitic located in the T-domain. These are arguably the equivalent of French instances of external possession such as Le médecin leur a examiné la gorge discussed in Vergnaud and Zubizarreta (1992), which proposes a representational analysis that exploits a (predication) binding relation between the pronominal dative clitic and the inalienable object. In view of the broader context here, we will pursue a derivational account for the link between the possessor clitic and the inalienable object.

(46) a. ur(d)=as i-mmut wargaz. (Tarifit)

NEG=herDAT he-died husband ‘Her husband did not die.’ b. ur(d)=as qss-n azakuk.

NEG=himDAT cut-they hair ‘They did not cut his hair”.

38 Focusing on the contexts that involve the extraction of the possessor, examples (44) and (45a&b) have the derivation shown in (47).

(47) ]CP ]wh[ ]C’ C=[whDAT] ]TP … ]VP died

]DP =[whDAT] ]NP husband ]DP =[whDAT][[...

39 A useful aspect of this context is that it can be used to test if wh-Cliticisation is subject to constraints characteristic of syntactic movement, in particular those that fall under the heading of subject-object asymmetries. The outcome turns out to be familiar from Romance Cliticisation, in particular ne-Cliticisation in Italian (Burzio 1986). Wh- Cliticisation of a possessor can operate out of arguments of unaccusative verbs such as ‘die’ in (44) and (45a) and direct objects of transitive verbs such as ‘cut’ in (45b), but not out of subjects of transitive verbs such as ‘catch/arrest’ in (48). The latter example is fine under the irrelevant benefactor reading ‘the woman for whom the man caught the thief’ bearing in mind that argaz is ambiguous between the non-inalienable meaning ‘man’ and the inalienable meaning ‘husband’ and that benefactor arguments in general are in the dative form and therefore feed wh-Cliticisation.

(48) tamṭṭut ]i-m=mi i-ṭṭf wargaz axwwan[

woman ]to-WH=WHDAT he-caught husband thief[ *‘the woman whose husband caught the thief’ ‘the woman for whom the man caught the thief’

6. Dative objects of verbs and objects of locative prepositions

40 We saw above that wh-clitic-doubling is found in contexts that involve the extraction of the second dative argument of verbs such as ‘read x for y’, ‘give x to y’ and so on. Berber has a class of verbs that take a single argument in the dative form, the

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extraction of which also gives rise to wh-clitic-doubling. This class includes ġrs ‘slaughter’, qqs ‘sting’, qqd ‘burn’ (Guerssel 1986), llf ‘divorce,’ ġms ‘cover’ (El Hankari 2010, Ouhalla 1988) and others with various idiosyncratic meanings (see below). As shown in the Tarifit examples (49a-d), with counterparts across Berber varieties, the single object of these verbs appears in the dative form, its corresponding pronominal clitic takes the dative form, and its extraction gives rise to wh-clitic-doubling. Close examination of this particular context reveals that it is reducible to the inalienable possession context.

(49) a. i-ġrs i-tġaṭ. (Tarifit) he-slaughtered to-goat ‘He slaughtered the goat. b. ad=as i ġars.

FUTURE=itDAT he-slaughter ‘He will slaughter it.’ c. tġaṭ ]i-m=mi i-ġars[.

goat ]to-WH=WHDAT he-slaughtered ‘The goat he slaughtered.’ d. i-m=mi i-ġrs?

to-WH=WHDAT he-slaughtered ‘What did he slaughter?’

41 In his study of the lexical conceptual structures of various classes of verbs in Berber, Guerssel (1986) points out in connection to the verbs that take a single object in the dative form that they have more complex and precise meanings than can be rendered with English translations. For example, ġrs ‘slaughter’ has the more precise meaning ‘kill by cutting throat,’ which Guerssel suggests has the lexical conceptual structure repeated in (50). A close look at this structure reveals that what superficially appears as a dative object of the verb actually corresponds to the possessor argument of the understood body-part noun THROAT (e.g. ‘cut ]]throat[ to-goat[[’ in (49a)).

(50) LCS ġrs: ]x CUT THROAT y[ (Guerssel 1986:45)

42 Guerssel (1986:45-46) illustrates this point further with an additional member of the class, namely mrz ‘wound someone in the head.’ Perhaps a more accurate rendition of the meaning of mrz is ‘wound x’s HEAD,’ where the body-part noun is HEAD and the human victim of wounding is the possessor of HEAD. This suggests the lexical representation roughly shown in (51) modelled on the one in (50), which includes the understood body-part noun HEAD10.

(51) LCS mrz: ]x WOUND HEAD y[[

43 According to the analysis outlined in Guerssel (1986), the body-part component is lexically incorporated into the verb and consequently does not project as a syntactic constituent. A plau-sible slight variation on this analysis could exploit the mounting evidence for the presence of silent nouns in syntactic structures (Kayne 2005). According to this analysis, the verbs that take a single dative object project vPs of the form shown in (52), where the object includes a silent (body-part) noun that selects the ‘dative object’ as a possessor argument11.

(52) ... ]vP x ]VP ]V WOUND[ ]DP D ]NP ]N HEAD[ ]y[DAT[[[...

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44 Given (52), the context with verbs that select a single object in the dative form turns out to be a possession context on a par with the others discussed above. Focusing on the examples that involve the extraction of the dative object such as the wh-question (49d), they have the structure and derivation shown in (53).

(53) ]CP ]wh[ ] C’ C=[whDAT] ] TP T ] vP v ] VP CUT ] DP =[whDAT] ]NP ] N THROAT[

=[whDAT][[…

45 Another wh-clitic-doubling context that, on closer inspection, turns out to involve hidden inalienable possession involves objects of locative prepositions such as the one in the Tarifit example (54). The latter is modelled on the Tashelhiyt example repeated in (55), reported in Dell & Elmedlaoui (1989) to require a resumptive pronoun in the object position of the locative preposition.

(54) urthu i-m=mi i-ṭ-ṭṭas swadday. (Tarifit)

fig.tree to-WH=WHDAT he-sleeps under ‘the fig tree he sleeps under’ (55) aswik ]m=mi i-ggan ddaqay-s[ (Tashelhiyt) ]WH=WH walnut DAT he-sleeps under-itDAT[ ‘the walnut tree he sleeps under’

46 The background of Dell & Elmedlaoui’s description is the fact, discussed above, that prepositions the object of which is extracted normally cliticise to C rather than take a resumptive pronoun. In view of this, the preposition in (55) and similar locative ones appear to be exceptions to this general pattern. Guerssel (1987) discusses numerous properties of these locative prepositions in Tamazight which show that they are nouns rather than prepositions. Ouhalla (1988:216-219) shows further that their Tarifit versions, repeated in (56a-d), include a morpheme in the initial position that corresponds to a light locative-directional preposition with the meaning ‘by’ seen in independent contexts such as (57a-b).

(56) a. s-wadday ‘under. (Tarifit) b. s-daraʕ ‘over/above’ c. z-dat ‘in front of’ (57) a. i-kka ss-a/ss-iha. he-passed by-here/by-there ‘He passed by here/there.’ b. i-ffġ s-uzir. he-left by-noon/day ‘He left by noon/day.’

47 In view of the fact that these items are all locative, the combination of the properties mentioned points to a structure in line with more recent findings about locative prepositions across lan-guages (see contributions to Cinque & Rizzi 2010). The structure is shown in (58) and takes the form of a PP headed by the directional preposition ‘by’ that takes a DP-complement headed by a place noun. According to this structure, what appears superficially as the object of preposition is actually the dative possessor of the place noun. Variation on this underlying structure revolves around whether locative- directional P is overt, as in Tarifit, or null, as in other varieties.

(58) ]PP s ‘by’ ]DP D ]NP ]N’ wadday ‘(the) under’

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[DP =as] ‘itDAT’[ …

48 On this analysis, the extraction context in (54)-(55) turns out to be a possession context, where the operator-variable link corresponds to the possessor of the place noun. The derivation of the Tarifit version (54), which does not involve a resumptive pronoun, is shown in (59).

(59) ‘the tree’ ]CP ]wh[ ]C’ C=[whDAT] ]TP … ]VP sleep

]PP P ]DP [whDAT] ]NP under ]DP [whDAT][…

49 The occurrence of the resumptive pronoun in the Tashelhiyt version (55) is part of a more general pattern in Tashelhiyt reported in Dell and Elmedlaoui (1989), which also includes examples such as the one repeated in (60). A full explanation requires delving into the broader issue of resumption relative to wh-Cliticisation and indexing, which we leave to future research12.

(60) ifrxan ]m=mi zri-x tigmmi nn=sn[ (Tashelhiyt)

boys ]who=WHDAT saw-I house of-them ‘the boys whose house I saw.’ (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1989:184)

6. Conclusion

50 Berber is a language where wh-operators are base-generated in their scope position rather than the variable position, leading to a situation where it relies mostly, if not exclusively, on wh-Cliticisation for the derivation of operator-variable links. This is reflected not only in operator-variable contexts that involve dative constituents (arguments of verbs, nouns and prepositions), but also in various other contexts traditionally thought to involve listed wh-words. These turn out to have a compositional form that includes an occurrence of a wh-clitic, indicating that they are derived, assembled in the Comp-domain in syntax rather than listed in the lexicon.

51 Wh-clitic-doubling is a manifestation of the involvement of wh-Cliticisation (to C) in the derivation of operator-variable links. Wh-Cliticisation applies in contexts where the operator is base-generated in its scope position and has the function of linking the operator to the variable it binds. Wh-Cliticisation is in complementary distribution with wh-Movement (to Spec,C), which applies in contexts where the operator is base- generated in the variable position, and where the operator-variable link is a function of wh-Movement. Wh-clitic-doubling and wh-Cliticisation amount to direct evidence for Cliticisation as an interpretive mechanism of Grammar that obviates the need for indexing (Chomsky 1995, Lebeaux 1983). They also amount to evidence for the conclusion in Kayne (1989) that Cliticisation is an instance of Head-Movement, more precisely, an instance of feature-based Head-Movement.

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Riemsdijk H. (1978). A Case Study in Syntactic Markedness. The Binding Nature of Prepositional Phrases, Dordrecht: Foris Publications.

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NOTES

1. This article first appeard in the journal IBERIA, Volume 4, 2012 with the title ‘Wh-clitic- doubling and Wh-Cliticisation’. We thank the publishers of IBERIA for granting permission to reproduce the article. 2. The Berber example cited in Radford, Felser and Boxell (2012) is sourced from Alami (in preparation). 3. We adopt a broad system of transcription of Berber data that aims at identifying the underlying forms of (function) words and morphemes abstracting away from general and dialect- specific phonological processes as much as possible. The French glosses and idiomatic translations in the original French sources of the Berber data have been replaced with English versions here. We take full responsibility for this. 4. To the extent that the proposed uniform structure of the Comp-complex of operator-variable constructions is plausible, we hope it justifies the reporting of some of the data here in an adapted form, where adaptation involves the parsing of the Comp-complex into its constituent morphemes. Comp-complexes are reported in the literature in various different ways that result in disguising underlying common patterns of the type sought here. 5. Wh-clitic doubling is partly reminiscent of the distribution of wh-words in multiple wh- questions in some Slavic languages, where one wh-word is situated in Spec,C and the others in the CL2 position associated with C (Boškovič 2001, 2002). However, Berber wh-clitic-doubling differs in that it involves two occurrences of the same wh-word. As such, it is more reminiscent of partial wh-Movement (Horvath 1997, Fanselow 2006, Mc Daniel 1989). Here again, while partial wh-Movement is characteristic of long-distance extraction, wh-clitic-doubling is characteristic of local extraction. Long-distance extraction generally makes use of the resumptive strategy in Berber varieties such as Tamazight and Tashelhiyt (Boukhris 1998, El Moujahid 1993). 6. We will not address here the fact that syntactic clitics appear as enclitics on their host in Berber, which appears inconsistent with the claim in Kayne (1989, 1994) that clitics left-adjoin to their host. Ouhalla (1995) argues that the Berber facts are consistent with left-adjunction of clitics to their host once certain prosodic considerations of the language that distort this underlying order are taken into consideration (see also Ouali 2006, 2011). 7. Guerssel (1987) treats dative i in ‘to-DP’ contexts as an instance of the category K(ase), which takes a DP as complement and can function as the object of prepositions along the lines shown in (i) (see also Achab 2003). To the extent that the analysis extends to the occurrence of dative i in the wh-clitic =mi, it revives the possibility that the dative wh-clitic has an internal structure and derivation with KP in place of PP. This in turn leaves the ‘to-wh’ word order issue unresolved as for the PP-analysis. Although ‘to-DP’ contexts are treated as PPs here, we do not exclude the possibility that they are KPs.

(i) ]PP P ]KP i ‘to’ ]DP D ]NP ufrux ‘boy’[[[[

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8. Since the first publication of the article, we have increasingly become aware that Tarifit is developing in a different direction relative to Tamazight and Tashelhiyt. Although it still shows remnant signs of derivation by Wh-Cliticisation, Tarifit appears to be moving towards derivation by Wh-Movement. Indications of this include dative Case-marking and animacy-marking of the wh-word in addition to the independently observed fact that Tarifit permits long-distance extraction, meaning does not require a resumptive pronoun in embedded contexts (Ouhalla 1988, 1993). Tamazight and Tashelhiyt differ in all three respects: they have a single wh-word which shows neither case-marking nor animacy-marking and do not permit long-distance extraction.We hope to explore this difference in a more systematic way in future research. 9. A third slightly different strategy of extracting objects of prepositions is reported for Chemini Taqbaylit in Bendjaballah, Ben Si Saïd and Haiden (this volumen) and Bendjaballah and Haiden (2005, 2013a&b). 10. Other instances of this class such as qqs ‘sting’, qqd ‘burn’ and ġms ‘cover’ may involve the body-part noun BODY. This is indicated by the fact that qqd has the precise meaning of ‘touching someone’s body with a hot object such as a needle,’ a method used in traditional healing. 11. Guerssel’s (1986) analysis, which assumes lexical incorporation of a noun into the verb, is more suitable for other instances of such verbs such as Tarifit sfunzar, which has the meaning ‘wound someone in the nose’ or, more accurately, ‘cause someone’s nose to bleed.’ The verb clearly incorporates the noun anzar ‘nose’ in addition to the causative prefix s- and the morpheme f(u)- the exact identity of which is unclear. The verb can be said to project the vP shown in (i), which differs in that the body-part noun is overt rather than silent. The dative object is a possessor of the body-part noun. The verb mrz too is likely to have the more precise meaning ‘x CAUSE ]BLEED ]HEAD ]y[DAT[[,’ where the CAUSE component is abstract on a par with equally causative verbs with an abstract CAUSE such as trasnitive arz ‘break,’ qqn ‘close,’ arzm ‘open’ (Guerssel 1986).

(i) ... ]vP x CAUSE ]VP ]V BLEED[ ]DP D ]NP ]N NOSE[ ]y[DAT[[[... 12. For derivational accounts that reduce resumption to movement in Syntax or at LF, see Aoun and Benmamoun (1998), Aoun, Choueiri and Hornstein (2001) and Ouhalla (2001).

ABSTRACTS

This article explores a phenomenon found in Berber whereby the extraction of dative arguments (of verbs, nouns and prepositions) gives rise to two occurrences of wh. One is a wh-word located in Spec,C and the other a wh-clitic in the dative form located in C (wh-clitic-doubling). Close examination reveals that the wh-word in Spec,C functions as an operator base-generated in its scope position and the dative wh-clitic in C provides it with a derivational link to the variable in the dative position it binds (wh-Cliticisation). Wh-clitic-doubling and wh-Cliticisation amount to direct evidence for Cliticisation as a derivational interpretive mechanism of Grammar that obviates the need for indexing (Lebeaux 1983, Chomsky 1986, 1995). They also provide evidence for the conclusion in Kayne (1989) that Cliticisation is an instance of Head-Movement, more precisely, feature-based Head-Movement.

Cliticisation wh- : la dérivation des liens opérateur-variable et mots when berbère Cet article explore un phénomène en berbère selon lequel l’extraction d’arguments datifs (de verbes, noms et prépositions) donne naissance à deux occurrences de wh. L’une est un mot wh

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situé en Spec,C et l’autre un clitique wh datif situé en C (redoublement de clitique wh). Un examen précis des données révèle que le mot wh en Spec,C fonctionne comme un opérateur généré directement dans sa position de portée et que le clitique wh datif en C lui fournit un lien dérivationnel avec la variable dans la position de datif qu’il lie (cliticisation wh). Le redoublement clitique wh et la cliticisation wh fournissent un argument direct pour l’interprétation de la cliticisation comme un mécanisme dérivationnel interprétatif de la grammaire qui rend inutile l’indexation (Lebeaux 1983, Chomsky 1986, 1995). Ils sont également des arguments en faveur de la conclusion de Kayne (1989) selon laquelle la cliticisation est une instance du mouvement de tête, plus précisément du mouvement de tête contrôlé par les traits.

INDEX

Keywords: wh-clitics, wh-clitic-doubling, wh-Cliticisation, wh-Movement, operator-variable links Mots-clés: clitiques wh, redoublement de clitique wh-, cliticisation wh-, mouvement wh, relation opérateur-variable

AUTHORS

JAMAL OUHALLA University College Dublin

ABDELHAK EL HANKARI The University of Newcastle, Australia

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Le syntagme prépositionnel à la périphérie gauche en Taqbaylit

Sabrina Bendjaballah, Samir Ben Si Saïd and Martin Haiden

1. Le problème : la position de la préposition dans les constructions interrogatives prépositionnelles

1 Dans les langues berbères, l’interrogation sur un groupe prépositionnel déclenche l’emploi de constructions particulières (pour des informations pertinentes, on pourra consulter, entre de nombreux autres, Penchoen 1973, Chaker 1983, Guerssel 1987, Bendjaballah & Haiden 2005, 2013a, b, Mettouchi 2005, Ouali 2011, Ouhalla & El Hankari 2012/ce volume). Dans cet article, nous analysons ces constructions sur la base de données recueillies dans un réseau de 10 points d’enquête en Kabylie. L’analyse syntaxique, pensons-nous, ne peut reposer que sur la segmentation et l’identification précise de la distribution des éléments impliqués dans les structures examinées. Ceci suppose de prendre au sérieux la dimension morpho-phonologique de ces structures. Cet article fait ainsi partie d’un projet plus large portant sur la phonologie, la morphologie et la syntaxe des groupes prépositionnels dans différentes variétés du berbère kabyle (détails en section 2).

2 Dans le parler de Chemini (Petite Kabylie), les questions portant sur un groupe prépositionnel sont caractérisées par la préfixation de la préposition sur le complémenteur et la réalisation du complément nominal de la préposition à la gauche du complexe préposition-complémenteur (Bendjaballah & Haiden 2005, 2013a, b). Ainsi, dans les configurations (1a, b), le complémenteur (C) est morphologiquement complexe : il est composé de la base C et du préfixe P1. Ces configurations sont intéressantes parce qu’elles impliquent soit la séparation de la P de son complément nominal (1a), soit le redoublement de la P (1b). Notons qu’outre (1a, b), la configuration (1c) est également attestée à Chemini. Celle-ci nous intéressera cependant moins : elle

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correspond en effet à la configuration par défaut, que l’on retrouve dans de nombreuses langues, à savoir le déplacement d’un syntagme prépositionnel (PP) entier.

3 (1a) est problématique car un syntagme nominal (DP) ne peut pas directement prendre la fonction de complément prépositionnel. On pourrait envisager de proposer que le DP initial apparaît séparé de sa P (cf. la structure anglaise « Where did he go to ? »). Cependant, une telle analyse implique que la P reste dans sa position d’origine. Or la P en (1a) apparaît dans le domaine du complémenteur. De telles configurations ont certes été relevées, mais seulement dans des structures bien particulières, ce qui n’est pas le cas ici (voir par ex. le phénomène de sluicing, Merchant 2002). (1b) est problématique car la préposition est redoublée : en ce cas, l’hypothèse d’une séparation de DP et P est exclue.2

4 Afin de rendre compte de ces constructions à complémenteur préfixé, Bendjaballah & Haiden (2005, 2013a, b) proposent une structure de prédication, représentée en (2) : le constituant interrogatif initial des structures (1a, b), anwa axxam / gwanwa axxam, ne fait pas formellement partie de la phrase, mais y est rattaché par une relation de prédication. Il se trouve dans une position externe à la phrase, que nous nommons ici « position (I) ». Etant externe à la phrase, ce constituant ne peut pas directement avoir la fonction grammaticale de complément prépositionnel. Cette fonction est remplie par un opérateur vide en position de spécificateur de C (position (II)), dont le contenu référentiel est déterminé par le constituant interrogatif initial. Le complémenteur (et son préfixe éventuel), enfin, est hébergé par la position (III).

(2) (I) (II) (III)

anwa axxam/ OPzéro g-i … gwanwa axxam

5 Dans les constructions à complémenteur nu, i.e. non préfixé (type (1c)), l’hypothèse d’un opérateur vide n’est pas nécessaire, car le PP interrogatif initial peut directement

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prendre la fonction de complément prépositionnel. Il occupe donc la position (II), celle du spécificateur de C :

(3) (I) (II) (III)

gwanwa axxam i …

6 Dans cet article, nous partons de l’observation suivante. Notre corpus présente, comme à Chemini, (i) des complémenteurs morphologiquement complexes composés d’un préfixe prépositionnel et d’une base C, (ii) des constituants interrogatifs, avec et sans P, en tête de la phrase. En outre, et c’est le point crucial, un troisième type de structure est attesté, caractérisé par la présence d’un constituant entre le constituant interrogatif initial et le complémenteur complexe. Nous proposons que ce constituant est la manifestation morphologique de l’opérateur zéro représenté en (2) pour le parler de Chemini. En d’autres termes, la position (II), réalisée zéro à Chemini, fait surface dans divers parlers kabyles. Notre objectif est tout d’abord de décrire et analyser la réalisation morphologique de cette position (II) et ensuite de comprendre les conséquences sur le contenu morphologique de la position (III) du fait que cette position est réalisée.

7 Nos nouvelles données permettent ainsi de préciser les traits de l’opérateur zéro représenté en (2) ainsi que sa structure interne. Plus précisément, nous mettons au jour la généralisation suivante3 :

(4) Si, dans une construction interrogative portant sur un complément prépositionnel, le complémenteur (C) est spécifié par un constituant interrogatif, alors C ne porte pas de P préfixée. Si C est spécifié par un constituant non interrogatif ou bien si le spécificateur de C n’est pas réalisé morphologiquement, alors C est préfixé par P.

2. La constitution du corpus

8 Nous sommes partis d’un corpus établi auprès d’une locutrice à L1 kabyle avec L2 français, native de Chemini en Kabylie orientale (Petite Kabylie, chef-lieu : Bejaïa, cf. Bendjaballah & Haiden (2005, 2013a, b) pour plus de détails), puis avons élargi le périmètre dialectal de la façon suivante : a) ajout d’un point d’enquête en Kabylie orientale — la localité de Tighramt, située à 40 km à l’est de Chemini et b) ajout de huit points d’enquête en Kabylie occidentale (Grande Kabylie, chef-lieu : Tizi Ouzou). Ces huit points se répartissent sur le nord et le sud de la région de la façon suivante :

9 • au nord : trois localités

10 - Makouda : au nord-ouest de la région, à 20 km de la wilaya de Tizi Ouzou et à 20 km de la mer Méditerranée.

11 - Alma et Freha : à 30 km de Tizi Ouzou, séparées de 15 km et situées à 45 km à l’est de Makouda.

12 • au sud : cinq localités

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13 - Berkouka et Souk El Thenine : au sud-ouest de la région, à 35km et 22 km de Tizi Ouzou, respectivement, et séparées de 16 km.

14 - Agouni Gueghrane et Aït Abdelouahab : à 40 km de Tizi Ouzou, séparées de 10 km, et situées à 25 km à l’est de Berkouka et Souk El Thenine.

15 - Aïn El Hammam : à 50 km de Tizi Ouzou et à 35 km au nord d’Agouni Gueghrane et Aït Abdelouahab.

16 Au total, nous disposons donc d’un réseau de 10 points d’enquête et nous renverrons par la suite à ces points par les abréviations suivantes :

17 Ces dix points sont représentés sur la carte ci-dessous, générée avec le logiciel Mapinfo :

18 Nous avons présenté les phrases (en français) qui ont servi à l’élaboration du corpus de Bendjaballah & Haiden (2005, 2013a, b) aux locuteurs et nous leur avons demandé de les produire dans leur parler (date de l’enquête : février 2015). Afin d’assurer la compréhension des phrases proposées, nous avons choisi, pour chacun des points d’enquête sauf AEH, un(e) étudiant(e) de Master de l’université Mouloud Mammeri de Tizi Ouzou avec L1 kabyle, L2 arabe et L3 français. Ces étudiant(e)s, deux hommes et six femmes, sont âgés de 25 à 30 ans au moment de l’enquête. Ensuite, nous avons complété et vérifié les données obtenues pour les localités de Mk, B, SET et AG avec six locuteurs supplémentaires. A Mk et B, il s’agissait de quatre hommes, fonctionnaires, âgés de 40 à 45 ans, avec L1 kabyle, L2 arabe, L3 français et à SET et AG, de deux femmes au foyer,

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âgées de 30 et 40 ans, avec L1 kabyle, L2 arabe, L3 français. En ce qui concerne AEH enfin, l’un des auteurs de cet article ]Samir Ben Si Saïd[ est locuteur natif de ce parler ; le questionnaire a également été soumis à un enseignant de français à la retraite, âgé de 61 ans.

3. Un paradigme de complémenteurs complexes grammaticalisés : contraintes de taille et gabarit du constituant (III)

19 Nous commençons par examiner la structure du complémenteur morphologiquement complexe (position (III)) et montrons que la taille des composants de ce complémenteur n’est pas libre mais obéit à des contraintes strictes. Nous en concluons que la préposition préfixée au complémenteur fait partie du gabarit du complémenteur, c’est- à-dire que le complexe P-C est grammaticalisé.

3.1 L’identification du complémenteur et de l’opérateur interrogatif

20 L’analyse requiert d’établir clairement l’identité du complémenteur C et de l’opérateur interrogatif. Considérons à cette fin les exemples en (6)-(7). (6a-b) illustre des questions portant sur un PP dont la tête est P = s « avec », avec C = i et a respectivement, (7a-b) illustre les configurations parallèles avec P = g « dans ». Dans chacun des cas, nous donnons deux exemples : dans le premier, l’opérateur interrogatif comporte l’élément pronominal aʃu, dans le second, l’élément aj.4

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21 Etant donné que C varie avec l’aspect et que l’opérateur interrogatif varie avec la P, les exemples en (6) et (7) permettent d’établir la segmentation suivante, en particulier l’analyse de a/i comme complémenteurs :5

3.2 Contraintes gabaritiques

22 Certaines P présentent une allomorphie de taille : selon leur contexte d’apparition, elles ont une réalisation légère (= une consonne) ou bien lourde (> une consonne). Dans le parler de Chemini, la P préfixée sur le C ne peut être que légère (Bendjaballah & Haiden 2005, 2013a, b). Ainsi, pour la P « dans », dont les deux allomorphes sont ðəʝ et g, on a :

23 L’élargissement du périmètre dialectal révèle que cette restriction doit être formulée de manière plus générale : il existe bien une contrainte de taille sur les éléments du complémenteur complexe P-C, mais celle-ci porte sur l’ensemble de la structure et non pas sur l’un ou l’autre de ses éléments. Les 10 parlers examinés illustrent en effet les 3 combinaisons suivantes : P réduite – C plein, P réduite – C réduit, P pleine – C réduit. La combinaison P pleine – C plein en revanche n’est pas attestée.

24 Nous illustrons cette généralisation par les P ðəʝ « dans » et ʁəf « sur » (exemples en (a) et (b) respectivement ci-dessous) et le complementeur ]+irrealis[ ara, dont les deux allomorphes sont a (léger) et ara (lourd).

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3.3 Conclusion

25 Si le complémenteur en position (III) est préfixé, une contrainte de taille sur la séquence P-C s’applique dans tous les parlers : une préposition pleine n’est jamais suivie d’un complémenteur plein. Ceci indique que, dans tous les parlers examinés, la P préfixale fait partie du gabarit du complémenteur. Nous en concluons que les séquences P-C sont grammaticalisées comme complémenteurs prépositionnels interrogatifs. (Sur ce point, voir Chaker (1983) : 398, « Par leur stabilité et leur fréquence dans certains parlers, ces complexes sont certainement l’indice d’une tendance à la constitution d’un paradigme de supports spécifiques. »)

26 Une généralisation supplémentaire, mise en évidence dans notre corpus, vient confirmer cette conclusion. Dans certains cas, la P réalisée sur le C en (III) n’est pas identique à celle en (II). Ainsi, dans les exemples ci-dessous, la P en (II) est ʁəf « sur » mais la P préfixée sur C en (III) est ʝ , allomorphe léger de ðəʝ « dans ». 6 Il est donc impossible d’analyser les structures de ce type comme impliquant un redoublement de la P. Le préfixe sur le C est grammaticalisé.

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4. La structure du constituant (II)

27 Nous examinons maintenant la structure du constituant (II). Notre objectif est d’abord de mettre au jour l’identité des éléments de ce constituant puis de comprendre la façon dont constituant (II) et constituant (III) interagissent.

4.1 Les positions de P, règles de distribution

28 La configuration de départ est celle donnée en (1a) pour Chemini et rappelée ci-dessous en (14). Cette configuration est également celle attestée à Alma :

29 Cette structure comporte un constituant interrogatif sans P à la périphérie gauche (I) et un complémenteur complexe (III). Nous rappelons que le constituant anta θaqənḍurθ ne peut pas occuper la position (II) parce que sa forme syntaxique (syntagme nominal) n’est pas compatible avec la fonction qu’il doit remplir dans la phrase, celle de complément prépositionnel. Pour cette raison nous avons fait l’hypothèse d’un opérateur vide occupant la position (II).

30 Dans les 8 autres parlers que nous avons examinés, deux grandes familles de structures sont attestées :

31 a) des structures impliquant un constituant initial avec P, mais pas de P sur le C en (III). Il s’agit de configurations comparables à (1c) : le constituant initial étant un syntagme prépositionnel, il peut réaliser sa fonction grammaticale dans la phrase sans l’intervention d’un opérateur vide. Pour cette raison, nous faisons l’hypothèse que ce constituant occupe la position (II).7

32 b) des structures impliquant trois constituants : (I) sans P, (III) avec ou sans P préfixée8 et, entre ces deux complexes, un constituant (II) de structure variable, grisé en (16) ci- dessous. En (16a), le constituant (II) comporte P et l’élément aj, P est préfixée sur C en (III). En (16b), (II) comporte P et l’élément aʃu, P n’est pas préfixée sur C en (III). Enfin en (16c), (II) ne comporte pas P mais soit i/aj 9 soit u, P est préfixée sur C en (III).

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33 Examinons maintenant les 3 familles de structures attestées et que nous venons d’illustrer en (14), (15), (16). L’ensemble des structures relevées est résumé en (17) : celles en (17a) impliquent un C nu, celles en (17b) un C préfixé.

34 Un examen des contraintes de cooccurrence de P sur les 3 positions (I), (II) et (III) révèle que certaines combinaisons ne sont pas attestées. Il existe donc des règles de distribution de P. Afin de comprendre ces règles, nous devons tout d’abord examiner en détail la nature des constituants symbolisés par x et y en (17), i.e. des éléments aj/i, aʃu et u.

4.2 La structure de (II) : à propos de aj/i, aʃu et u

35 Outre P-NP[+wh] et OPzéro, on trouve 3 structures en (II) : P-x, P-y et y. Pour la clarté, nous répétons ci-dessous les exemples correspondant à chacune de ces configurations en

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ajoutant les constructions datives, qui ne nous intéressent pas directement dans le cadre de cet article, mais qui nous permettent de compléter le tableau de la distribution de P et aj/i, aʃu et u.

36 Un examen précis des données révèle que x = waʃu, i.e. aʃu à l’état construit (cas régi par la P, marqué par w- au masculin singulier). y correspond à aj/i ou u, à l’état construit (= waj, wu) si précédé de P et à l’état libre si non précédé de P.10

37 Nous considérons que aʃu et aj/i sont des éléments pronominaux.11 Le cas de l’élément u est plus complexe : nous trouvons en effet u précédé de P dans les constructions datives (19), mais non précédé de P dans les contextes de type (20).

38 Nous proposons que u est la variante de aj/i en contexte directionnel : u fait surface dans des contextes directionnels impliquant un mouvement vers un but, par ex. avec la P ʁur « vers » en (20) et la construction dative (19) peut être considérée comme un exemple particulier de construction directionnelle. Nous faisons l’hypothèse que u est sous catégorisé comme complément soit de la P dative i, soit d’une P directionnelle vide. Nous illustrons ces deux cas en (21a, b) respectivement.

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39 Enfin, le dernier cas est celui de AEH en (20). Dans cette configuration, on a, comme à B et AG, un seul élément sans P en (II) mais cet élément est aj/i, et non u. Cette opposition u vs aj/i à AEH s’étend aux constructions datives : là où B, F, AA, AG ont u (22a), AEH a aj/i (22b).

40 AEH emploie donc aj/i dans les constructions directionnelles. Nous interprétons ce fait de la façon suivante : la contrainte forçant la substitution de aj/i par le morphème plus spécifique u ne s’applique pas en AEH. La structure du domaine (II) de (20) à AEH est telle qu’en (23). Dans les autres parlers, cette structure est celle donnée précédemment en (21b).

41 Pour résumer, le constituant (II) a la structure suivante :

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42 Nous examinons désormais les implications sur (III) de l’identification du complément de P par les pronoms aj/i et u ou bien par aʃu.

4.3 L’interaction entre (II) et (III)

43 Reprenons notre tableau en (17). Nous pouvons faire les deux observations suivantes :

44 • le complémenteur nu (i.e. sans P préfixée) est précédé soit d’un PP interrogatif plein (17a.i), soit d’un constituant prépositionnel de type P-aʃu.EC (17a.ii).

45 • le complémenteur préfixé par P est précédé soit d’un constituant prépositionnel de type

P-aj/i.EC (17b.i), soit d’un constituant prépositionnel de type Pzéro-u/aj/i (17b.iv), soit enfin d’un opérateur zéro.12

46 Nous en déduisons la généralisation en (24) :

(24) a. aʃu en (II) est incompatible avec P en (III). b. aj/i et u sont compatibles avec P en (III).

47 Cette généralisation émerge très clairement de l’ensemble de notre corpus, ainsi qu’illustré ci-dessous avec les complémenteurs i (25, 26, perfectif), ara (27, futur) et ur (28, perfectif négatif).

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48 aj et aʃu diffèrent à deux égards. Tout d’abord, aʃu se comporte comme un nom en ce qui concerne la complémentation : il prend un complément au génitif (cf. AG en (27)). Par contraste, aj n’est jamais attesté dans cette configuration :

49 Ensuite, aʃu peut être employé comme pronom interrogatif en position (I), aj n’a jamais cette fonction :

50 Sur la base de ces contrastes, nous proposons que aj est un élément pronominal non interrogatif (]-wh[) tandis que aʃu est un élément pronominal interrogatif (]+wh[). Ainsi,

P-aʃu en position (II) est la manifestation d’un PP interrogatif plein (i.e. P-NP[+wh]). Par conséquent, dans les constructions de type anta θaqənḍurθ swaʃu its iwala « Avec quelle robe l’a-t-il vue ? », la structure syntaxique des positions (II) et (III) est identique à celle des constructions bien connues dans lesquelles le PP interrogatif est en position (II), type swanta θaqənḍurθ its iẓra.

5. Conclusion

51 Pour conclure, le tableau (17) peut-être précisé comme suit :

52 Sur la base des configurations dans lesquelles (II) est morphologiquement réalisé (a.i-ii, b.i-ii), on constate que le complémenteur n’est préfixé par P que si (II) ne comporte pas de morphème interrogatif. Ceci nous permet d’extrapoler sur la valeur du trait ]+/-wh[ de l’opérateur zéro que nous avions admis dans les configurations (b.iii) et (b.iv). Puisque, dans ces configurations, C est préfixé par P, il doit s’agir d’un opérateur ]-wh[. Celui-ci est donc comparable à un pronom relatif plutôt qu’à un pronom interrogatif.

53 Les configurations (b.iii) et (b.iv) comportent toutes les deux un opérateur vide. Or les deux configurations se distinguent par la présence d’une P en position (I) en (b.iv) vs

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son absence en (b.iii). Nous supposons que cette différence en position (I) implique une asymétrie inverse en position (II) : absence de P en position (II) en (b.iv) vs sa présence en (b.iii).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bendjaballah S. & M. Haiden. (2005). « The Grammar of Prepositions in Berber (Taqbaylit) », LingBuzz/000261.

—. (2013a). « La représentation syntaxique des prépositions faibles du berbère de Chemini », in J. Tseng (éd.) Prépositions et postpositions : approches typologiques et formelles. Paris : Hermès Lavoisier, 87-123.

—. (2013b). « The representational anomalies of floating markers : light prepositions in Taqbaylit of Chemini », in T. Biberauer & I. Roberts (éds) Challenges to Linearization. Berlin/New-York : Mouton de Gruyter, 331-375.

Chaker S. (1983). Un parler berbère d’Algérie (syntaxe). Aix-en-Provence : Publications de l’Université de Provence.

Dell F. & M. Elmedlaoui. (1989). « Clitic Ordering, Morphology and Phonology in the Verbal Complex of Imdlawn Tashlhiyt Berber », Langues Orientales, Anciennes, Philologie et Linguistique 2 : 165-194.

—. (1991). « Clitic Ordering, Morphology and Phonology in the Verbal Complex of Imdlawn Tashlhiyt Berber. Part II », Langues Orientales, Anciennes, Philologie et Linguistique 3 : 77-104.

Guerssel M. (1987). « The Status of the Lexical Category Preposition in Berber : Implications for the Nature of the Construct State », in K. Hale (éd.) Studies in Berber Syntax. Cambridge, Mass. : Center for Cognitive Science, MIT, 159-190.

Merchant J. (2002). « Swiping in Germanic », in J.-W. Zwart & W. Abraham (éds) Studies in Comparative Germanic Syntax. Amsterdam : John Benjamins, 295-321.

Mettouchi A. (2005). Contribution à l’étude de la prédication. De la sémantique énonciative à la typologie. Mémoire d’HDR, Paris : INALCO.

Ouali H. (2011). Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazight Berber. London, New Delhi, New York, Sydney : Bloomsbury Publishing.

Ouhalla J. (2001). Clitics and edges : a comparative study of clitic placement and grammaticalization in Berber, ms. Queen Mary, University of London.

—. (2005). « Clitic-placement, grammaticalization and reanalysis in Berber », in G. Cinque & R. Kayne (éds) The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Syntax. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 607-638.

Ouhalla J. & A. El Hankari (2012 / ce volume). « Wh-clitic-doubling and wh-Cliticisation », Corpus 14. ]Rééd. de Iberia vol. 4, http://dialnet.unirioja.es/ejemplar/327045. ISSN-e 1989-8525[

Penchoen T. (1973). Tamazight of the Ayt Ndhir. Los Angeles : Undena Press.

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NOTES

1. Abréviations : EL : état libre, EC : état construit, OD : objet direct, OI : objet indirect, PF : perfectif. Noter la présence du pronom enclitique 3fs -s à la droite du complexe P-C. La distribution de ce pronom est régie par des contraintes indépendantes, cf. Dell & Elmedlaoui (1989, 1991), Ouhalla (2001, 2005), Ouali (2011) entre autres. 2. Sur ce point, voir aussi les sections 3 et 4 de cet article. 3. Pour des données comparables dans d’autres langues berbères, voir Ouhalla & El Hankari (2012/ce volume). 4. Nous revenons sur le statut de aj/aʃu plus bas en section 4.2. 5. On notera que la séquence ]ggʷaʃu[ correspond phonologiquement à /g-waʃu/ et ]ggaj[ à /g- waj/. Ainsi, on doit poser la règle g+w -> ]ggʷ[ dans le premier cas et g+w -> ]gg[ dans le second cas. Nous retrouvons ici un phénomène bien connu : la réalisation de la labiovélarisation en général est sujette à une variation dialectale. Nous laissons la description précise de cette variation pour un travail ultérieur. 6. Notons que la généralisation précédente s’applique : la séquence P - C n’est jamais de type « P pleine - C pleine ». Par ailleurs, dans tous les parlers, la règle phonologique /f+w/ -> ]ff[ s’applique : /f-waj/ -> ]ffaj[. 7. ]tqənḍurθ[ est le nom θaqənḍurθ « robe » à l’EC précédé de la P n de génitif : sa forme sous- jacente est /n-θqənḍurθ/ et la règle /n-θ/ -> ]t[ s’applique. (II) doit ainsi être segmenté comme suit : /s-waʃun-θqənḍurθ/avec-chose]+wh[.ECGEN-robe.EC 8. Nous revenons en détail sur ce point plus bas en section 4.3. 9. En (16c), i est une réalisation de aj. A AEH, i et aj sont en variation libre, avec néanmoins une tendance à employer aj dans le contexte phonologique V__. On a par ex. : anwa axxam i ʝ-i-t s ruʒan « Dans quelle maison l’ont-ils attendue ? » vs ð axxam-agi aj ʝ-i-t s ruʒan « C’est dans cette maison qu’ils l’ont attendue ». Dans la suite, nous noterons cet élément sous la forme aj/i. 10. Dans notre corpus, on trouve également P suivie de w-aʝi, mais sur un seul point d’enquête (à Mk) et dans un seul exemple, le suivant : Etant donné que cet élément n’apparaît que dans un exemple unique, nous le laissons de côté dans le cadre de cet article. 11. Pour une vision similaire, cf. Chaker (1983) : 398 : « combiné au nominal ay/i, le support prépositionnel acquiert des latitudes fonctionnelles similaires à celles des “relatifs” pronominaux » et pour une discussion, cf. Bendjaballah & Haiden (2013a) : § 5.2. 12. Nous rappelons que l’existence de cet opérateur est motivée par l’incompatibilité de la catégorie DP avec la fonction de complément prépositionnel (17b.ii) et par le redoublement de la P (17b.iii). Dans les deux cas, une analyse simple de déplacement d’un PP (comme nous la proposons pour 17a.i) est intenable.

ABSTRACTS

The prepositional phrase in the left periphery in Taqbaylit In this article we study the prepositional interrogative constructions of a set of 10 datapoints located in the Kabylie region in North-Eastern Algeria. Some of these constructions are characterized by the prefixation of the preposition (P) to the complementizer (C). We observe

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that C shows up in its bare, non--prefixed form, if the specifier position of C is realized by an overt interrogative phrase, If the specifier of C is realized by a non--interrogative phrase, or if it is silent, then C carries a prepositional prefix. This article is part of a larger project on the phonology, morphology and syntax of prepositional phrases in the varieties of Taqbaylit Berber.

Dans cet article, nous examinons les constructions interrogatives portant sur un groupe prépositionnel dans un réseau de 10 points d’enquête en Kabylie. Certaines de ces constructions sont caractérisées par la préfixation de la préposition (P) sur le complémenteur (C). Nous mettons en évidence que si, dans une construction interrogative portant sur un complément prépositionnel, C est spécifié par un constituant interrogatif, alors C ne porte pas de P préfixée. Si C est spécifié par un constituant non interrogatif ou bien si le spécificateur de C n’est pas réalisé morphologiquement, alors C est préfixé par P. Cet article fait partie d’un projet plus large portant sur la phonologie, la morphologie et la syntaxe des groupes prépositionnels dans différentes variétés du taqbaylit.

INDEX

Keywords: prepositional phrase, interrogation, left periphery, Taqbaylit Berber, microvariation Mots-clés: groupe prépositionnel, interrogation, périphérie gauche, taqbaylit, microvariation

AUTHORS

SABRINA BENDJABALLAH UMR 6310 LLING - CNRS & Université de Nantes

SAMIR BEN SI SAÏD UMR7320 BCL CNRS

MARTIN HAIDEN Université Lille 3 & CNRS UMR 8163 STL

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Comptes rendus

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Marc DEBONO (dir.) — Corpus numériques, langues et sens. Enjeux épistémologiques et politiques. Bruxelles : Peter Lang, 2014.

1 Corpus numériques, langues et sens est un ouvrage collectif intéressant et problématique publié avec le soutien de la DGLFLF.

2 Commençons par rendre compte brièvement de l’aspect problématique pour mieux développer les aspects les plus intéressants d’un livre dont le mérite est d’aborder intelligemment des questions actuellement fondamentales et activement débattues : le statut des observables, des données et du sujet en linguistique, la révolution (ou non- révolution) du numérique dans les Sciences du langage et au sein des digital humanities, la construction du sens dans/par les corpus.

3 De manière problématique d’abord, en effet, les auteurs se proposent de parler (pour ne pas dire de critiquer) des corpus numériques, et par-là de la linguistique de corpus, comme les hommes d’église glosent sur le péché de chair : sans beaucoup pratiquer. De corpus et de numérique, le lecteur n’en trouvera pas dans l’ouvrage et se reportera, en la matière, à d’autres écrits des auteurs. Point de donnée ici, point de pratique logicielle1, point de main salie par le formatage, l’enrichissement ou l’étiquetage de textes numériques ; point surtout d’étude ou d’analyse effective de corpus de données numériques, natives issues d’internet ou non natives issues de scanner. Ces absences omniprésentes dans les contributions des 6 auteurs et le long des 216 pages du livre2 pourront être jugées comme dirimantes à la crédibilité de la réflexion proposée mais peuvent se comprendre de deux manières. D’abord, les auteurs, sociolinguistes et rompus par ailleurs aux enquêtes de terrain, ne cachent pas ici leur point de vue épistémologique (cf. le sous-titre de l’ouvrage et l’ensemble des contributions), qui semble autoriser une approche surplombante, théorique et finalement platonique des choses et des corpus. Ensuite, la plupart des auteurs, Marc Debono en tête dès l’introduction, milite explicitement pour des Sciences du langage qui s’arracheraient de l’empirisme, du positivisme des données, des usages consignés en corpus pour

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réintroduire plus hautement les représentations et la sensibilité des chercheurs dans l’analyse (dès la p. 11 puis tout au long de l’ouvrage) : finalement, en prenant le parti de ne jamais traiter concrètement de corpus, dans leur matérialité linguistique, les auteurs illustrent parfaitement ce positionnement idéel pas seulement platonique mais platonicien.

4 Nonobstant, l’ouvrage apparait comme roboratif notamment par les prises de position courageuses, et par son « argumentaire contre » revendiqué, selon les vertus affirmées de la « productivité du conflit » scientifique (p. 17). Car l’ouvrage est explicitement militant contre l’idée que les corpus numériques puissent révolutionner nos pratiques scientifiques, contre l’affirmation qu’ils puissent prétendre à une forme d’objectivation (notamment quantitative) du langage, contre l’illusion scientiste que porterait en elle la technologisation de nos approches ; contre, au fond, ce que les auteurs ressentent comme l’épistémologie ou idéologie dominantes actuellement en SDL. « L’argumentation pour », quant à elle, apparait moins percutante puisqu’à l’absence mentionnée d’étude concrète et positive de corpus s’ajoute pour les auteurs la difficulté d’avancer des propositions alternatives précises méthodologiquement au-delà de grands principes herméneutiques qu’il est effectivement important de rappeler (le chercheur est au centre de sa recherche ; « le sens n’est pas totalement contrôlable/ prédictible » p. 41 ; le numérique « reste une construction humaine » (p. 51) ; « le travail interprétatif ne peut… incomber qu’au sujet chercheur » (p. 64); « la place de l’interprète est importante dans l’activité de signifiance » (p. 135), etc.).

5 Ainsi, le chapitre de Marc Debono, « Représentations et traitement des corpus numériques linguistiques. Quid des représentations du chercheur ? », qui succède à son introduction générale, s’inquiète de l’occultation du chercheur et de ses représentations dans les pratiques actuelles en Sciences du langage ; non prise en compte des représentations du chercheur certes pas nouvelle mais rendue particulièrement problématique avec le numérique et la technicisation/ industrialisation des pratiques sur big data. Le propos de Marc Debono renoue ainsi avec la critique de l’objectivisme, du scientisme ou encore de « l’hyper-empirisme » (p. 40) que porterait en lui, selon l’auteur, le tout numérique. A contrario, c’est à un éloge des « préjugés » du chercheur au sens de Gadamer, de « l’intuition » de l’analyste au sens de Taylor ou de la « subjectivité expérientielle » que Marc Debono se livre pour promouvoir une herméneutique des textes et du langage dans laquelle le sujet, avec sa pré-compréhension (p. 34) du monde et des textes, serait au commencement et à la fin.

6 On lira cet argumentaire serré et documenté de l’auteur qui s’appuie sur une importante bibliographie, et l’on nuancera un point nodal de l’inquiétude de son propos. Pour Marc Debono, la puissance de la machine semble avoir pour corolaire nécessaire « une interprétation considérablement contrainte » (p. 30) ; d’où l’inquiétude de l’herméneute. Or précisément, pour beaucoup de chercheurs, loin de contraindre l’interprétation humaine, l’herméneutique numérique a pour espoir de la libérer. L’outil (ici l’ordinateur) n’a jamais eu d’autre fonction et d’autre conséquence dans les sciences et ailleurs que de faire levier (ici faire levier sur l’interprétation). Pas plus que la révolution Gutenberg et la presse à imprimer n’ont semble-t-il « contraint » l’-herméneutique traditionnelle, limité la puissance de la poésie ou bridé la littérature, la révolution numérique n’a de raison objective de le faire. Cinq cents ans après la révolution Gutenberg, la révolution numérique ou l’herméneutique numérique doivent au contraire, à leur tour, révéler les potentialités des textes et des corpus et donner

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matière à la subjectivité créatrice de l’homme, notamment en rendant mieux disponible l’intertextualité/interdiscursivité au sein de l’archive universelle qu’approxime extraordinairement aujourd’hui le web, et ceci sous la seule condition de pratiquer internet, manipuler des fichiers XML et quelques logiciels de traitement, exactement de la même manière que l’on a appris, au plus grand bénéfice de la science des textes, au cours des derniers siècles, à maîtriser l’imprimerie, la lecture d’un folio (plus aisé et moins contraignant qu’un rouleau) ou les notes infrapaginales d’un ouvrage papier. Il nous semble que La mesure et le grain de François Rastier, livre récent que l’on pourrait ajouter à la bibliographie de l’ouvrage, constitue justement ce programme : développer une sémantique interprétative (et non formelle ou objectivante comme le craint Marc Debono) grâce à des parcours de lecture numérique démultipliés, faits d’observables requalifiés, d’hypertextualité, de traitements quantitatifs et qualitatifs ou de croisement de sources multimodales3.

7 Le chapitre écrit par Elatiana Razafimandimbimanana, « Continuité épistémologique au sein de la révolution numérique », apparaît ambitieux par son volume (37 pages). L’auteure ne semble pas vouloir discuter l’ampleur de la révolution numérique, mais, à défaut, en conteste les conséquences épistémologiques pour les Sciences du langage : « Le propos ne consiste pas à réfuter à tout prix le caractère révolutionnaire du numérique » (p. 48) mais voir dans nos pratiques numériques « une non-révolution épistémologique » (p. 49)4. Malgré une prudence d’écriture qui complique l’argumentaire, avec l’usage du conditionnel aussi bien pour exprimer des pensées que l’auteure dénonce que pour exposer des pensées que l’auteure approuve/écrit5, ce chapitre rappelle pertinemment des vérités et entend dissiper certaines « illusions de l’objectivité numérique » (p. 68 et ss). Comme chez Marc Debono, il s’agit de replacer le sujet avec sa sensibilité au cœur de la science ou en tout cas des Sciences du langage, jusqu’à nuancer les postures seulement rationnelles considérées péjorativement comme des avatars de la pensée objectiviste (p. 75). Car de fait : « De qualité numérique ou pas, les observables demeurent un effet partiel et dépendant des interprétations propres au chercheur » (p. 76). Resterait dès lors à développer un programme de recherche au-delà des lignes « Perspectives » qui concluent l’article, sonnent comme une ode humaniste au sujet et à une subjectivité réhabilitée, mais demanderaient sans doute plus de place pour devenir effective ou opératoire d’un point de vue pratique ou méthodologique.

8 Le chapitre rédigé par Lorenzo Bonoli propose « un regard épistémologique sur les logiciels d’analyse textuelle » et apparait comme moins sceptique que les deux premiers sur l’apport du numérique. L’auteur se décrit modestement comme non spécialiste desdits logiciels mais en perçoit pourtant pertinemment deux sortes : les logiciels de type CAQDAS (Computer Assisted Data Analysis Software) et les logiciels de type statistique. S’attachant surtout aux logiciels « quantitatifs » (quand bien même ceux-ci disposent toujours, complémentairement à leurs fonctions statistiques, des fonctions qualitatives hypertextuelles de retour au texte), l’auteur semble concéder qu’ils puissent avoir une dimension heuristique en ouvrant des possibles encore inconnus à l’interprétation (note de la p. 84) et, à rebours du chapitre précédent, envisage qu’ils puissent définir un « nouveau cadre épistémologique » (p. 86) ou changer « profondément notre rapport au texte » (p. 91). En conclusion, l’auteur semble également reconnaitre « l’apport important et intéressant que les logiciels d’aide à l’analyse textuelle fournissent, tout en restant dans le paradigme interprétatif » (p. 93, nous soulignons). De lui-même, Lorenzo Bonoli cite ainsi Max

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Reinert, un des concepteurs pionniers des logiciels en question : « Ce ne sont pas des instruments de validation mais des aides à la construction d’hypothèses, ou même plus simplement des aides à la lecture, car on doit recomposer soi-même sa tresse du sens » (p. 87) ou Roel Popping qui milite pour l’approche logicielle en n’accordant à l’analyse automatique qu’une part raisonnée dans le processus interprétatif (p. 90).

9 Aussi peut-être est-ce par projection que l’auteur finit par trouver dans les logiciels qu’il vise, dont Alceste de Max Reinert, ce qu’il redoute d’y trouver : « l’évacuation » et même la « double évacuation » (p. 89) du chercheur dans l’interprétation. A moins que le propos ne cible, pertinemment, l’usage caricatural, et nous l’espérons marginal, de certains chercheurs qui confondent encore aujourd’hui, de fait, une sortie-machine et une probation.

10 Isabelle Pierozak se propose de traiter « Corpus et numérique en sciences du langage : enjeux épistémologiques ». S’appuyant sur un écrit précédent, elle discute « l’eldorado » (p. 97) que représentent aujourd’hui les données électroniques en SDL, et retrace les différentes définitions données aux corpus d’un point vue épistémologique, pour s’interroger finalement : « Des corpus numériques pour quoi faire ? » (p. 101). Ses conclusions rejoignent en grande partie celles de Marc Debono et Elatiana Razafimandimbimanana. Pour elle, les corpus numériques sont le plus souvent un « leurre » (p. 102) en ce qu’ils semblent donner à voir des données objectives là où ils ne sont en vérité que des artefacts, trop souvent, selon elle, impensés. Qu’il nous soit permis ici de faire une remarque sur ce chapitre comme sur l’ensemble de l’ouvrage. En rappelant à juste titre la dimension construite des données numériques, pour en réfuter le caractère objectif et par là dénoncer le « néo-néo-positivisme » (selon Lorenzo Bonoli, p. 91) des chercheurs qui s’y aveugleraient, l’ouvrage ne risque-t-il pas de laisser entendre, en creux et évidemment malgré lui, que les données antérieures, non-numériques donc, seraient, elles, naturelles ? En regrettant la « naturalisation » des corpus numériques et les dangers que représente cette naturalisation machinale, n’y a-t-il pas un risque d’essentialiser voire fétichiser les corpus traditionnels et le texte papier d’origine ? Admettons donc que pas plus, mais pas moins, que le texte ou le corpus papier, les corpus numériques sont des objets naturels, et ils ne peuvent prétendre au statut d’absolu. Les maux dont on les accable dans cet ouvrage (empirisme impensé, positivisme des données, scientisme) ne leurs sont ni exclusifs ni définitionnels, et ils n’en sont pas responsables ni historiquement ni épistémologiquement. Du reste, les auteurs en conviennent : Comte, ses épigones et ses critiques précèdent de plusieurs décennies l’invention du numérique, et Bacon de plusieurs siècles6.

11 Le chapitre de Valentin Feussi traite des « Pratiques linguistiques numériques/ électroniques. Une source d’angoisse pour les linguistes ? ». Après avoir établi le distinguo terminologique entre « numérique » et « électronique » (admettons effectivement que les deux termes sont le plus souvent quasi synonymes sous la plume des chercheurs), l’auteur pousse plus loin encore l’inquiétude de ses co-auteurs en discutant « l’angoisse du chercheur-linguiste » (p. 123) face/à cause du numérique. Le propos général de l’ouvrage se répète et se précise. Pour Valentin Feussi aussi « l’objectif en tout cas est de privilégier l’interprétation (à l’explication et à la démonstration) » (p. 126). La posture interprétative (versus objectivante) est donc réaffirmée. Mais l’auteur précise l’herméneutique qu’il souhaite et regrette celle que semblent proposer les pratiques numériques. C’est l’herméneutique matérielle

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numérique – celle qui s’appuie sur la matérialité des données et prend en considération, selon Rastier, les « contraintes linguistiques sur l’interprétation » (p. 127) – qui est alors assimilée à une « rationalité moderniste » ou à une rançon payée à la « postmodernité » (p. 127). L’auteur regrette ainsi la « technologisation des interprétations » (p. 127) et y oppose une « interprétation humaine » (p. 134) ou « interprétation philosophique » (p. 138) dans laquelle « le primat » est clairement accordé « à l’interpréteur, au chercheur et non à ses outils techniques » (p. 138) ou à son corpus dans sa composition linguistique numérique. En d’autres termes, face aux « utopies technologiques » (p. 138), l’auteur entend développer une utopie du sentiment « en considérant la subjectivité et la sensibilité du chercheur comme éléments structurant dans la production de connaissances scientifiques » (p. 140).

12 En guise de conclusion enfin, le lecteur pourra s’attacher aux propos de Didier de Robillard, « Monnaie de signe, monnaie de singe ? Comment comprendre des corpus électroniques ? Implications épistémologiques, éthiques et politiques ». Ce chapitre très conséquent de 70 pages apparait tangentiel à la problématique avant tout épistémologique de l’ouvrage et développe surtout l’aspect « politique » et institutionnel d’une recherche actuellement dominée par les appels d’offres autour des corpus. C’est notamment « les politiques mises en œuvre au nom de la République française, par la DGLFLF » (p. 146) qui sont alors discutées, avant de conclure puissamment sur les objectifs de l’ouvrage dans ses termes clefs : « Une conception positiviste du corpus » (p. 192), « La marginalisation de la notion de représentation » (p. 194), « Corpus (numérique) et sens » (p. 201).

13 Parce qu’il est ouvertement critique sur la situation scientifique actuelle, sans verser pour autant dans la polémique, Corpus numériques, langues et sens est un ouvrage utile. Le point de vue engagé des auteurs en faveur de la présence du sujet herméneutique dans les sciences humaines est réinvesti après Dilthey ou Gadamer dans une critique du numérique et de ses corpus qui sans doute n’en méritaient pas tant. Dans une vision inquiète des sciences humaines (forcément menacées par les sciences de la nature) et des techniques (menaçant nécessairement la créativité/liberté humaines), les auteurs minimisent la révolution numérique tout en maximisant ses conséquences négatives. On ne sera donc pas obligé d’adhérer aux idées pessimistes principales de l’ouvrage que le numérique entraine inévitablement une démarche positiviste non-herméneutique, que l’outil aliène l’homme en contraignant sa liberté ou que, par ailleurs, l’interprétation peut faire l’économie d’une description du matériel linguistique des corpus (Aux limites de l’interprétation, Umberto Eco, lui-même, ne finit-il pas par concéder que pour qu’il y ait interprétation textuelle il faut qu’il y ait d’abord un texte à interpréter ? C’est ce texte-à-interpréter que les corpus (numériques) tentent de formaliser). Mais, il n’en reste pas moins vrai que l’expansion si forte et si rapide du numérique demande à être réfléchie et que l’essor décennal des corpus méritait ce temps d’une réflexion épistémologique que les auteurs nous offrent.

14 Damon Mayaffre UMR 7320, Bases, Corpus, Langage

15 CNRS – Université de Nice Sophia Antipolis

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NOTES

1. Lorenzo Bonoli propose cependant une courte typologie des logiciels existants pages 84-85. 2. Valentin Feussi mentionne cependant en haut de la page 139 des données issues d’internet. 3. Poussons la comparaison historique. L’inquiétude sociale et épistémologique actuelle face à la révolution numérique, qui est le sentiment conducteur de l’ensemble de l’ouvrage, semble reprendre l’inquiétude métaphysique passée de l’institution catholique face à la révolution Gutenberg. L’impression démultipliée de la bible (en langue vernaculaire), et sa diffusion de masse dans les foyers chrétiens, semblaient devoir, craignait-on, affaiblir le sentiment et la foi : pas plus que le croyant réformé n’a perdu sa foi en disposant du Livre imprimé – certains se trouvant même raffermis dans leur croyance –, l’herméneute numérique ne devrait perdre – au contraire – sa toute-puissance interprétative en surfant sur le web. 4. Plus radicalement encore : « Plus qu’un non-événement, je dirais que la réalité de la révolution numérique serait quelque part entre le mythe et la rhétorique » (p. 59). 5. Par exemple « le numérique serait à même de rendre la complexité et l’opacité des phénomènes » : ici on comprend que l’auteure réfute ce point de vue jugé comme naïf. Mais après « la révolution numérique n’aurait pas ]…[ eu de retentissements significatifs en termes de connaissances/compréhensions des fonctionnements des langues » (p. 62) : ici c’est toute la position de l’auteure qui semble mise sous condition(el). L’ensemble des pages 62 et 63 notamment sont ainsi au conditionnel pour exprimer ce que l’on a cru comprendre être les convictions fortes de l’auteure. 6. C’est Lorenzo Bonoli qui décrit ainsi la pièce que l’ouvrage semble mettre en scène : « La tentative de leur introduction ]ie. grosso modo l’introduction des instruments et pratiques numériques[ dans le domaine des disciplines du texte, et plus généralement des SHS, semble relancer un nouveau positivisme, une sorte de néo-néo-positivisme qui oblige les chercheurs dans les SHS ]ie. en tout cas les auteurs de l’ouvrage[ à défendre des spécificités de leur domaine de recherche en reprenant finalement les arguments que leurs prédécesseurs avaient déjà dû évoquer contre le positivisme du XIXe et le néo-positivisme du début du XXe siècle » (p. 92).

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Bénédicte GUILLAUME — A Corpus- Based Study of Since Clauses in Contemporary English. Toulouse : PU du Mirail, 2014, 195 pages.

1 This book proposes an analysis of the properties of since clauses in contemporary English, based on a sample of 526 occur-rences, most of them from the British National Corpus. It is usually considered that since (Old English siÞÞan) used to have strictly temporal meanings and that, like a number of adverbial subordinators (cf. Traugott 1989), it acquired a causal value later on, in this case in Middle English; the aim of the study is to establish whether since should still be regarded as a single marker today (as for Lapaire & Rotgé 1991, for instance, for whom both values relate to the notion of origin), or whether the properties of temporal vs. causal since clauses are so different that there are now two homonymous subordinators (e.g. Deléchelle 1989). The author’s framework is mainly the French TOE theory (Théorie des Opérations Enonciatives), but rather than propose a full account of underlying operations and theoretical implications, she chooses to use some TOE tools to highlight certain phenomena. She also follows Lecercle (1990)’s notion of ‘remainder’: whatever theoretical model linguists devise, they will never account for all occurrences. There is always a remainder, that is, unclear or unstable instances, which are in fact a revealing and constitutive part of language. After detailing her data collection procedure, the author analyses causal since clauses (chapter 1), temporal ones (chapter 2), then the ‘remainder’, that is, ambiguous and hybrid cases (chapter 3).

2 For her corpus, the author used the tagging function of the BNC to select the uses of since as a subordinator (vs. preposition or adverb). Out of the resulting 25,988 hits, she randomly selected 500, which ‘seemed to ]her[ the right size for ]her[ corpus to be varied enough yet manageable’ (p. 12). When an extract contained several occurrences of since, she included them all, hence the final total of 526. A manual review enabled her to correct a number of tagging errors and a certain lack of consistency in the tags, possibly due to different conceptions of ‘subordinators’ or ‘adverbs’. To her, since is a subordinator if and only if it introduces a clause that contains a finite verb phrase. For

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each occurrence, she entered the type of clause (temporal, causal or hybrid); its location relative to the main clause; tenses, aspects and modality in the since clause and in the main clause; the presence of negation; coordination; and any other element that might seem noteworthy.

3 A major finding is that the two types of since clauses (causal and temporal) show diverging trends as regards their syntactic properties, but that they do not differ systematically. For instance, when a since clause is placed after the main clause, it is typically isolated by a comma if it has a causal value, and has no punctuation if it is temporal; but there are instances of postponed temporal since clauses preceded by commas. Simple tenses are particularly common in the main clause when the since clause has a causal value, whereas they are very rare when it has a temporal value (about 90% of the time, the main clause then has a perfect aspect); but again, there are instances with a simple tense in the main clause and a temporal since clause. Finally, causal since clauses are more often placed after the main clause than before (contrary to what might have been expected), and this is also the case for temporal since clauses, although postponing is even more frequent in the latter case.

4 The author concludes from this that the syntactic properties noted in the corpus are not determined by the value of the since clause (temporal or causal), but by other factors. For causal since clauses, the place of the clause relative to the main clause depends on speaker attitudes. Postponing has a backgrounding effect, so that when a since clause is postponed, what is highlighted is the contents of the main clause. A fronted since clause, on the other hand, highlights the cause-effect relationship between the subordinate clause and the main clause (rather than the contents of the since clause). The author notes that the difference, however, is often ‘subtle’. Temporal since clauses are typically postponed because their function is then to provide an aspectual locator, but they have to be fronted when the main clause describes a situation that has evolved since the temporal landmark expressed in the since clause.

5 Another finding of is that in a small number of cases, it is impossible to determine whether since has a purely temporal, or a purely causal, value. The context often allows for disambiguation, but sometimes it does not, as in, The Catholic religion has marginalised women, in part, one might say, since it was decided that God was male (p. 181). To the author, such ‘hybrid’ instances are evidence that since should still be regarded as a single marker in contemporary English.

6 This book will be of interest to all those, whether students, the general public or scholars, who are interested in the notion of core value in grammar and in the evolution of grammatical words. It is very accessible and provides many examples and micro-analyses. A more explicit, broader state of the art would have helped situtate the author’s research within the existing literature on the topic, base some intuitions on facts, and show how the tools of the TOE framework allowed for improved analyses compared to other approaches. The reader might also have liked to read more about the stages in the shift from temporal to causal value in subordinators – this might have helped to define more clearly the notion of ‘single morpheme’ that the author retains for since. But the general conclusions make very convincing reading and will be of value to researchers.

7 Laure GARDELLE, Ecole Normale Supérieure de Lyon

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