DOCSLIB.ORG

We Reside in a World Marred by Conflict, Violence and War

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
We Reside in a World Marred by Conflict, Violence and War CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.0 Background Res Ipsa Loquitur - We reside in a world marred by conflict, violence and war. Conflict has been described as a normal human phenomenon (Boulding 2000, Darby 2001 and Lederach 1995) but not a phenomenon to which humans are destined. Individuals are as predisposed to violence and war as they are to peace (Adams, 1989). The "greatest challenge facing humanity on its journey into the new millennium ... [will be] the transformation of a culture of violence into a culture of peace" (Brenes & Wessells 2001 :99). Since the end of the cold war, there have been more inter- and intra-state conflicts and wars, and incidents of violence than occurred before the fall of the Berlin wall; of these, most have been intra-state. During the Cold War era, the two super powers did not engage each other directly, although some might cite the Cuban Missile crisis as an example to the contrary. They did, however, instigate wars and military coups mostly in third world nations in efforts to achieve their own domestic, political or military objectives (Hedges 2002 and Power 2002). Lederach (1997: 17) notes, "most wars are located in settings on the margins of the world community that are struggling with poverty, inequities and underdevelopment". Lederach (1997) further suggests that the Cold War has left a legacy of legitimacy for a culture of war and violence as a means of resolving conflict, through asymmetric and potentially more devastating means. Although used in greater context since the September 11 th 2001 attack on the World Trade Center (Meigs 2003; Williams 2003; Gray 2002), the concept of asymmetry is not new (Rippon 1958). "Some observers believe the Gulf War marked the beginning of Pax Americana in which the world will acquiesce in a benign American hegemony" (Nye 2003:251), predicated on a culture of war and violence within an asymmetrical 1 context. As the sole super power, there is every indication that the United States will continue to reinforce a culture of war (Power 2002) as a legitimate means of resolving differences based upon the Bush doctrine of pre-emptive self-defence as opposed to a culture of peace manifested through trans-cultural conflict prevention and resolution methodologies. Commensurate with Leberach's (1997) observation, Archer and Gartner (1984) propose that war legitimizes violence for both men and women. In a similar vein, Ember and Carol (1994) note a high correlation between the frequency of war and interpersonal violence, suggesting that war socializes males toward aggression in preparation for formal warrior training. Grossman (1996) concurs with this concept of training military personnel for war and violence, but not re-training for peace through repatriation after military service. Thus, war influences the way in which males and females interrelate and legitimizes the dominant roles that the former have maintained in that relationship (D. Adams, personal communication, 4 July 2004). Rutherford (2004:20-21) also comments on this male dominance as it is portrayed in the media and mimicked in life, in the world of 007 [James Bond], life was organized by the rule of the phallus, meaning that masculine principle of challenge, command, and conquest in which sex and violence were inextricably linked - 'hot babes and cool weapons'.... Bond as the hero was poised, efficient, effective, the quintessential tough man. The villains were unremittingly evil. ... The Bond pictures were a foretaste of the coverage of the invasion of Iraq. True, there were no 'Bond girls' in Iraq. Well, not quite: the British Forces did call the assault on Basra 'Pussy' and 'Galore'. Decisions to create cultures of war and violence or a culture of peace are individual, but they are not made in isolation from the social, political, economic and cultural environments that give them shape, structure and meaning. Likewise, decisions to engage or not to engage in interpersonal violence are individual, but are not made in isolation from their social, political, economic and cultural environments that give them shape, structure and meaning. The nexus is the motivation. This 2 research explores this relationship between cultures of war and violence, and a culture of peace. This motivation can be both a means and an end. In the former, the motivation is diverse, including differing wants, needs, beliefs, loyalties, values and ideologies; inaccurate perceptions of intentions or behaviours; competing goals; geopolitical factors including limited or disproportionate distribution of property, resources and wealth; availability of technology; and, disparities in power, amongst others (Pedersen 2001; Sanson & Bretherton 2001). In the latter, the motivation is a perceived benefit derived such as ultimate control or domination. Violence that is focused on the 'means' may not fulfill the 'ends' and vice versa (Maxwell 1998). Hence, contemporary conflict resolution methodologies may not be successful if they do not address the motivation and the culture of the perpetrator and victim from which it is derived because the process of changing the learned behaviour may become more problematic and, perhaps, unattainable. There is a burgeoning body of research that demonstrates that behaviour, violent or peaceful, is learned (Baron & Richardson 1994, Buss 1995 and Huessman 2002), and victims and victim-states of today learn to become bullies and warring­ states of tomorrow (Gottfredson, Hirschi, & Grasmick 1993, Randall 1997 and Salmivalli & Nieminen 2002) if sustainable means to resolve the conflict are not identified and implemented. As an example, the defeat of Germany coupled with the humiliating 'peace terms' post World War I victimized this nation. Twenty years later, the combatants were at war again; Germany had moved from the position of victim state in 1919 to bully state in 1939 (Lindner 2002). A similar argument can be made between Serbians, Muslims and Croatians in the Balkans (Hedges 2002), and Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda (Dallaire 2003), and between dependence and independence factions in Indonesia and East Timor (Rippon, Girouard, & Lowey 2004). Referring to the current US war against Iraq, Rutherford (2004: 159) comments on how humiliation of the Arab world is fostering 3 new learned war-like behaviours for some Muslims who, otherwise, would have remained moderate non-combatants. Whatever his sins, Saddam Hussein was widely admired as an Arab strongman with an Arab army who had resisted Anglo­ American pressure for a decade. Now he was gone. 'It's a day of shame', claimed a Palestinian engineer. 'On this day Arabs have become slaves. The only man who dared to say "no" to the Americans' face has vanished today. What is left is a bunch of bowing and scraping Arab leaders'. Once more the Arabs have been humiliated and deceived like the crushing defeat we faced during the 1967 war with Israel', noted a businessman in Amman. ... Yet it was a commentator on al-Jazeera who summed up the mood, his gloom provoked by the brief shot of a marine putting the American flag over the head of a statue of Saddam Hussein: 'Everything that happens from now on will have an American smell'. Absent in these examples has been sustainable methods of resolving differences through peaceful means before they escalated into inter- or intra-state conflicts, violence and war. In this most recent case in point, in Arab humiliation can be found the seeds of the protracted intractable jihad against the unholy Pax Americana - the Arab version of the evil empire and the Islamic sequel to the mythical reality of 'The Empire Strikes Back' in which the jihadists are the righteous martyrs and the Americans the barbaric aggressors. How does the process of transformation from martyr and aggressor to collaborator evolve to a sustainable level of peacefulness? How do leaders mature nation-states from cultures of war and violence to a culture of peace? As hypothesized, how do individuals at a micro level learn peacemaking and peacekeeping behaviours that ultimately become a part of their respective cultures at a macro nation-state level? This research focuses on the maturation process of transforming individuals at the micro level through education and praxis for peace and a culture of peace. 4 1.1 Culture and Conflict The challenge of dealing with conflict is not new. Based on local cultures and environments, social groups have developed their own strategies for dealing with differences, and means of managing these disagreements have evolved as social groups reorganized into communities and nation-states. Unfortunately, not all have been non-violent. As an example, the Coast Salish First Nation of British Columbia ostracised those who violated minor customs; for major violations, the offender could 1 be killed (T. Jones , personal communications, 12 August 2002). In these and other societies, as sub-group elites became more complex and removed from the general population, traditional methods of resolving conflicts changed. Segregation resulted in different languages evolving with different interpretations as lingua franca was replaced with lingua vernacular (Calvet 1998). In-groups and out-groups (Chattopadhyay, Tluchowska, & George 2004; Searle-White 2001) emerged which, in turn, led to more conflict as dissimilar means of resolving differences progressed and became the norm within each respective culture. Lund, Morris and LeBaron-Duryea (as cited in Pedersen 2001) suggest a model for resolving conflict that is more culturally-centered may have greater utility and opportunity for success than one that is more diverse and attempts to accommodate all cultures or does not take culture into consideration. In intercultural conflict resolution even when different cultural groups share the same values, their behavioural expression of these values may differ. Not only can different behaviours have the same meaning, the same behaviour can have different meanings (Pedersen 2001 :183). History is replete with examples of culturally-centered initiatives being taken to diminish inter- and intra-state conflicts, including Charlemagne's efforts to unite the Roman Empire under one religious ideology, the Catholic Church.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • National Anthem Law of the People's Republic of China
    National Anthem Law of the People’s Republic of China (Draft) We completed, and Jeremy Daum subsequently refined, the following translation, which also appears on China Law Translate. We have made additional changes to the translation, for which Jeremy and CLT are not responsible. Blog-wide copyright license applies. Article 1: This Law is drafted on the basis of the Constitution, so as to preserve the dignity of the national anthem, to regulate the performance, singing, playing, and use of the national anthem, to enhance citizens’ conception of the State, to carry forward the spirit of patriotism, and to cultivate and practice the socialist core values. Article 2: The national anthem of the People’s Republic of China is the “March of the Volunteers.” Article 3: The national anthem of the People’s Republic of China is the symbol and sign of the People’s Republic of China. All citizens and organizations shall respect the national anthem and preserve the dignity of the national anthem. Article 4: The national anthem shall be performed and sung on the following occasions: (1) Opening and closing ceremonies of the National People’s Congress and all levels of local people’s congresses; and opening and closing ceremonies of the National Committee and local committees of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference; (2) Constitutional oath-swearing ceremonies; (3) Flag-raising ceremonies; (4) Major celebrations, major award ceremonies, major commemorative ceremonies, national memorial ceremonies and the like, which are organized by any level of state organ; (5) Major diplomatic activities; (6) Major sporting events; (7) Other occasions where it is necessary to perform and sing the national anthem.
    [Show full text]
  • China: Solidarity Under a Song What a Strike Tells Us*
    Copyright © 2013 by Feng Xiang 《团结在国歌之下》 China: Solidarity Under a Song What a Strike Tells Us* Feng Xiang** Abstract The right of solidarity has been in legal limbo in China for decades. But in recent years an increasing number of strikes ended in collective negotiation, mediated by government, congressional and trade union officials, instead of the familiar story of arrests and prosecution. This article argues that these changes cannot be adequately explained by the “unseen hand” of the market, the policy of urbanization or better networking technology. Rather, they are essentially due to a conscious effort on the part of strikers to re-politicize their walkout, whereby to overcome barriers of the “rule of law” and revert what the law defines as contractual employment disputes to their original status: the breaking, repair and reorganization of the Party-masses relationship. The solidarity thus regained is not a lawful right, but an avatar of justified power, authority and even people’s sovereignty, all captured by a single Chinese character, “quan”. Key words: solidarity; right to strike; trade union; “quan” as power/authority/sovereignty/right; the PRC constitutions. Let’s build a new Great Wall May 17, 2010, Monday. Early in the morning, Tan Guocheng came to his shift at the Honda factory of Nanhai District, Foshan City in Guangdong Province. Tan was a 24 year old “migrant worker” from Hunan, a neighboring province; and the factory, commonly known as Honda Nanhai, manufactured automobile parts. But that morning Tan did not turn on the machine. Instead he pushed a red emergency button nearby.
    [Show full text]
  • October 29, 2016
    PhuketGazette.net PHUKET’S LEADING NEWSPAPER... SINCE 1993 PhuketGazette October 29 - November 4, 2016 Now inside THE NAT I ON every Saturday 56 Pages / 20 Baht ‘THE MOTIVE BEHIND THE KILLING COULD HAVE BEEN PERSONAL’ Police arrest first suspect in Phuket bombings THE first suspect implicated in the Phuket Mother’s Day Hunt for suspects bombings was flown to the island by helicopter on Oc- is on after Patong tuk- tober 20, where an eye wit- ness confirmed his identity. tuk club leader found Full story Page 6 shot to death in his cab BUSINESS By Kritsada Mueanhawong POLICE are hunting for at least two sus- pects for the murder of the president of the Patong tuk-tuk drivers’ club at 3am on October 25. Sakol Srisompoch, 57, was found shot dead inside his tuk-tuk, which was parked in the middle of the road in front Trade department to inves- of King Kong Party Club on Phra Phuket tigate over-charging of Kaew Road. Chinese tourists. “Mr Sakol was on his way home af- Page 11 ter work when he was apparently ambushed by gunmen. There were four wounds on his left arm, one in his back PROPERTY and another in his chest. There were also several bullet holes in the window and windshield of his tuk-tuk,” said Capt Wattanathorn Bamroongthin of Kathu Police. Kathu Police Deputy Superintendent Ampholwat Saengruang confirmed that police are collecting evidence to bring the perpetrators to justice. Tips and tricks to help Police initially said they had yet to property renters get the learn how many suspects were involved, best experience.
    [Show full text]
  • Flags and Banners
    Flags and Banners A Wikipedia Compilation by Michael A. Linton Contents 1 Flag 1 1.1 History ................................................. 2 1.2 National flags ............................................. 4 1.2.1 Civil flags ........................................... 8 1.2.2 War flags ........................................... 8 1.2.3 International flags ....................................... 8 1.3 At sea ................................................. 8 1.4 Shapes and designs .......................................... 9 1.4.1 Vertical flags ......................................... 12 1.5 Religious flags ............................................. 13 1.6 Linguistic flags ............................................. 13 1.7 In sports ................................................ 16 1.8 Diplomatic flags ............................................ 18 1.9 In politics ............................................... 18 1.10 Vehicle flags .............................................. 18 1.11 Swimming flags ............................................ 19 1.12 Railway flags .............................................. 20 1.13 Flagpoles ............................................... 21 1.13.1 Record heights ........................................ 21 1.13.2 Design ............................................. 21 1.14 Hoisting the flag ............................................ 21 1.15 Flags and communication ....................................... 21 1.16 Flapping ................................................ 23 1.17 See also ...............................................
    [Show full text]
  • UC Berkeley Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review
    UC Berkeley Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review Title "Music for a National Defense": Making Martial Music during the Anti-Japanese War Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/7209v5n2 Journal Cross-Currents: East Asian History and Culture Review, 1(13) ISSN 2158-9674 Author Howard, Joshua H. Publication Date 2014-12-01 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California “Music for a National Defense”: Making Martial Music during the Anti-Japanese War Joshua H. Howard, University of Mississippi Abstract This article examines the popularization of “mass songs” among Chinese Communist troops during the Anti-Japanese War by highlighting the urban origins of the National Salvation Song Movement and the key role it played in bringing songs to the war front. The diffusion of a new genre of march songs pioneered by Nie Er was facilitated by compositional devices that reinforced the ideological message of the lyrics, and by the National Salvation Song Movement. By the mid-1930s, this grassroots movement, led by Liu Liangmo, converged with the tail end of the proletarian arts movement that sought to popularize mass art and create a “music for national defense.” Once the war broke out, both Nationalists and Communists provided organizational support for the song movement by sponsoring war zone service corps and mobile theatrical troupes that served as conduits for musicians to propagate their art in the hinterland. By the late 1930s, as the United Front unraveled, a majority of musicians involved in the National Salvation Song Movement moved to the Communist base areas. Their work for the New Fourth Route and Eighth Route Armies, along with Communist propaganda organizations, enabled their songs to spread throughout the ranks.
    [Show full text]
  • Music for a National Defense”: Making Martial Music During the Anti-Japanese War
    “Music for a National Defense”: Making Martial Music during the Anti-Japanese War Joshua H. Howard, University of Mississippi Abstract This article examines the popularization of “mass songs” among Chinese Communist troops during the Anti-Japanese War by highlighting the urban origins of the National Salvation Song Movement and the key role it played in bringing songs to the war front. The diffusion of a new genre of march songs pioneered by Nie Er was facilitated by compositional devices that reinforced the ideological message of the lyrics, and by the National Salvation Song Movement. By the mid-1930s, this grassroots movement, led by Liu Liangmo, converged with the tail end of the proletarian arts movement that sought to popularize mass art and create a “music for national defense.” Once the war broke out, both Nationalists and Communists provided organizational support for the song movement by sponsoring war zone service corps and mobile theatrical troupes that served as conduits for musicians to propagate their art in the hinterland. By the late 1930s, as the United Front unraveled, a majority of musicians involved in the National Salvation Song Movement moved to the Communist base areas. Their work for the New Fourth Route and Eighth Route Armies, along with Communist propaganda organizations, enabled their songs to spread throughout the ranks. Keywords: Anti-Japanese War, Li Jinhui, Liu Liangmo, Lü Ji, Mai Xin, mass song, National Salvation Song Movement, New Fourth Army, Nie Er, United Front, Xian Xinghai Reflecting on his country’s defeat in World War II, a Japanese interviewed in Taibei attributed China’s victory neither to superior weaponry nor to battle tactics but to the fact that it had “relied on War of Resistance songs (kangzhan gequ) to arouse tremendous popular sentiment” (Chen F.
    [Show full text]
  • Legal Malware: Hong Kong's National Anthem Ordinance
    Legal Malware: Hong Kong’s National Anthem Ordinance Kevin Carrico “…criminal defamation laws may not be used to protect abstract or subjective notions or concepts, such as the State, national symbols, national identity, cultures, schools of thought, religions, ideologies or political doctrines. This is consistent with the view, sustained by the Special Rapporteur, that international human rights law protects individuals and groups of people, not abstract notions or institutions that are subject to scrutiny, comment or criticism…” Former United Nations Special Rapporteur on freedom of expression, Frank La Rue, in a 2010 United Nations report INDEX Executive Summary 4-5 Policy Recommendations 6 About the Author 7 The Context of the National Anthem Ordinance 8-10 The Text of the National Anthem Ordinance 10-11 The National Anthem Ordinance and International 12-14 Human Rights Standards Case Studies: How the National Anthem Ordinance might 15-18 be abused Conclusion 19 Endnotes 20-24 3 Executive Summary Since the clearance of the Occupy protests in late 2014, the people of Hong Kong have employed a variety of novel modes of protest to voice dissatisfaction with Beijing’s ever tightening grip on the city. Undoubtedly one of the most controversial modes of protest has been the booing of the national anthem of the People’s Republic of China, which first emerged during football matches in 2015. In late 2017, the National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China passed a National Anthem Law, dictating strict punishment for anyone who insulted “The March of the Volunteers” in the Mainland. Almost immediately thereafter, Beijing introduced the law, clearly drafted with Hong Kong in mind, into Annex III of the Basic Law, meaning that Hong Kong is required to legislate a similar law for implementation in the city.
    [Show full text]
  • Cb(2)811/18-19(02)
    立法會 Legislative Council LC Paper No. CB(2)811/18-19(02) Ref : CB2/BC/3/18 Bills Committee on National Anthem Bill Background brief prepared by the Legislative Council Secretariat Purpose This paper provides background information on the National Anthem Bill ("the Bill"). It also summarizes the major views and concerns expressed by the Panel on Constitutional Affairs ("the Panel") during its previous discussion of the local legislation to implement the Law of the People's Republic of China on the National Anthem ("the National Anthem Law"). Background 2. The National Anthem Law was adopted at the 29th session of the Standing Committee of the 12th National People's Congress ("NPCSC") on 1 September 2017, and has come into force nationwide since 1 October 2017. On 4 November 2017, NPCSC adopted the decision to add the National Anthem Law to Annex III to the Basic Law. In accordance with Article 18 of the Basic Law ("BL 18"), the national laws listed in Annex III to the Basic Law shall be applied locally by way of promulgation or legislation by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region ("HKSAR"). 3. As announced by the HKSAR Government on 4 November 2017, in pursuance to BL 18, the National Anthem Law will be applied in HKSAR by way of appropriate local legislation consistent with the constitutional and legal regime of HKSAR. The National Anthem Bill 4. The Bill was published in the Gazette on 11 January 2019. It was introduced into the Legislative Council ("LegCo") on 23 January 2019. According to the LegCo Brief (File Ref.
    [Show full text]
  • Following the Footprints of Music in Tiananmen Square Protests Wang Meng
    From the Highest Court to the Furthest Wasteland: Following the Footprints of Music in Tiananmen Square Protests Wang Meng Music has always been an important component of social movements. As the one and only protest of its scale and influence in China, the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests was a lively music venue. Protesters sang revolutionary songs and played rock music on cassette tapes players in the tent city. At night, the square turned into a concert and dance floor. (Gordon & Hinton, 1995) Cui Jian and Hou Dejian, the two most popular musicians at the time, performed for the protesters on the square. The singers’ featured songs, “Nothing to My Name” (Yiwusuoyou) and “Descendants of the Dragon” (Long de chuanren) became unofficial anthems of the protesters. Hou was deeply involved in the protest by joining the hunger strike initiated by Liu Xiaobo and was one of the negotiators at the dawn of June 4th with the military. In an interview with Tiananmen student leader Wuer Kaixi, he emphasized the importance of singers in the movement: “The people who are most influential among young people are not (the dissident intellectuals) Fang Lizhi and Wei Jingsheng, but singers such as Cui Jian.” (Huang, 2001) In Hong Kong, Concert for Democracy in China was held for 12 hours nonstop to raise money for the protesters on May 27th. After the crackdown, music became an important means of commemorating the protests and preserving memories and protecting legacies against state propaganda and collective amnesia. Even new generations who were born after 1989 wrote songs in memory of the protest.
    [Show full text]
  • Guanpei Ming Phd Student Department of Political Science University of Hawaii at Manoa
    **********************************DRAFT*********************************** Do Not Cite Making the Great Wall Great: The Architecture of Biopolitics and Chinese Nationalism Guanpei Ming PhD Student Department of Political Science University of Hawaii at Manoa Western Political Science Association 2013 Conference March 28, 2013 1 The Great Wall shall never fall down; The Yellow River shall roll on and on. This land is charming with mountains and waters, How come you call it an invalid? Charge forward now and save our nation from decline. This land will tolerate intrusion no more; All Chinese should shoulder the mission. This sleeping lion is about to wake up. -Lyrics to the theme from Legendary Fok, a popular Chinese drama In the periods of territorial conflicts among nation or states, building walls has been the guiding policy. As Robert Frost noted in his poem Mending Wall “good fences make good neighbors.”1 History has seen Hadrian’s Wall in Roman Britain, the Great Wall of China, Maginot Line and lately the Israeli Separation Barrier. The large number of walls built in the past, and the ease with which states today rally support for wall building, provoke us to ask why we need walls in an age of the Internet, cellphones, Facebook, and cyber warfare? In contemporary China, the Great Wall functions as a national device which creates the idea of one China within clear boundaries. Maintenance of the Great Wall reflects the need for historical roots for Chinese identity, but that maintenance is unevenly distributed. Finally, the Great Wall served to encourage Chinese politics to focus inward; a condition which has only recently began to change, especially by China joining the WTO in 2000, supporting America’s war on terror, and holding the 2008 Olympic Games.
    [Show full text]
  • SYMBOLIC COMMUNICATION THROUGH GUY FAWKES MASKS and WHISTLES in POLITICAL MOVEMENTS in THAILAND Praewpan Parnnuch a Dissertatio
    SYMBOLIC COMMUNICATION THROUGH GUY FAWKES MASKS AND WHISTLES IN POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN THAILAND Praewpan Parnnuch A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Communication Arts and Innovation) The Graduate School of Communication Arts and Management Innovation National Institute of Development Administration 2018 ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation Symbolic Communication through Guy Fawkes Masks and Whistles in Political Movements in Thailand Author Miss Praewpan Parnnuch Degree Doctor of Philosophy (Communication Arts and Innovation) Year 2018 The objective of this research is to study and analyze the signification and the roles including the communication adjustment of the Guy Fawkes masks and whistles used in Thailand’s political movements. It is a qualitative research done by means of documents analysis and in-depth interview methods. The research results are as follows: There are several aspects in terms of the meanings of the Guy Fawkes masks and whistles used in Thailand’s political movements, such as Thaksinocracy (or Thaksin regime) and Yingluck government, politics/governance, monarchy, definition of protesters and their movements, emotions, concept and methods of movements, needs and goals There are also several roles of the Guy Fawkes mask, for example; it’s used for concealing the identities of participants, reflecting the current situations, representing ideas and political ideology, icons of the destruction of political ideology, universality, methods and tools for a movement. About the reconstruction of the meanings, it is found that the ways Guy Fawkes masks are used in Thailand’s political movements, not only do they kept the original meaning but also they adjusted to a different meaning and sometimes create a new meaning.
    [Show full text]
  • Trauma and Gender in Natural Disaster and Conflict Contexts: a Comparative Study of Aceh, Indonesia and the Deep South of Thailand
    ResearchOnline@JCU This file is part of the following work: Hasamoh, Alisa (2017) Trauma and gender in natural disaster and conflict contexts: a comparative study of Aceh, Indonesia and the Deep South of Thailand. PhD thesis, James Cook University. Access to this file is available from: https://doi.org/10.25903/5b5feaf48b850 Copyright © 2017 Alisa Hasamoh. The author has certified to JCU that they have made a reasonable effort to gain permission and acknowledge the owner of any third party copyright material included in this document. If you believe that this is not the case, please email [email protected] Trauma and Gender in Natural Disaster and Conflict Contexts: A Comparative Study of Aceh, Indonesia and the Deep South of Thailand Thesis submitted by Alisa Hasamoh Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the College of Arts, Society and Education, James Cook University November 2017 ii Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my primary academic advisor, Prof Stewart Lockie and my co-supervisor, Dr Theresa Petray, for all kinds of support and guidance throughout the research. You are excellent mentors. Thank you for all your assistance, encouraging my research, allowing me to grow as a sociologist researcher, accompanying me on this adventure and helping me journey through difficult times in my life. Your advice on my research has been invaluable. I would also like to extend a ‘thank you’ to a range of people who assisted
    [Show full text]