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From War to : in US- Relations, 1941-1960

Dissertation

Presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

By Hye-jung Park Graduate Program in Music

The Ohio State University 2019

Committee: Danielle Fosler-Lussier, Ph.D., Advisor Ryan T. Skinner, Ph.D. Mitchell B. Lerner, Ph.D.

Copyright by Hye-jung Park 2019

Abstract

This dissertation examines music in US-Korea relations from 1941 to 1960.

Beginning during World War II, the US disseminated Western classical and

American music in Korea. After the war, the also gained the confidence of

Koreans by supporting Korean traditional music that had been suppressed under Japanese colonial rule. Yet South were not merely passive recipients of US propaganda.

As the divided Korea into North and South, South Korean officials used music to affirm the anti-Communist alliance between and the United States.

American music spread rapidly in South Korea, contributing to the formation of South

Korean identities different from those of the Communist North. By tracing a history of musical relations in the transitional period from the colonial era to the early Cold War, this project emphasizes that US Cold War music propaganda programs were not an entirely new initiative but built on the foundations laid in the 1940s.

By demonstrating that a peripheral country used music as a tool for political negotiations with a superpower, this project also expands the horizons of scholarship on music propaganda, which has focused overwhelmingly on US and Soviet interventions in

Europe. The US government’s desire for hegemony provided both the political impetus and the resources for disseminating American music abroad, for music was an effective tool for cultural propaganda. The South Korean government's ambition of rebuilding a

ii nationalist identity against the Communist North enabled the alliance and encouraged the acceptance of American music. Music eventually supported a bilateral relationship based on shared political interests. The political purposes of the US and

South Korean shaped listeners’ experiences of Western music in South

Korea.

iii

Dedication

To my family in Korea

iv

Acknowledgements

I am genuinely lucky to have worked with the members of my dissertation committee. My advisor, Danielle Fosler-Lussier, has encouraged me to pursue this project from its vaguely identifiable beginnings. I could not have asked for a better advisor. Dr. Fosler-Lussier has consistently gone beyond the call of duty to support my research and me. Her boundless enthusiasm has been a main source of inspiration to me.

Without her endless support, encouragement, and advice, this dissertation would not have come into being. Other committee members have also made invaluable contributions to my dissertation. Ryan Skinner’s seminars introduced me to the most fascinating theories and scholarly works in , anthropology, and cultural studies. My chapter on the Korean Children’s Choir was methodologically inspired by his seminar, Fieldwork in Ethnomusicology. I also owe deep thanks to Mitchell Lerner for his very helpful comments and his advice for archival research as well as improvements to the dissertation. His research and his perspective helped me to understand the history of US-

Korea relations on an entirely different level.

I was fortunate to have received financial support from a number of sources. I am grateful for the Alvin H. Johnson AMS-50 Dissertation Fellowship from the American

Musicological Society (2018) and the Margery Lowens Dissertation Research

v

Fellowship from the Society for American Music (2016). A Keitel-Palisca and

Professional Development Travel grant from the American Musicological Society and the

Annual Meeting Subvention Award from the Society for Ethnomusicology provided financial support that allowed me to present conference papers in New York and

Colorado. The Ohio State University has been also very generous to me. The Graduate

Student Research Grant of the Mershon Center for International Security Studies, the

Alumni Grant for Graduate Research, and the Ethnomusicology Field Research Grants of the department of supported my archival and field research.

My chapter on Ely Haimowitz could not have been undertaken without the involvement of Valerie Haimowitz, a daughter of Ely Haimowitz, who permitted me to stay in her home for a week to sort through her father’s collection. I am grateful to

Valerie Haimowitz for her enthusiasm about my project and her willingness to answer all my questions and share her photographs with me. I would also like to thank the former members of the Korean Children’s Choir, Yi Kyu-do, Ch’oe Sŭng-ja, Son Myŏng-wŏn, and An Hŭi-bok. My conversations with them helped me better understand the cultural policy of the regime.

Others who helped my research include the historians Charles Armstrong and Hŏ

Ŭn, the musicologist Robert Fallon, and the archivists David Sager and Bryan Cornell who work at the Recorded Sound Research Center at the Library of Congress. Dr.

Charles Armstrong was generous enough to share the documents on Ely Haimowitz he collected with me. During my field research in , South Korea, Dr. Hŏ also shared with me his own precious materials regarding cultural activities of the U.S. Information

Agency in South Korea. Dr. Fallon gave me his vinyl record of the Korean Children’s vi

Choir for my research. Archivists David Sager and Bryan Cornell helped me with my research at the Office of War Information Collection. I also owe an intellectual debt to

Professors Morgan and Arved Ashby whose deep academic insights inspired me.

Additionally, I would like to thank Professor Ju Sung-hye, my former advisor at the Korea National University of Arts in Korea, and Dr. Sung-hye, the senior researcher at the Korean National Research Institute for the Gifted in Arts. Professor Ju first introduced me the academic field of ethnomusicology and built my to be a musicologist. My research experience with Dr. Kim in the research project on the influence of the Korean soprano Chŏng -mo in the music world of Korea during the

Japanese colonial period opened my eyes to underrepresented musicians in music history.

My extra special thanks go to my friends and family. My friends Kim Sŏn-do and

Yŏm Ŭn-hye supported me in all kinds of ways and urged me forward. When I conducted my first archival research at the National of the United States, I was already pregnant. Writing this dissertation began with the birth of my daughter, Lillian Sun. In the long journey of completing dissertation, her smile and laugh have continued to refresh me and make me happy even at the moments when I had to cope with a heavy workload.

I am also grateful to my parents-in-, Ren Jifang and Sun Jie, for traveling than

7,000 miles to look after their granddaughter while I completed my dissertation. And, of course, thanks to my husband, Sun Wenyuan, for all the support he gave!

Lastly, my deepest and most heartfelt thanks must go to my family in Korea. As , my father, Pak Kyŏng-sik, trusted in me. My mother, Cho Min-ja, sustained me with her love, warmth, and care. They consistently show pride and joy in everything I do.

I am extremely grateful to my younger brother Pak -ryŏl who stands by my parents vii while I am living far away from home. He is my rock! This dissertation is dedicated to my loving family in Korea, Cho Min-ja, Pak Kyŏng-sik, and Pak Hong-ryŏl.

viii

Vita

2008……………………………B.A. Music, Korea National University of Arts

2011…………………………... M.A. Music, Korea National University of Arts

2013 to 2017 ……………...... …Graduate Teaching Associate, School of

Music, The Ohio State University

2017…………………………… Margery Lowens Dissertation Research

Fellowship, Society for American Music

2018…………………………… Alvin H. Johnson AMS-50 Dissertation

Fellowship, American Musicological Society

Fields of Study

Major Field: Music

Area of Emphasis: Musicology/Ethnomusicology

ix

Table of Contents

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….... ii

Dedication ……………………………………………………………………………… iv

Acknowledgements ...…………………………………………………………………… v

Vita …...………………………………………………………………………………… ix

Table of Contents…………………………………………………………………………x

List of Figures .………………………………………………………………………… xii

Abbreviations…………………………………………………………………………... xiv

Notes on ………………………………………………………………… xv

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………. 1

Chapter 1: Music in US-Korea Relations Before ’s Surrender to the Allied

Forces.…………………….……………………………….…….……………… 23

Chapter 2: Music in the US Army Military Government in Korea, 1945-1948 ………. 75

Chapter 3: The Korean Children’s Choir and South Korea’s Cold War Musical

Diplomacy Toward the United States ……………………...……………….… 111

Epilogue: Rethinking Musical “” in Korea ………………………….... 148

Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………... 160

x

Appendix A: Events in Korea from the late to the First of

Korea…………………………………………………………………………... 192

Appendix B: Music in the OWI’s Radio Broadcasts During the Second

World War ……………………………………………………………………. 193

Appendix C: Songs Performed by the Children’s Choir in Korea Before Their US Tour of

1954 ……………………………………………...... ………………………. 194

xi

List of Figures

Figure 1.1. Aegukka (Korean with melody of “Auld Lang Syne”) … 30

Figure 1.2. , mm.1-8 …………………………………………………………. 33

Figure 1.3. Missŭgo (Miss Ko), a based on the Yonanuki scale, mm.1-8 …………34

Figure 1.4. Sujŏl (Fidelity), mm. 1-8, sung to the tune of ’s “Old Folks at

Home”……………………………………………………………………………35

Figure 1.5. Organizational Chart of the Office of War Information …………………… 45

Figure 1.6. International Press and Radio Bureau, Overseas Operations Branch, Office of

War Information …………………...…………………………………………… 46

Figure 1.7. (The National Anthem of the People’s Republic of

China) …………………….……………………………………………………. 54

Figure 1.8. A banner entitled “Welcome the Allied Forces!” on a building in Korea.

Photograph taken by Donald O’Brien, Seoul in the fall of 1945 ………………. 72

Figure 2.1. Ely Haimowitz in his youth………………………………………………… 79

Figure 2.2. Ely Haimowitz and Korean conductor Yim Wŏn-sik when they met in Seoul

in the …………………………………………………………………… 81

Figure 2.3. An Ik-t’ae, “Aegukka” (Korean national anthem) ………………………… 88

Figure 2.4. Kim Sŏng-t’ae, “Tongnip Haengjin’gok” ( March) ……….... 89

Figure 2.5. Kim Tong-chin, “Kagop’a” (I wish I went back home) …………………… 92

xii

Figure 2.6. Kim Sŏng-t’ae, “Tongnip Haengjin’gok” (Independence March)…….……93

Figure 2.7. Haimowitz learning a Korean traditional stringed instrument, kŏmungo, from

Ham Hwa-chin…………………………………………………………………. 96

Figure 2.8. The First National Farmer’s Music Festival………………………………. 98

Figure 3.1. Photograph of the Korean Children’s Choir, President Syngman Rhee, and the

First Lady Francesca Donner at the Presidential Residence .………………… 133

Figure 3.2. An Pyŏng-wŏn, “Uri ŭi Sowŏn ŭn T’ongil” (Our dream is unification) … 142

Figure 4.1. Yun Min-sŏk, “Fucking USA”……………………………………………..151

xiii

Abbreviations

COI Office of Coordinator of Information

FIS Foreign Information Service

NARA National Archives of the United States, College Park, MD

OIAA Office of Inter-American Affairs

OWI Office of War Information

VOA

xiv

Notes on Romanization

Korean names and terms in Korean are Romanized according to the McCune-

Reischauer system. Exceptions are those Korean authors who have published in English using a different spelling in their English publications and well-known historical names

(e.g., Syngman Rhee). All translations are mine unless otherwise indicated.

xv

Introduction

Why do so many South Koreans prefer rock ’n’ roll, , or Korean with American roots (K-pop), over Korean traditional music—yet still claim

Korean traditional music as part of Korean cultural identity? Music from the United

States is profoundly influential in South Korea. Through radio, TV, and loudspeakers in shops, bars, and restaurants on the street, Koreans are exposed to rock ’n’ roll, R&B and hip hop every day.

Many Koreans who study music learn Western music from the European

“classical” tradition. While most of the universities in Korea have degree programs in

Western , in traditional music are relatively rare. One can easily find dozens of private institutes teaching or in almost every town in Korea.

These institutions serve not only those aspiring to in Western classical music, but also many young Korean children who learn to perform such music as a hobby.

For the last two decades, college degree programs and private institutes in have also grown rapidly in Korea. Ironically, in public school lessons, Korean people repeatedly learn that Korean music is Korean traditional music. The South Korean government and the have designated Korean traditional music and musicians as important

- 1 - intangible cultural heritage and taken steps to prevent the disappearance of traditional music.

Because of these conflicting values, contemporary Korean and musicians have long struggled to establish their musical identities. In 2007, in a TV interview, Pak Chin-yŏng, one of the most successful and influential K-pop (Korean popular music) composers, said:

One of the things that I was repeatedly told was that you should do

something uniquely Korean. It seemed right at first. But I realized it was

not when I gave some thought to it later on. I fell for Black music when I

was seven, and Black music is what I have been doing ever since. That is

why I could sell my music in the United States. I was head over heels with

the music. But to have to mix something Korean into it makes me feel

highly uncomfortable. In fact, I have actually tried making a song mixed

with samulnori [Korean percussion genre] because there was a time I

believed that something Korean was something global. But the outcome

was really strange.1

Pak’s words summarize the identity crisis that many Korean people face. Some Korean people are concerned that Korean traditional music has been forgotten and might soon fade into history. At the same time, however, their musical taste itself has already been

1 Hwanggŭmŏjang, Murŭp’ak Tosa [My Neighborhood’s True Story Theatre, Golden Fishery, Knee-drop ], Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC), 14 March 2007. - 2 -

“Westernized” (Americanized); thus, Korean people can hardly enjoy Korean traditional music any more. Exactly where does this irony come from? How has Western

(American) music been disseminated in Korea? What are the socio-political meanings of

American music in Korea? This project began as a journey to find answers to these questions, seeking a sense of my own musical identity as a Korean.

Tracing the origins of US intervention in Korean music, in this dissertation I argue that the United States was a significant instigator of the musical changes in Korea.

From 1941, when the United States entered World War II, to 1960, the end of the first

South Korean government (the Syngman Rhee regime), the US government sponsored the influx of American music into Korea. In this turbulent period of Korean history, the

United States used several strategies to make positive contact with Korean citizens and improve the image of the United States. During World War II, the US government used short-wave radio for propaganda toward Japanese-occupied Korea. In these radio programs, the US Office of War Information broadcast music and news to emphasize the image of the United States as the provider of Korea’s independence from the of

Japan.

During the US occupation of Korea (1945-48), the US Army Military

Government in Korea (USAMGIK) sponsored music programs to rebuild Korean musical life. I argue that Korea’s colonial experience formed a foundation for US music propaganda. Korea had been colonized by an Asian power, Japan, but never by a Western one. For that reason, as Gregg Brazinsky argues, Korean nationalists were relatively less

- 3 - hostile toward compared other countries colonized by Western power: many Koreans could reconcile their postcolonial nation-building projects with American culture.2

Koreans’ acceptance of American culture does not mean that South Koreans were merely passive recipients of US cultural propaganda. As the first South Korean government was established and the Korean War divided Korea into the North and the

South, not only the United States but also the South Korean government used music to affirm the anti-Communist alliance between the two countries. By examining musical diplomacy between the United States and South Korea as well as US music propaganda during World War II and USAMGIK, this dissertation foregrounds musical diplomacy between the United States and South Korea not as unilateral propaganda from a superpower to a peripheral country but as a bilateral activity. I argue that the musical encounters between the United States and South Korea helped to disseminate Western

(especially American) music in South Korea, contributing to the formation of a South

Korean identity different from that of the Communist North.

Defining American music broadly, encompassing not only US folk and popular music but also Western classical and written, performed, or supported by

US citizens or their government, this dissertation traces the in US-Korea relations from the colonial to Cold War eras. The US government’s desire for hegemony

2 Gregg Brazinsky, Nation Building in South Korea: Koreans, , and the Making of a Democracy (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 7. - 4 - provided both the political impetus and the resources for disseminating American music abroad, for music was an effective tool for cultural propaganda. In the meantime, the

South Korean government’s ambition of rebuilding a nationalist identity against the

Communist North enabled the alliance and encouraged the acceptance of American music. Thus, the political purposes of the US and South Korean governments shaped listeners’ experiences of American music in Korea. Musical diplomacy eventually supported a bilateral relationship based on shared political interests. By shedding light on the South Korean government’s use of music in strengthening ties with the United States in the Cold War context as well as US music propaganda toward Korea from the colonial era, my dissertation expands the horizons of scholarship on Cold War music diplomacy, which has focused overwhelmingly on US and Soviet interventions in .3

3 This literature includes Uta Poiger, Jazz, Rock, and Rebels: Cold War Politics and American Culture in a Divided (Berkeley: University of Press, 2000); Amy Beal, New Music, New Allies: American Music in Germany from the Zero Hour to Reunification (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006); Danielle Fosler-Lussier, “American Cultural Diplomacy and the Mediation of Avant-garde Music,” in Sound Commitments: Avant-garde Music and the Sixties, ed. Robert Adlington (, 2009), 232-253; J. D. Parks, Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence: American-Soviet Cultural Relations, 1917–1958 (Jefferson, NC: McFarland, 1983); Yale Richmond, Cultural Exchange and the Cold War: Raising the Iron Curtain (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003); Yale Richmond, U.S.-Soviet Cultural Exchanges, 1958–1986: Who Wins? (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1987); Naima Prevots, Dance for Export: Cultural Diplomacy and the Cold War (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press/University Press of , 1998), 69–91; Walter Hixson, Parting the Curtain: Propaganda, Culture, and the Cold War, 1945–1961 (New York: St. Martin’s, 1997); and Reinhold Wagnleitner, “The Empire of the Fun, or Talkin’ : The Sound of Freedom and U.S. Cultural Hegemony in Europe,” Diplomatic History 23, no. 3 (1999): 499–524. - 5 -

Chapter Overview

This dissertation unfolds chronologically. After describing music in US-Korea relations before the United States entered World War II, chapter 1 explores the origins of the US government’s music propaganda in Korea. During World War II, Korea was still a of Japan (1910-1945), and Japanese colonial rule forbade American music.4

Succeeding the Office of the Coordinator of Information (hereafter COI, 1941-42) which initiated US wartime radio propaganda toward , the Office of War Information

(hereafter OWI, 1942-45) transmitted a short-wave radio program entitled “Liberty Bell” directly from the United States to Korea.5 “Liberty Bell” reported how formidably the US armed forces destroyed Japanese warships and and portrayed the United States as the bringer of “justice” against Nazism and Japanese .6

Much of the musical repertoire of “Liberty Bell” was composed for European- style orchestra, with a blend of American and popular elements.7 For instance, the broadcasts included an orchestral version of the Spangled Banner and a Chopin

Nocturne performed by Xavier Cugat and his orchestra.8 Backed by Latin percussion, the

4 Ok-pae Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje e Kwanhan Yŏn’” [A Study on in Korea during the Japanese Colonial Period (1940-1946)], Ŭmakhak [Musicology] 13 (2006): 381-427. 5 Robert William Pirsein, “The Voice of America: A History of the International Broadcasting Activities of the United States Government, 1940-1962” (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1970), 3-20, 57; Library of Congress, D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts (preservation and playback copies copied from original OWI glass-based acetate discs), RWE 0560, 0561, 0563, 0564. 6 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts, RWE 0564. 7 Ibid., RWE 0560, 0561, 0563, 0564. 8 Ibid., RWE 0560. - 6 -

Nocturne sounded as much like a Cuban Rumba as it did like the original classical piece.

These choices simultaneously reflected Korean musical priorities and sought to alter them. American jazz had gained popularity in Korea before American culture was suppressed; however, Koreans had considered jazz inferior to European classical music.9

The OWI sought to appeal to Koreans by blending sounds from European classical music with American ideas. Heralding Japan’s defeat, “Liberty Bell” cultivated familiarity with

Western music, particularly with novel and hybrid forms of American music.

The broadcasts appear to have accomplished real political work. Syngman Rhee, who carried out Korea’s independence movement against Japanese colonial rule in the

United States and later became the first president of the Republic of Korea (1948-60), was one of the announcers on the Liberty Bell program.10 Thus, “Liberty Bell” not only supported Korean people’s desire for independence from the Japanese colonial rule, but also effectively promoted a pro-American Korean politician, Rhee, as the most qualified future leader of Korea. The OWI initiated the US government’s music propaganda in

Korea, fueling Korean people’s desire for freedom and effectively countering Japanese colonialism in Korea.

Japan’s surrender to the Allied forces in World War II led to Korea’s independence from Japan and the establishment of the US Army Military Government in

Korea (hereafter USAMGIK, 1945-48) in the southern part of Korea. Whereas US

9 For example, “Tosaekjŏnsa e Ch’ŏlt’oe [We need to crack down erotic bars],” The Daily, 16 January 1934. 10 Pyŏng-chun Chŏn, Unam Yi Sŏng-man Yŏn’gu [A study on Syngman Rhee] (Seoul: Yŏksabip’yŏngsa, 2005), 420. - 7 - wartime radio propaganda aimed to shake the foundation of Japanese colonial rule,

USAMGIK worked to establish anti-Communist attitudes and institutions. I describe the musical aspect of this work in chapter 2.

Ely Haimowitz, the chief advisor of USAMGIK’s music section, was a key figure in USAMGIK’s music policy. In its basic outlines, the music policy of the US military government in Korea was not so different from that of OWI. Like OWI’s wartime radio programs, USAMGIK did not promote much American jazz. Rather, by fostering

Western classical music in Korea, USAMGIK countered the music policy of the Soviet

Union, which discouraged most European classical music, labeling it as elite or foreign culture. Following the Soviet lead, pro-Communist Koreans prioritized music with reflecting proletarian struggles.11 In the meantime, by supporting Western orchestral music in Korea, the US military government emphasized freedom of expression, promoting the idea of music for music’s own sake.12

More importantly, USAMGIK used Koreans’ anti-Japanese colonial sentiments to gain Koreans’ trust. In contrast to the suppression of Korean culture under Japanese colonial rule, USAMGIK devised musical programs to reconstruct Korea’s cultural

11 Chŏng-im Chŏn, An Oral History of Kim Tong-chin, 6 March 2004, Korean Digital Archives for the Arts, 3-16, http://www.daarts.or.kr/handle/11080/16134; Kyŏng-ch’an Min, Han’ Ŭmaksa [Western Music History in Korea] (Seoul: Duri Media, 2006), 99, 193-196. 12 “Aktan Ch’oego ŭi Taehyangyŏn: Koryŏ Kyohyangaktan Pŏlssŏbut’ŏ Taeinki” [The best feast in the Korean music scene: the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra is gaining great popularity], Chungang Sinmun, 22 1945; Ely Haimowitz, Daily Report, 29 1946; Ely Haimowitz, Daily Report, 5 1946; Ely Haimowitz, Weekly Summary, 2 ; Ely Haimowitz, Weekly Summary, 28 March 1947, in Ely Haimowitz Private Collection; Maurice Faulkner, “Music in the Orient,” Music Educators Journal 33, no. 3 (1947): 52. - 8 - identity and recover Korean people’s pride in their country. During the Japanese occupation, very little Korean music was available in Korea through recordings or live performance. The Japanese Government General of Korea banned public performances of Korean traditional music and dance and controlled the production of recordings. In his role as an American official, Ely Haimowitz supported a revival of Korean traditional music. He imported large collections of records of Korean music that were made before the ban and still available in Japan. Haimowitz also organized festivals of Korean farmers’ music, which is now considered a heritage music in Korea.13 In this way,

Haimowitz won Korean musicians’ “hearts and minds.” I argue that under USAMGIK’s program, music proved an effective tool for persuading Koreans to respect the United

States. Based on intensive archival research on USAMGIK’s memoranda and correspondence as well as photographs and printed music collected from Ely

Haimowitz’s private collection, this chapter reveals how music improved America’s image in early Cold War Korea.

When the first South Korean government was established without the North on 15

August 1948, the USAMGIK period ended in Korea. As the Korean War divided Korea into North and South, anti- became the dominant political ideology in the

13 Ely Haimowitz, Memorandum, 19 1946; Ely Haimowitz, Memorandum, 25 September 1946; Lt. Col. Seth Wiard in the Civil Administration, USAMGIK, Correspondence to the Civil Information and Education Section of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Power, “Master Plates of Native Korean Music,” 5 June 1946; Department of Education, USAMGIK, “Korean Import Requirement, Schedule No. 2B2241,” 28 2017, all in Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. - 9 - south.14 Chapter 3 explores music in US-Korea relations during the first South Korean government, the Syngman Rhee regime (1948-60). The Syngman Rhee regime actively used music in South Korea’s diplomacy toward the United States.

In 1954, the Rhee regime sent the Korean Children’s Choir to tour the United

States on behalf of South Korea’s post-war relief campaign. Supported by the American-

Korean foundation, this choir was billed as the “Korean Orphans’ Choir” throughout their tour—yet there was no orphan among the choristers. As young musicians from powerful and wealthy families, they had maintained a close relationship with the South Korean government during the Korean War, performing for US soldiers and national guests. I argue that the US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir was “camouflaged cultural propaganda” carefully planned by the South Korean government in cooperation with the

US government based on their shared anti-Communist goals.15

The Choir’s tour helped American citizens understand the importance of South

Korea as an ideological buffer zone against Communism. By appealing to American citizens’ emotions, the choir also raised large amounts of money from them. In South

Korean officials’ eyes, Americans’ charity toward Korea would also help the United

States replace its violent wartime image with that of a “generous” and “righteous”

14 Sheila Miyoshi Jager, Brothers at War: The Unending Conflict in Korea (New York; London: W.W. Norton & Company, 2013), 51; Kwang-yeong Shin, “The Trajectory of Anti-Communism in South Korea,” Asian Journal of German and European Studies 2, no. 1, (2017): 2. 15 For the term “camouflaged propaganda,” see Kenneth Osgood, Total Cold War: Eisenhower’s Secret Propaganda Battle at Home and Abroad (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 2006), 76-103. - 10 - international leader, which the Rhee regime needed for its anti-Communist policy.16 As the Korean Children’s Choir gained fame in Korean society, the American folk songs and

Christmas carols they performed in the United States spread rapidly in Korea. In all these ways, the Korean Children’s Choir shored up US-South Korean relations.

Methods and Materials

Although this dissertation emphasizes musical phenomena in Korea, its subject matter extends beyond the field of ethnomusicology, which has been considered the home discipline for academic conversations about music in non-Western countries.

Intersecting with other academic disciplines such as diplomatic history, cultural studies, and media studies, this project foregrounds not a “fixed” musical genre but the processes by which music has been transmitted and accepted as a significant indicator for the society’s or others’ identities. In order to understand the changing meanings of music in

South Korean society, this dissertation also emphasizes the roles of government institutions and non-governmental agencies that were organized with in/visible political purposes to form and (re-)define different musical identities in a nation-state.

Specifically, this research examines the use of music by government officials and by non- governmental institutions that became the channels for spreading American music in

Korea.

16 President Syngman Rhee, letter to Yuchan Yang, Ambassador of South Korea to the United States, 22 1953, Syngman Rhee Collection, vol. 5, Korean History Database, the National Institute of Korean History, http://db.history.go.kr/ - 11 -

A rich collection of archival sources and interviews are the cornerstones of this study: these sources reveal by whom, through what institutes and agencies, and with what aims musical diplomacy between the United States and Korea was planned and initiated.

I collected government documents, including memoranda, correspondence, weekly reports, surveys, and photographs, from Record Group 59 (Records of the Department of

State) at the National Archives of the United States, College Park, MD (January and

2015; March 2017). These materials helped me understand what kind of musical events and programs were planned and implemented by US officials in US-Korea relations from

1945 to 1960.

Through my archival research at the OWI preservation collection of the Library of

Congress, Washington D.C., in December 2016, I came across sound recordings of US radio propaganda toward Korea during World War II that survived through more than seven decades. These materials comprise the main sources with which I was able to determine some of the musical repertoire of US wartime radio propaganda in Japanese- occupied Korea. With these sound recordings in hand, I returned to the National Archives of the United States, College Park, MD in August 2017 to sort through the collection of the OWI at the National Archives (Record Group 208). These records, including significant documents detailing the institutional structure and functions of each branch and division of OWI, revealed the goals, policies, and participants of US overseas radio propaganda during World War II.

- 12 -

My chapter on USAMGIK’s music policy and Ely Haimowitz was built around

Ely Haimowitz’s private collection. In March 2017, I visited the late Ely Haimowitz’s home. His daughter, Valerie Haimowitz, permitted me to sort through her father’s collections, including weekly reports, memorandum, printed music, photographs, letters, concert programs, and articles in newspapers and magazines relevant to his works in

USAMGIK. I also collected materials regarding Ely Haimowitz from the Rollins College

Alumni Archives, Winter Park, FL.

In addition, I spent three months in South Korea conducting field research (June to August 2016). In South Korea, I interviewed four people who visited the United States in 1954 as members of the Korean Children’s Choir and received audio-visual data from them. On this trip, I was also able to access oral history interview collections of Korean musicians and critics who lived through World War II, USAMGIK, and the Korean War.

These interviews were conducted by the Korea National Archives of the Arts: they are held at the Arko Arts , Seoul, South Korea. I collected diplomatic documents in the Syngman Rhee Collections at the National Institute of Korean History, and photographs and government documents from the Syngman Rhee regime at the National

Archives of Korea. My three months of field research in South Korea helped me better understand music in US-Korea relations from a Korean perspective.

- 13 -

Literature Review and Contribution to Scholarship

Studies of the impacts of American culture abroad have proliferated in the past few decades. Many scholars have approached the spread of American culture abroad as

Americanization or cultural .17 Others have celebrated “the capacity of non-

Americans to modify what they receive” and have “dropped the whole idea of US cultural imperialism.”18 From the early , scholars began to investigate the impacts of American culture abroad from a different angle. Instead of emphasizing either US imperialism or local reworkings of American cultural influence, historians have focused on the operation of specific institutes, agencies, and media involved in America’s cultural diplomacy.

Nicholas Cull and Kenneth Osgood have published foundational studies of

America’s psychological warfare and cultural propaganda in general. Cull’s book (2008) offers a chronological account of the operations of the United States Information Agency

(USIA) during the Cold War.19 Osgood’s 2006 book the Eisenhower administration’s “new look” for the U.S. psychological warfare program, which

17 Jessica C.E. Gienow-Hecht summarized this scholarship well. See Gienow-Hecht, “Cultural Transfer,” in Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Michael Hogan and Thomas Paterson (Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 257-78. 18 Mel van Elteren, “Rethinking Americanization Abroad: Toward a Critical Alternative to Prevailing Paradigms,” The Journal of American Culture 29, no. 3 (2006): 347. 19 Nicholas Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy, 1945-1989 (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). - 14 - emphasized culture as a tool for “unattributed” propaganda.20 These studies remain useful because they describe in detail the objectives and strategies of US government agencies.

The details of music’s role in America’s Cold War diplomacy began to attract scholars’ attention from the 2000s. Penny Von Eschen (2004), Ingrid Monson (2007),

Lisa Davenport (2009), and Danielle Fosler-Lussier (2010) explored how African

American musicians served as Cold War cultural ambassadors with a uniquely American art form, jazz. They also explained how African American jazz musicians countered

Soviet claims about racial discrimination in the United States.21

Whereas the above-mentioned studies focused on jazz, Emily Abrams Ansari examined the role of Western classical music in America’s Cold War musical diplomacy in her Ph.D. dissertation (2009).22 Ansari’s article (2012) and Fosler-Lussier’s later work

(2015) describe the Cultural Presentations Program, through which the US government sent abroad not only African American jazz musicians but also musicians representing many different ethnicities and musical styles. In her 2012 article, Ansari examines the artistic and political activities of the Music Advisory Panel of the American National

Theatre and Academy (ANTA), which was charged by Eisenhower with the task of

20 Kenneth Osgood, Total Cold War: Eisenhower’s Secret Propaganda Battle at Home and Abroad (Lawrence, Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 2006). 21 Penny Von Eschen, Satchmo Blows Up the World: Jazz Ambassadors Play the Cold War (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 2004); Ingrid Monson, Freedom Sounds: Civil Rights Call Out to Jazz and Africa (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2007); Lisa Davenport, Jazz Diplomacy: Promoting America in the Cold War Era (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2009); Danielle Fosler-Lussier, “Cultural Diplomacy as Cultural Globalization: the University of Michigan Jazz Band in Latin America,” Journal of the Society for American Music 4, no. 1 (2010): 59-93. 22 Emily Abrams Ansari, “‘Masters of The President’s Music’: Cold War Composers and The United States Government” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2009). - 15 - selecting suitable performing groups for the Cultural Presentations Program.23

Investigating not only jazz but also Western classical music, religious music, and rock ’n’ roll, Fosler-Lussier’s book (2015) describes how the Cultural Presentations Program was carried out abroad.24

These studies mainly focused on music in US diplomacy during the Cold War, especially after the establishment of the USIA by the Eisenhower administration (1953); by contrast, Jennifer Campbell’s 2010 dissertation explores music in US-Latin American relations during World War II. Emphasizing the institutional and systematic connections between the cultural Cold War and the events that preceded it, Campbell claims that the

US Office of Inter-American Affairs (hereafter OIAA) and its Music Committee, established for countering Nazi propaganda in South America during World War II, became the model for America’s Cold War musical diplomacy later on.25

I agree with Campbell that US Cold War musical diplomacy was built on the music policies initiated during World War II. Nevertheless, OIAA was not the only agency conducting US wartime musical diplomacy. In her book (2013), Annegret Fauser investigated the Office of War Information (OWI). Established for information programs toward countries other than those in Latin America, the OWI hired musical specialists for

23 Emily Abrams Ansari, “Shaping the Policies of Cold War Musical Diplomacy: An Epistemic Community of American Composers,” Diplomatic History 36, no. 1 (2012): 41-52. 24 Danielle Fosler-Lussier, Music in America’s Cold War Diplomacy (Oakland: University of California Press, 2015). 25 Jennifer Campbell, “Shaping Solidarity: Music, Diplomacy, and Inter-American Relations, 1936-1946” (Ph.D. diss., University of Connecticut, 2010). - 16 - its overseas music propaganda during World War II.26 Fauser’s musicological research is mainly focused on the New York office of OWI’s overseas branch, which was in charge of Europe. By examining the activities of OWI’s office, which was in charge of , this dissertation extends our view in a new direction.27

This dissertation also joins a significant body of historical scholarship on US-

Korea relations. Since broke new ground by reconsidering the Korean

War in close relation with the United States, Anglophone scholars have fruitfully explored US-Korea relations and the strong influence of the United States in Korea’s economic development, , and national security.28 Although political systems, economy, and national security in US-Korea relations have been studied in some depth, cultural relations were rarely researched.

26 Annegret Fauser, Sounds of War: Music in the United States during World War II (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 77-93. 27 Musicological research on US interventions in Europe and Soviet Union has proliferated in the past few decades (see footnote 3). By contrast, only a few scholarly works treat US musical diplomacy in non- European countries. For US musical diplomacy in Latin America and Africa, see Campbell, “Shaping Solidarity”; Fosler-Lussier, “Cultural Diplomacy as Cultural Globalization”; Kendra Salois, “The US Department of State’s “Hip Hop Diplomacy” in ,” in Music and Diplomacy From The Early Modern Era To The Present, ed. Rebekah Ahrendt, Mark Ferraguto, and Damien Mahiet (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014), 231-249; Danielle Fosler-Lussier, “The Minnesota Orchestra Goes to : What Can Musicians Hope to Achieve?” The Conversation, 15 May 2015, http://theconversation.com/the- minnesota-orchestra-goes-to-cuba-what-can-musicians-hope-to-achieve- 41879?utm_source=facebook&utm_medium=facebookbutton; Mark Katz, “The Case for Hip-hop Diplomacy,” American Music Review 47, no. 2 ( 2017), http://www.brooklyn.cuny.edu/web/academics/centers/hitchcock/publications/amr/v46-2/katz.php# 28 Bruce Cumings, Origins of the Korean War, vol. 1, 1945-1947 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981). The subsequent literature is very large. Exemplary works include Ralph Cossa, ed., US- Korea-Japan Relations: Building Toward A “Virtual Alliance” (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1999); Brazinsky, Nation Building in South Korea; Katherine Moon, Protesting America: Democracy and the U.S.-Korea Alliance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012); Ryan Gibby, The Will to Win: American Military Advisors in Korea, 1946-1953 (Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2012); Walter Hudson, Army Diplomacy (Lexington: The University Press of Kentucky, 2015), 229-260; Sheila Miyoshi Jager, Brothers At War: The Unending Conflict in Korea, (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2013). - 17 -

It was not until the early 2000s that Anglophone scholars began to pay attention to the role of the arts and cultural facts in US-Korea relations. In an article entitled “The

Cultural Cold War in Korea, 1945-1950” (2003), Charles Armstrong investigated the roles of U.S. occupation authorities and Korean cultural producers under USAMGIK and the early phase of the Korean War. Addressing the origins of the postwar political polarization in the Korean cultural arena, Armstrong urged scholars to reconsider the cultural Cold War, for in the East Asian context people experienced a much “hotter” Cold

War than any other place in the world.29 Together with other pioneering scholarly works on the cultural Cold War in East Asia, this article extended the field beyond precedents that had been overwhelmingly concerned with the European “theater.”30

Whereas Armstrong’s article is focused on the impact of American culture in

Korea, recently scholars began powerfully to how US-Korea relations have changed domestic issues and social structures within the United States. In a 2015 article,

Susie Woo discusses the US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir of 1954, which was part of a large-scale postwar relief campaign between South Korea and the United States, in the broader context of domestic race relations of the United States. In this article, Woo argues that by foregrounding healthy choristers singing in modern concert halls, the

29 Charles Armstrong, “The Cultural Cold War in Korea, 1945-1950,” Journal of Asian Studies 61, no.1 (2003): 71-99. 30 For example, John Dower, Embracing Defeat: Japan in the Wake of World War II (New York: W.W. Norton and Co., 1999); Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945- 1961 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003); Shunya Yoshimi, “‘America’ as Desire and Violence: Americanization in Postwar Japan and Asia during the Cold War,” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 4, no. 3 (2003): 433-450. - 18 -

Korean Children’s Choir replaced the image of Korean children stereotyped as frail war orphans amid rubble with that of Korean children as worthwhile adoptees for American families.31

In a similar vein, Arissa Oh’s book (2015) documents the -

American adoption in relation to “GI babies,” racially mixed babies born as a result of the

US occupation of Korea as well as American efforts to Christianize Asia in the Cold War context.32 As Christina Klein argues, the Cold War demanded a global “ world” integration, especially with Asian countries; thus, professions of racial tolerance and inclusiveness became a staple of Cold War political rhetoric led by the United States.

This rhetoric in turn played a significant role in supporting racial integration in the United

States.33

Meanwhile, Anglophone musicological studies on US-Korea relations during the

Cold War have also proliferated. Roald Maliangkay, Hyunjoon Shin and Tung-hung Ho have fruitfully examined the influence of US military bases in South Korea on the South

Korean popular music scene and the .34 Korean musicologists have delved

31 Susie Woo, “Imagining Kin: Cold War Sentimentalism and the Korean Children’s Choir,” American Quarterly 67, no.1 (2015): 25-53. 32 Arissa Oh, To Save the Children of Korea: The Cold War Origins of International Adoption (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2015). 33 Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945-1961 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003), 41-56; Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy, (Princeton, : Princeton University Press, 2011), 7-15. 34 For example, Roald Maliangkay, “Supporting Our Boys: American Military Entertainment and Korean in the and Early 1960s,” in Korean Pop Music: Riding the Wave, ed. Keith Howard (Folkestone, Kent: Global Oriental, 2006), 21-33; Hyunjoon Shin and Tung-hung Ho, “Translation of ‘America’ during the Early Cold War Period: A Comparative Study on the History of Popular Music in South Korea and ,” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 10, no. 1 (2009): 83-201; Hyunjoon Shin and Sŭng-a - 19 - into music under USAMGIK since the late .35 However, these studies have been limited to investigating documents or printed music written by Korean musicians.

Whereas the above-mentioned studies have mainly focused on the Cold War era, some scholars have explored culture in US-Korea relations during the colonial period.36

Among them, Hyun Kyong ’s Ph.D. dissertation (2014) traces Protestant choral music in Korea as a site for Koreans’ experience of modernity from its introduction by

American in the early 20th century to the Cold War era and beyond. As the sole musicological study foregrounding US-Korea relations and documenting the role of

American missionaries in Japan-occupied Korea, Chang’s dissertation enriched scholarship on culture in US-Korea relations.

Despite the decisive role of American missionaries in spreading Western music in

Korea, American missionaries and Protestant churches were not the only channel for

Yi, ed., Made in Korea: Studies in Popular Music, (New York, NY; Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2017), 15-22. 35 There are more than 30 scholarly works written in Korean on music in USAMGIK. Among them, Tong- ŭn No’s pioneering research opened the door for musicological research on this period. See Tong-ŭn No, “Haebang kwa Pulli Konggan ŭi Ŭmaksa Yŏn’gu 1” [A History of Korean Music, 1945-1950, Vol. 1], Nagmanŭmak 1 (1988): 37-109; Tong-ŭn No, “Haebang kwa Pulli Konggan ŭi Ŭmaksa Yŏn’gu 2” [A History of Korean Music, 1945-1950, Vol. 2], Nagmanŭmak 2 (1989): 4-140; Tong-ŭn No, “Haebang kwa Pulli Konggan ŭi Ŭmaksa Yŏn’gu 3” [A History of Korean Music, 1945-1950, Vol. 3], Nagmanŭmak 3 (1989): 4-183. 36 For example, Albert L. Park, “A Sacred Economy of Value and Production: Capitalism and in Early Modern Korea (1885-1919)”; Kyusik Chang, “ and Civil Society in Colonial Korea: The Civil Society Movement of Cho Man-sik and the P’yŏngyang YMCA against Japanese Colonialism,” Garrett L. Washington, “Preaching Modern Japan: National Imaginaries and Protestant Sermons in and Taishō ,” all in Albert Park and David Yoo, eds., Encountering Modernity: Christianity in East Asia and Asian America (Honolulu, : University of Hawaii Press, 2014), 19-46, 119-139, 197-223; Hyun Kyong Chang, “Musical Encounters in Korean Christianity: A Trans-Pacific Narrative” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, , 2014), 13-63; Dae Young Ryu, “To Build a New Korea: The Political Campaign of Two Protestant Newspapers in Late Joseon Korea,” Journal of Church and State 57, no. 4 (2015): 731-751. - 20 - circulation of American music in Japanese-occupied Korea. This dissertation points out significant continuities between music introduced by Christian missionaries and later musical efforts; and it describes the use of recorded media and broadcasting as means of moving music into Korea. By seeking continuities in US musical propaganda in Korea from 1941 to 1960—World War II to the early Cold War—this dissertation joins a body of scholarship that highlights correlations between colonialism and Cold War in East

Asia.37

It is surprising that scholars have rarely paid attention to peripheral countries’ cultural diplomacy toward superpowers. As mentioned above, scholarship on musical diplomacy has been overwhelmingly focused on US or Soviet interventions in Europe during the Cold War. The musical diplomacy of the United States and Soviet Union themselves are comparatively well-studied; but only a few studies have been conducted on Cold War cultural diplomacy of Western powers, such as Britain and Germany, in the effort to contain Communism.38 Insisting that cultural diplomacy is not an exclusive tactic of superpowers or of Western powers, this dissertation urges scholars to turn their eyes toward peripheral countries’ cultural strategies in foreign diplomacy. As I discuss in

37 Kuan-Hsing , Asia as Method: Toward Deimperialization (Durham: University, 2010); Shunya Yoshimi, Shinbei to Hanbei [Americanism and Anti-Americanism] (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2007); Hyunjoon Shin and Tung-hung Ho, “Translation of ‘America’ during the Early Cold War Period: A Comparative Study on the History of Popular Music in South Korea and Taiwan,” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 10, no. 1 (2009): 83-201. 38 Richard Aldrich, “Putting Culture into the Cold War: The Cultural Relations Department (CRD) and British Covert Information Warfare,” Intelligence and National Security 18, no. 2 (2003): 109-133; Mario Dunkel, “‘Jazz—Made in Germany’ and the Transatlantic Beginnings of Jazz Diplomacy,” in Music and Diplomacy from the Early Modern Era to the Present, eds., Ahrendt, Ferraguto, and Mahiet, 147-168. - 21 - chapter 3, the South Korean government actively initiated musical diplomacy toward the

United States for its own benefit in the 1950s. Thus, this dissertation makes the case that

American music spread rapidly in South Korea not merely as a triumph of US music propaganda but also as an outcome of the use of music in the South Korean government’s negotiations with the United States.

- 22 -

Chapter 1:

Music in US-Korea Relations Before Japan’s Surrender to the Allied Forces

In 1942, US president Franklin Roosevelt established a new agency, the Office of

War Information (hereafter OWI).39 During World War II, the OWI transmitted short- wave radio programs directly from the United States to Korea for propaganda purposes.

These radio programs were composed mainly of Korean-language news followed by music.40 At the time, Korea was still a colony of Japan. This radio propaganda aimed to encourage Korea’s independence movement against Japan and subvert Japanese colonial rule in Korea. Often entitled “Liberty Bell,” a symbol of independence in the United

States, these Korean-language radio programs described the United States as a country fighting for justice against brutal Nazism and Japanese colonialism and supporting

Korea’s independence.41 Heralding Japan’s defeat, the musical repertoire in these radio programs also cultivated familiarity with Western music, particularly with novel and hybrid forms of American music. Much of the musical repertoire of the OWI’s radio programs transmitted to Korea consisted of European classical music as well as light

39 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, 13-16. 40 For example, Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts (preservation and playback copies copied from original OWI glass-based acetate discs), RWE 0560, 0561, 0563, 0564. 41 Ibid., RWE 0564. - 23 - orchestral music with a blend of American popular elements.42

The musical repertoire in America’s wartime radio propaganda is significant in the reception history of American music in Korea because the OWI’s radio broadcasts were the only channel by which Korean people could access American music in wartime under the strict censorship of the Japanese Government General of Korea.43 The OWI did not introduce Western music to Korean people for the first time. Koreans had begun to receive Western music as well as Christian through American missionaries decades before, in the 1880s; and American jazz had gained popularity in Korea during the 1930s.44 However, after the United States entered the war in 1941, Japanese colonial officials forbade American music as enemy music.45 Even under the strict ban, short- wave radio allowed the OWI to reach Korean audiences, evading Japanese surveillance in

Korea. Thus, the musical repertoire in the OWI radio broadcasts served as the main way for Korean citizens to experience American music during the war. As all other sources and channels for American music were blocked, the musical repertoire in the OWI’s radio broadcasts effectively represented American culture and contributed to building the new image of the United States as a generous and powerful international leader to Korean

42 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts, RWE 0560, 0561, 0563, 0564. 43 See Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje e Kwanhan Yŏn’gu,” 381-427; Mark Caprio, Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945 (: University of Washington Press, 2009), 141- 170. 44 Yu-chŏng Chang, “T’ŭrŏmp’et Yŏnjuja Hyŏn Kyŏng-sŏp ŭi Sam kwa 20-segi Chŏnban’gi Chaejŭ e ŭi Yŏlmang” [Trumpeter, Gyeon-seop’s Life and Desire for Jazz in the First Half of the 20th Century], Taejung Ŭmak [Korean Popular Music] 15 (2015): 102-5; Chang, “Musical Encounters in Korean Christianity,” 34-51. 45 Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje e Kwanhan Yŏn’gu,” 388. - 24 - listeners. Following strong verbal messages which emphasized America’s “generosity” and “justice” against the Axis powers and colonialism, orchestral music in the OWI’s radio broadcasts countered the Axis’ description of American culture, especially jazz, as low-brow or debased culture.46

In this US wartime radio propaganda toward colonial Korea, the primary US target was Japan. At the same time, the brutality of Japanese colonialism in Korea and the anti-Japanese sentiments of Korean people offered important subject matter for US propaganda toward Korea. During the war, the Japanese Government General of Korea pursued the most severe cultural assimilation policy of its 35-year history. The Japanese eradicated the Korean language, forced Korean people to change their names to Japanese names, and mobilized Korean women as Japanese military sex slaves.47 The Japanese

Government General of Korea censored Christian hymns as well as American music.

Censoring Christian music was important because the majority of Christian missionaries in Korea were from the United States; Korean churches had supported Korean nationalist and independence movements; and refused to worship the Japanese or worship at shrines, in spite of the policy of .48 Thus, anti-Japanese sentiment spread rapidly among Korean people, and the OWI did not miss the chance to

46 Fauser, Sounds of War, 86. 47 Caprio, Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 142; Joshua Pilzer, “Music and Dance in the Japanese Military ‘’ System,” Women and Music: A Journal of Gender and Culture 18, (2014): 6-8. 48 Ok-pae Mun, “Ilje Kangjŏmgi Chosŏnch’ongdokpu ŭi Ch’ansongga T’ongje” [The Japanese Government General of Korea’s censorship of Christian hymns], in Han’guk Kyohoe Ŭmakssa [The history of church music in Korea] (Seoul: Yesol, 2011), http://www.dbpia.co.kr/Article/2848896. - 25 - use it for propaganda. An internal memorandum from the Overseas Branch of the OWI, dated 19 September 1944, reports on the OWI’s plan for the :

[Compared to European countries] It will be more important to explain to

the peoples of Asia why we have been so long in coming to liberate them,

to instruct them on problems likely to arise during the period of US

military occupation and post-war rehabilitation. We need to assure them,

in order to counter Japanese charges, that we have no territorial ambitions

in their countries […] We must tell how we can help them, particularly in

the field of relief and rehabilitation, without leading them to expect too

much. Without meddling in their internal political affairs, we must give

them a picture of how American democracy works, […] of what

Americans are thinking about the post-war world and American

responsibilities for the maintenance of peace and security.49

The OWI tried to persuade Korean people that the United States was not a predator like

Japan, but a “helper” who fought for liberation in the Japan-occupied region. To win East

Asians’ trust, the OWI emphasized that the United States had no desire to colonize their countries, contrasting US hegemony with Japanese colonial exploitation.50 The OWI

49 The Overseas Branch of the Office of War Information, Memorandum, 19 September 1944, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-45, Box 5, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 50 The Korean language news transmitted by the OWI to Korea on 17 April 1945 emphasized the brutality of the Japanese and the Nazis, attributing the causes of the war to the Japanese and the Germans, and claimed that the United States was fighting against injustice. Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, RWE 0564. - 26 - propagated the idea that the United States was intervening in the region for the maintenance of “peace” and “security.” The United States’ history suggested otherwise: it had ruled the from 1898 to 1946. Indeed, the United States would occupy

Japan for seven years (1945-1952) and South Korea for three years (1945-1948) after the end of World War II. Meanwhile, the Soviet Army’s Soviet Civil Authority and the

Provisionary People’s Committee established itself in . When the empire of

Japan surrendered to the Allied Forces (August 1945), the end of World War II became the beginning of the Cold War in “decolonized” Korea. The imperialist ambition of the

United States was deeply implicated in Korea’s from Japan. As Kuan-

Hsing Chen argues, “the Cold War mediated old colonialism and new (US) imperialism.”51

The research of David Scott invites us to consider the governmentality of US neo- imperialism during this transitional period.52 Highlighting modern power’s relation to

Enlightenment reason, Scott alerts us to “the point of application of modern power” that

“is not so much the body of the sovereign’s subject as the conditions in which that body is to live and define its life.”53 As we saw in the above excerpt from the OWI’s plan for

51 Kuan-Hsing Chen, Asia as Method: Toward Deimperialization (Durham: , 2010), 8. 52 Following Colin Gordon, I define “governmentality” as an “art of government.” Given that Michel Foucault considered “government” “as an activity or practice,” and “arts of government” “as ways of knowing what that activity consisted in, and how it might be carried on,” Colin Gordon argues that “a governmentality will thus mean a way or system of thinking about the nature of the practice of government (who can govern; what governing is; what or who is governed), capable of making some form of that activity thinkable and practicable both to its practitioners and to those upon whom it was practiced.” See Colin Gordon, “Governmental Rationality: An Introduction,” in The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality, ed. Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller (: The Press, 1991), 1-3. 53 David Scott, “Colonial Governmentality,” Social Text 43, (Autumn, 1995): 199. - 27 - the Far East, the United States assured Koreans that the United States worked for the liberation of Korea and the maintenance of peace and security in order to instill American democracy in Korea. That is to say, the OWI radio broadcasts made a bid for power over

Korean people, but not through direct and violent control of Korean bodies or lands, as the Japanese did. Rather, the OWI sought supremacy over Korea through persuasion. US neo-imperialism aimed to construct new conditions in which Korean people lived and defined their lives.

Focusing on the governmentality of US imperialism, this chapter examines the role of music in Korea-US relations from the establishment of the first treaty between

Korea and the United States to the end of the Japanese colonial period. In it, I explore how media, institutes, and agencies built the musical relationship between the two countries and investigate the musical impacts on Korean society. I begin with the early history of musical relations between Korea and the United States, describing music in

Korea before the first US radio propaganda was transmitted to Korea. I then describe the origins of US radio propaganda toward Korea and the agencies that initiated America’s overseas wartime music propaganda in the region, with attention to music’s role in the

OWI’s radio programs transmitted to Korea. Finally, this chapter closes with a discussion of continuities in US imperialism between the colonial and the Cold War eras.

- 28 -

Music in Korea from 1882 to the Japanese Colonial Period

The musical relationship between the United States and Korea (Joseon ) began at the end of the 19th century. When Korea and the United States signed the treaty of peace, amity, commerce, and navigation in 1882, Korea opened its doors to the United

States for the first time. This treaty allowed American missionaries to visit Korea for the propagation of Christianity, and the missionaries played a significant role in bringing

Western music into Korea. In 1885, Henry G. Appenzella and Horace G. Underwood came to Korea and established the first Western hospitals and schools in Korea.

American missionaries also spread Protestant hymns in Korea along with the gospel. The diffusion of Protestant hymns by American missionaries paved the way for other Western music to enter Korea.54

The first hymnbook including scores in Western notation was published by

Underwood in Korea in 1894. Entitled Ch’anyangga (Hymns), this hymnbook included

117 hymns for Korean Presbyterian churches. These were American hymns and gospel songs, translated into Korean. Among the most popular hymns in Korea at the time were

“ Loves Me,” written by the American William Bradbury, and “Bethany” by Lowell Mason, a leading figure in American church music. At the churches and private schools that American missionaries established, missionaries taught Korean

54 Chang, “Musical Encounters in Korean Christianity,” 13-63; Kyŏng-ch’an Min, Chŏn Chang, Hiroshi Yasuda, In- Ryu, and Sŏng-chun Kim. Tongasia Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong [Reception of Western Music in East Asia] (Seoul: Ŭmaksegye, 2008), 19. - 29 - people how to play the organ, sing using Western vocal methods, and read European music notation.55

Until the East sea dries and Mt. Baekdu wears will protect and preserve us, long live our nation! The whole of Korea filled with roses of Sharon, such a glorious land Great Korean people, let’s stay true to the great Korean way

Figure 1.1. Aegukka (Korean National Anthem with melody of “Auld Lang Syne”). From Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 53.

55 Kyŏng-ch’an Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 16-25; Yu-sŏn Yi, Han’guk Yang’ak Paengnyŏnsa [100 Years of Western Music History in Korea] (Seoul: Ŭmakch’unch’usa, 1985), 137-40. - 30 -

Influenced by Protestant hymns and Western music spread by American missionaries, from around 1896, Korean people began to write their own lyrics in the

Korean language. They added Korean lyrics to the or Western folk melodies. The first national anthem in Korean history was a song that borrowed the melody of a Scottish folk song and hymn, “Auld Lang Syne” (figure 1.1). From the late 19th century, not only

Koreans but also wrote lyrics reflecting their lives to the tunes of

Western folk songs, hymns, or newly composed music. This type of music is called

Ch’angga.56

During this period, foreign powers pressed the to open the country. Factional strife between reformists and conservatives made the country chaotic.57 King Gojong strived to keep his power. As part of this efforts, at the suggestion of Korean Ambassador Min Yŏng-hwan and other Korean delegates who participated in the coronation of the last Russian emperor, Nikolai II, Gojong issued imperial ordinance number 59, organizing the first Western military band in Korea in December 1900.58

Gojong hired (1852-1916) who, as a former military band master of the

German armed forces, had helped develop the military band of the .59

King Gojong imported the Western military band system to show the solidity of his military forces and demonstrate Korea’s strong will to fend off foreign powers.

56 Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 50. 57 Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 86-138. Appendix A shows the key events in Korea from the late 19th century to the first republic of Korea. 58 Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 26. 59 Pang-song Song, Han’gukŭmakt’ongsa [Korean Traditional Music History] (Seoul: Minsokwŏn, 2007), 572. - 31 -

The Western military band of the Korean empire used , piccolos, oboes, clarinets, saxophones, , tubas, triangles, drums, glockenspiel, tambourines, and cymbals. The musical repertoire included the national anthems of Korea, Japan, Britain, the United States, , Germany, , Austria, the Philippines, and , as well as

European and American marches. As Korea signed the Japan-Korea Treaty in 1905, however, Korea became a “protectorate” of the empire of Japan.60 When the armed forces of the Korean empire disbanded in 1907, the military band was also dissolved.61

In 1910, the empire of Japan colonized Korea. Musical life in Korea changed dramatically. The Japanese occupiers banned Korean music that reflected Korean people’s lives and their patriotism, including Korean traditional songs.62 Instead, the

Japanese forced Korean people to sing the national anthem of Japan, Kimigayo, and through public schools they disseminated music praising the empire of Japan (figure

1.2).63

60 For Korean history during this period, see Bruce Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun: A Modern History, updated ed., (New York: W.W. Norton, 2005), 94-147. 61 Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 24-31. 62 Pang-song Song, Han’gyŏre Ŭmak Taesajŏn [Han’gyŏre Encyclopedia of Music] (Paju, Kyonggi: Pogosa, 2012), online edition, http://terms.naver.com/entry.nhn?docId=1950195&cid=42607&categoryId=42607; Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje e Kwanhan Yŏn’gu,” 393-95. 63 Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 49, 61-62. Figure 1.2 is from Chōsen Sōtokuhufu [The Japanese Government General of Korea], Mikuni no Uta [Songs of our Country] (Kyŏngsŏng: Chōsen Sōtokuhufu, 1939), 1. Quoted in No. 0185K03264, Ehwa Music Database, www.Emusicdb.info. The translation of the Japanese lyrics into English is from Namiko Abe, “Kimigayo: Japanese National Anthem,” ThoughtCo, 29 March 2017, https://www.thoughtco.com/japanese-national-anthem-kimigayo- 2028070. - 32 -

May the reign of the Emperor Continue for a thousand, nay, eight thousand And for the eternity that it takes For small pebbles to grow into a great rock And become covered with moss.

Figure 1.2. Kimigayo, mm.1-8

In the textbooks imposed in Korea during this time, most of the songs were

Japanese Ch’angga.64 More than 90 percent of Japanese Ch’angga were composed to be accompanied by piano or reed organ in major or keys. However, as in Kimigayo

(figure 1.2), most of the melodies emphasized Yonanuki scales, major or minor scales without the fourth and seventh scale degrees, reflecting a widely used in

East Asia.65 The hybrid musical characteristics of Japanese Ch’angga that is based

64 Ch’angga is Shōka in Japanese. Shōka is known as school songs in Japan. See Noriko Manabe, “Songs of Japanese School Children during World War II,” in The Oxford Handbook of Children’s Musical Cultures, Oxford University Press, 13 December 2012, http://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199737635.013.0006; Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 50-55. 65 Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 49, 61-62. - 33 - both on Western and East Asian musical elements became widespread in Korea. As a musical hallmark uniquely shared between Japan and its former , popular music based on the Yonanuki scale along with Western instrumentation and chord progressions has been composed by Korean musicians and widely accepted in Korea from the

Japanese colonial period to the present (figure 1.3).66

Miss Ko, Miss Ko, I loved you. You stayed with me just for a short time and left me. But, I cannot forget you. You loved like a poet and left like a poet.

Figure 1.3. Missŭgo (Miss Ko), a song based on the Yonanuki scale, mm. 1-8.

As Iwabuchi Koichi argues, Japan “de-essentialized a pure and traditional Japan but re- essentialized an impure, Westernized, and civilized Japan” to justify Japanese cultural

66 Kyŏng-cha Pak, “Han’guk Taejunggayo e Natanan Ilbonŭmgye ŭi Koch’al” [A Study of the Yonanuki Scale Used in Korean Popular Song], Han’guk Ŭmakhak Nonjip [The Journal of the Society for Korean Historical Musicology] 2, (1994): 533-75. Figure 1.3., the Korean popular song, “Missŭgo” [Miss Ko], is from Akpogage, http://www.musicscore.co.kr. - 34 - assimilationism in its colonies.67 In the process of Japan’s “de-essentialization and re- essentialization,” not only Western music but also hybrid music like Japanese Ch’angga emerged and grew into a unique musical genre shared between Japan and its colonies.

The pine and forests in the back mountains are alone . Having survived the snow covering the dew to keep their integrity. Likewise, young Koreans will overcome the hardships and difficulties. Let’s keep moving forward.

Figure 1.4. Sujŏl (Fidelity), mm. 1-8, sung to the tune of Stephen Foster’s “Old Folks at Home.”

On the other hand, Koreans involved in the Korean independence movement began to compose and sing songs called Tongnipkun’ga (songs of Korean independence).

Fighters within the Korean independence movement wrote lyrics denouncing Japanese colonial rule: these could be sung either to the tunes of Western folk songs, hymns,

Japanese Ch’angga, or to melodies composed by Korean people. Henry Work’s “

67 Iwabuchi Koichi, “Pure Impurity: Japan’s Genius for Hybridism,” Communal/Plural 6, no. 1 (1998): 82. - 35 -

March,” which was used as an American patriotic song during the , and Stephen Foster’s “Old Folks at Home” were among the melodies borrowed by fighters for their Tongnipkun’ga (figure 1.4).68 The music of Figure 1.4 thus has a curious and circuitous history: written by American composer Stephen Foster and performed in minstrel shows in the mid and late 19th century, it was sung by Korean independence fighters against Japanese colonialism in in the early 20th century.69

The music industry in Korea was another site for diversifying the Korean music scene. US and European missionaries introduced the phonograph to Korean people for the first time at the end of the 19th century. American record companies Columbia

Records (1907) and RCA Victor (1908) began releasing Korean traditional music as gramophone records. During the Japanese colonial period, a Japanese record company called Ilbonch’ukŭmgisanghoe (Nipponophone Co., Ltd.) dominated the Korean record market. Nipponophone began to record Korean music from September 1911 and sold the recordings from 1912 on. The musical repertoire included Korean traditional music, hymns written in the Korean language, and Ch’angga. Japanese people in Korea established a Korean branch of Nippon Columbia affiliated with America’s Columbia records in 1928 and a Korean branch of the Victor Company of Japan in 1929. They

68 Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 67-74. Figure 1.4 is from Kwangsŏng Middle School, Ch’oesin Ch’anggajip Puakchŏn [A New Collection of Ch’angga], (Manchu: Kwangsŏng Middle School, 1914), 51. Quoted in No. 0988K20828, Ehwa Music Database, www.Emusicdb.info (accessed 4 February 2018). 69 Matthew Shaftel, “Singing a New Song: Stephen Foster and the New American Minstrelsy,” 1, no. 2 (summer 2007): 19-27, http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/mp.9460447.0001.203. - 36 - released European classical music, including Fritz Kreisler’s “Liebesfreud” (Love’s Joy),

Franz Schubert’s “Serenade,” and Robert Schumann’s “Träumerei.”70

Recording companies in Korea also recorded songs composed by Koreans in the of German Lieder, called Kagok.71 Kagok was a secular song form that emerged in Korea in the 1920s. Kagok melodies are based on Western major or minor scales, and their chord progressions are based on functional harmony. However, the lyrics reflect

Korean people’s lives and patriotism.72 Modeled on the characteristics of German Lieder and influenced by North American Protestant hymnody, Kagok has been associated with the elite concert-going audience from its birth to the present.73

American jazz also flowed into the Korean music scene during the 1920s and the

1930s. Chang Yu-Chŏng says that in 1929, Whiteman’s records were imported into

Korea.74 In the 1930s, many Korean singers remade American jazz and released albums.

In 1936, Louis Armstrong’s “Saint Louis Blues” was remade by Korean Kim

Yong-hwan, entitled “Mujŏnghan Saram” (a cold-hearted man). In 1939, the Korean

Regal Record Company released “Sing Sing Sing,” a remake of Benny Goodman’s song of that title. This song was arranged by Japanese musician Ryōichi Hattori and accompanied by a orchestra. Korean lyrics were put to the music and it was

70 Min et al., Tongasia wa Sŏyangŭmak ŭi Suyong, 118-26. 71 Ibid., 123-5 72 Ibid., 103-5. 73 Hyun Kyong Chang, “Exilic Suffering: Music, Nation, and Protestantism in Cold War South Korea,” Music and Politics 8, no. 1 (Winter 2014): 18, 21, http://dx.doi.org/10.3998/mp.9460447.0008.105. 74 Chang, “T’ŭrŏmp’et Yŏnjuja Hyŏn Kyŏng-sŏp,” 109; Korea Record Archive, Rhapsody in , RCA Victor 35822, http://www.sparchive.co.kr/v2/ - 37 - sung by Korean popular musician Son Mok-in.75 By the end of the 1930s, American jazz was familiar to many Korean people.76

In 1939, however, the United States declared its support for against

Germany, and the empire of Japan explicitly expressed its disdain for the United

States.77As Japan’s anti-British and American sentiments ran high, in the second week of

October in 1940 the State Department evacuated US nationals in East Asia, except US diplomatic officials in US embassies. Thus, American missionaries who had contributed to spreading Western and American music returned from Korea to the United States.78

After the broke out (1941), the Japanese Government General of Korea banned American music as enemy music in Korea.79 During wartime, the channels through which Korean people had previously accessed American music were broken.

Origins of US Radio Propaganda Abroad

Despite the strict Japanese censorship of American music in Korea, the US government made a breakthrough in reaching Korean listeners. Shortwave radio made it possible to transmit radio programs directly from the United States to Korea. Of all the known documents describing the US government’s radio broadcasts in the Korean

75 Chang, “T’ŭrŏmp’et Yŏnjuja Hyŏn Kyŏng-sŏp,” 102-5. 76 Ibid., 116-7. 77 Chong-ch’ŏl An, Miguk Sŏn’gyosa wa Hanmikwankye, 1931-1948 [American missionaries and Korea- US relations, 1931-1948] (Seoul: Institute of the History of , 2010), 176-77. 78 Ibid. 79 Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje e Kwanhan Yŏn’gu,” 388. - 38 - language, the oldest is an article in Sinhan minbo, a Korean newspaper published by the

Korean National Association in San Francisco, CA. This newspaper reported that the

Office of Coordinator of Information (COI) broadcast a Korean-language radio program on 25 December 1941, a few weeks after Japan’s (7 December

1941).80

Whereas the US government had paid little attention to Korea, Japan’s Pearl

Harbor attack motivated COI staff to go to San Francisco and organize there a new office for the purpose of broadcasting to countries in the Pacific and the Far East.

Lawrence Blochman, who later became the chair of OWI’s Overseas Radio Bureau, was part of this effort.81 In addition, Syngman Rhee, who was the chairman of the Korean

Commission in Washington, DC, pursued the Korean Provisional Government’s interests, and later became the first president of the Republic of Korea, wrote a letter to Stanley K.

Hornbeck, the chief of the East Asian Affairs Division of the State Department two days after Japan’s Pearl Harbor attack. In this letter, Rhee emphasized that “the Koreans were seeking every opportunity to serve the cause of the United States in the war against

80 “Letter from Jay Jerome Williams to Stimson, Secretary of War,” 4 February 1943, Sinhan minbo in Pyŏng-chun Chŏn, Unam Yi Sŏng-man Yŏn’gu [A study on Syngman Rhee] (Seoul: Yŏksabip’yŏngsa, 2005), 420. 81 Draft of the First Historical Report on the Radio Program Bureau, p. 7; Lawrence Blochman, “Radio Program Bureau Progress Report from May 15 to June 15, 1944,” p. 12, all in Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. - 39 -

Japan.”82 Syngman Rhee’s letter helped attract America’s attention to colonial Korea as a target country for propaganda.

The COI that transmitted the first US radio program toward Korea was established by the Roosevelt administration in July 1941, before the United States entered the war. There was a precedent for the COI’s activities: as Jennifer Campbell has pointed out, the Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) had already been using radio in international propaganda. OIAA, established by the Roosevelt administration in June

1940, aimed extensive propaganda toward Latin America.83 Latin America seemed to be a significant strategic area: the United States aimed to better protect the Panama Canal, contain the influence of the Axis powers, and optimize the production of goods for the war effort. Although the United States did not enter the war until December 1941, the success of German armies in Western Europe made Axis propaganda toward Latin

America potentially influential.84 Thus, the Roosevelt administration made an effort to counter the Axis powers in Latin America by establishing OIAA, with Nelson A.

Rockefeller an active participant. Radio activities developed rapidly in OIAA.85

Supported by OIAA’s Music Committee, American musical troupes such as the Yale

Glee Club and the League of Composers Wind Quintet toured the Latin America.86 OIAA

82 Hong-Kyu Park, “From Pearl Harbor to Cairo: America’s Korean Diplomacy, 1941-43,” Diplomatic History 13, no. 3 (Summer 1989): 345. 83 Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 3-5; Jennifer Campbell, “Shaping Solidarity,” 11. 84 Campbell, “Shaping Solidarity,” 54-58. 85 Ibid; Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 3-5. 86 Campbell, “Shaping Solidarity,” 58-61, 96-120. - 40 - also recorded radio music programs, mainly composed of American orchestral music, and broadcast them to Latin America.87

As more and more nations were drawn into the war, the United States established the COI to realign and expand its intelligence activities from Latin America to Europe,

Asia, and Africa. The intelligence and propaganda agency in the COI, the Foreign

Information Service (FIS), was in charge of foreign radio propaganda.88 From the first months of 1942, announcers on COI radio programs toward Europe began using the term

“Voice of America.” This wording became the origin of Voice of America (VOA), one of the most significant broadcasting channels run by the US government for propaganda during the Cold War.89 In June 1942, Roosevelt established a new information agency, the Office of War Information (OWI), for the reformation of the US intelligence system.

OWI would operate until the end of the war.90 The COI’s Foreign Information Service

(FIS) became the OWI’s Overseas Branch. Nevertheless, the term Voice of America was not used for the OWI’s Korean-language radio programs during the war. Instead of the term VOA, the OWI often entitled Korean language radio programs “Liberty Bell” in order to emphasize Korea’s liberation from Japan. These Korean-language radio programs were mainly composed of news followed by music.91

87 Radio Division, “Project Authorization,” no. B-RA-1715, Sound Recording Series folder 16, General Records, Central Files, Box 284, Record Group 229, Record of the Office of Inter-American Affairs, NARA. 88 Ibid., 3-20. 89 Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 57. 90 Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency, 13-16. 91 E.H. Miller, “Korea I. (Phillipines),” Script, Recorded on 16 1944, Box 406, Bureau of Overseas Intelligence, Central Files, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA; Only a - 41 -

The officials of the OWI gathered information for their intelligence activities abroad from American repatriates who came back to the United States from East Asian countries during the war.92 The OWI also surveyed prisoners of war: for example, the agency gathered information about the musical preferences of German war prisoners.

Based on this information, the radio program bureau devised music programs that would be transmitted toward Germany.93 There were also Korean people among the war prisoners. Most of them were soldiers who were forced to join Japanese military forces fighting against the Allied Forces and then were captured by US soldiers. The OWI surveyed these Korean war prisoners to investigate Korean public opinion about Japan and the United States. Many of the Korean war prisoners did not hesitate to show their animosity toward Japanese people. US officials selected some of these Korean prisoners of war to participate in US propaganda activities in the OWI. These Koreans were in charge of promoting Korean opposition to the Japanese in , Korea, the Philippines and Japan. These prisoners and other refugees staffed the foreign language desks of the

few of sound recordings of Korean language program transmitted by the OWI toward Korea have remained through the war. For example, Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts, RWE 0560, 0561, 0563, 0564. 92 Bureau of Overseas Intelligence, “Report from Gripsholm Passengers (arrived in New York, August 25, 1942),” 14 December 1942, Box 441; Foreign Morale Analysis Division, “Suggestions for Employing Koreans Captured from the Japanese (based on a brief survey of 99 Korean prisoners of war segregated at Camp McCoy, Wisconsin),” 30 March 1945, Box 224, all in Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. Gripsholm was an ocean liner used to bring US citizens home when the United States exchanged Japanese nationals for US citizens from 1942 to 1946. For the civilian prisoner exchanges between the United States and Japan Gripsholm, see Bruce Elleman, Japanese-American Civilian Prisoner Exchanges and Detention Camps, 1941-45 (London; New York: Routledge, 2016), 31-51. 93 Radio Program Bureau, “Types of Music Preferred by German Prisoners of War,” 24 January 1945, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. - 42 -

OWI, not least because it was very hard to find Americans who spoke foreign languages fluently enough for broadcasting.94

In September 1942, the OWI built large studios and facilities for overseas radio broadcasting, which became the basic configuration for the VOA radio broadcasts later on.95 By the end of 1942, OWI produced about 130 new programs every week for overseas radio broadcast.96 In 1944, music programs including NBC Symphony, New York

Philharmonic, Music Festivals of America (Bach Festival and Mozart Festivals), Music of the New World (New England), Metropolitan Diamond Jubilee, and Music of Latin

America Series filled a large portion of the OWI’s radio broadcasts in Europe.97 Thus,

OWI initiated a program that disseminated a great deal of music abroad.

Bureaus and Divisions for Overseas Radio Broadcasting in the OWI

The OWI’s intelligence and information activities were not limited to its overseas radio broadcasting. The OWI was a large government agency in which many sub- bureaus, divisions, and offices worked together. Their tasks included surveying public opinion abroad, educating war prisoners to work for the OWI’s intelligence activities,

94 Bureau of Overseas Intelligence, Foreign Morale Analysis Division, “Suggestions for Employing Koreans Captured from The Japanese (based on a brief survey of 99 Korean prisoners of war segregated at Camp McCoy, Wisconsin),” 30 March 1945, p. 4, 22, Box 224, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 95 Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 64. 96 Ibid., 70. 97 Radio Outpost Division, “Output for Week Ending July 1st, 1944,” Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. - 43 - producing and disseminating printed materials such as leaflets and books and motion pictures, and producing domestic radio broadcasts for US citizens.98

The OWI’s Overseas Operations Branch and Domestic Operations Branch controlled information activities (Figure 1.5).99 The director of the OWI was Elmer

Davis, a former New York Times editorial writer who was then working as a freelance writer and as a news analyst with CBS.100 Milton Eisenhower, the former director of information activities for the Department of Agriculture, served as OWI’s Associate

Director.101 The younger brother of the 34th president of the United States, Dwight

Eisenhower, Milton Eisenhower would later become the first chairman of the American-

Korean Foundation (1952). Established during the Korean War, the American-Korean foundation was billed as “non-governmental” organization for Korea.102

The OWI’s Overseas Operations Branch planned and executed the overall propaganda warfare program for the US government outside the Western Hemisphere.

Under the supervision of director Elmer Davis and associate director Milton Eisenhower, playwright Robert Sherwood was appointed the head of the Overseas Operations

Branch.103 Owen Lattimore led the Pacific operation within the Branch.104

98 Elmer Davis, Director of the OWI, “OWI Regulation no. 1,” and “Staff Order no. 1,” 10 July 1942, Records of Radio Bureau, Box 613, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 99 An Organizational Chart of the Office of War Information, Box 613, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 100 Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 60. 101 Ibid. 102 So-ra Yi, “1952-55 nyŏn Hanmijaedan ŭi Hwaltong kwa Kŭ Yŏksajŏk Sŏngkyŏk [Activity and Historical Role of American-Korean Foundation (1952-1955)],” Han’guk Saron 62, (2016): 456. 103 Ibid.; Allan Winkler, The Politics of Propaganda: The Office of War Information 1942-45 (New Haven; London: Press, 1978), 8-13. 104 Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 60-61. - 44 -

Figure 1.5. Organizational Chart of the Office of War Information

- 45 -

Figure 1.6. International Press and Radio Bureau, Overseas Operations Branch, Office of War Information

- 46 -

Considering short and medium wave broadcasts as a new technology that had been rarely possessed by other countries and a powerful weapon for psychological warfare, US officials in the OWI made great efforts to develop overseas radio broadcasting.105 In the Overseas Operations Branch, the International Press and Radio

Bureau was in charge of radio programs transmitted abroad.106 The International Press and Radio Bureau had three sub-divisions: overseas news division, program division, and broadcast control division (figure 1.6).107 The overseas news division collected and sent out news for foreign readers and listeners. Meanwhile, the broadcast control division monitored outgoing radio programs and analyzed radio propaganda coming from Axis nations to the United States. The program division produced and programmed overseas radio broadcasts.108

The program division of the International Press and Radio Bureau comprised ten sections: a Special Event Section, an overseas forces section, a production section, and seven different language sections, including English, French, German, Italian, Iberian,

105 The Overseas Operations Branch, “International Press and Radio Bureau,” Memorandum, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA; Yŏng-min Chang, “Haebang ‘Miguk ŭi Sori (Voice of America) Han’gukŏ Pangson’ e Kwanhan Yŏn’gu (1945-1950),” [A Study of the Voice of America Korean Service (1945- 1950)], Han’guk Kŭnhyŏndaesa Yŏn’gu [Journal of Korean Modern and ] 50, (2009): 202. 106 The Office of War Information, “International Press and Radio Bureau,” p.1, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 107 An organizational chart of the international press and radio bureau in the overseas operations branch, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 108 The Office of War Information, “International Press and Radio Bureau,” p. 1, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. - 47 -

Scandinavian, and “Miscellaneous language” sections (figure 1.6).109 Within the program division, each section’s essential functions were defined as follows:

• The Special Event Section discovered and created raw material for radio

programs when material was not available through existing sources (e.g. from the

Domestic Radio Bureau in the OWI’s domestic operations). Examples of such

material were statements made by Americans of foreign origin in their native

language; talks by war industry workers, soldiers and sailors; and recordings of

special events in the United States.110

• The Overseas Forces Section produced radio programs for American military

forces outside the continental United States. Composed of a group of experts in

producing radio programs and scripts for radio broadcasting, this section aimed to

entertain and inform US troops all over the world. It also purposefully gave

people in Allied and enemy or neutral countries the chance to eavesdrop on US

Army programs and to learn about the United States and its war effort.111

• The Production Section directed and produced programs in the studios; worked

out more effective techniques of radio presentation; rehearsed multiple-voice

109 An organizational chart of the international press and radio bureau in the overseas operations branch, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 110 The Office of War Information, “Special Events Section,” Broadcast Control Division Folder, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 111 “Overseas Forces Section,” Overseas Forces Division Folder; The Office of War Information, “International Press and Radio Bureau,” Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942- 1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. - 48 -

programs such as radio plays and interviews; timed programs before they went on

the air; directed, trained, and supervised announcers; and arranged and produced

musical programs and the musical signatures of informational programs.112

• The Language Sections adapted and rewrote basic news into radio programs in

foreign languages. This section coordinated language, style, and subject matter in

campaigns of psychological warfare to appeal to different listening audiences, yet

aimed to make the content and style unmistakably American in origin.113

Thus, most of the Korean-language radio news programs would be produced in the production section in cooperation with the miscellaneous language section. There was an

Overseas News Bureau in the International Press and Radio Bureau; however, the verbal contents of the overseas radio broadcasts were largely based on news materials from the

News Bureau of the Domestic Operations Branch. Indeed, the latter bureau created most of the news materials for the OWI’s information activities (Figure 1.5). The (domestic)

News Bureau edited press releases prepared by other agencies of the US government, and prepared and issued comprehensive reports on important subjects affecting all US citizens during wartime.114

112 “Production Section,” Broadcast Control Division Folder, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 113 “Language Sections,” Broadcast Control Division Folder, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-1945, Box 1, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 114 Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 41-42, 60; News Bureau. Office of War Information, Memorandum, 30 April 1943, p. 1-4; Domestic Branch of the OWI, “List of media facilities and services available for war information of all branches of the government,” 22 May 1942, all in Records of News Bureau, Box 973, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. - 49 -

Once these materials were produced in the (domestic) News Bureau, the general news desk in this bureau directed the dissemination of war news to the US press.

Meanwhile, the foreign news desk in the bureau developed domestic war news for dissemination abroad.115 The foreign news desk transmitted the news materials by teletype to the New York office of the Overseas Operation Branch for short wave radio broadcasting to the Atlantic area and to the San Francisco Office for short wave broadcasting to the Pacific area, including Japan-occupied Korea.116

As part of the Outpost Bureau of the Overseas Operation Branch (figure 1.5), both the New York (Atlantic) and San Francisco (Pacific) offices provided relay-program facilities to foreign countries via direct and recorded programming.117 Staff in the New

York and San Francisco offices prepared news items for dissemination to various parts of the world by voice broadcast.118

The OWI had additional radio offices in Los Angeles. In the LA offices, cooperating closely with musicians and the Hollywood film industry, US officials created radio programs for transmittal abroad. Here they recorded music, fulfilling requests from the New York and San Francisco offices.119 Information about radio programs and

115 News Bureau of the OWI, Memorandum, 30 April 1943, p. 2, Records of News Bureau, Box 973, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 116 Ibid; Chang, “Haebang hu ‘Miguk ŭi Sori” [Voice of America], 204. 117 Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 85. 118 Charles L. Allen, Memorandum, 23 September 1943, Records of News Bureau, Box 973, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 119 Los Angeles Overseas Bureau of OWI, “Progress Report for The Period August 16 to September 15,” 20 September 1944, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. - 50 - recorded music completed in the LA office was shared with both the New York and San

Francisco offices so that they could use the materials effectively.120

Music in the OWI’s Radio Programs Abroad

The Overseas Operations Bureau’s Outpost Bureau included a Music Section

(figure 1.5). Hiring several American musicians, the music section collected printed and recorded music for radio broadcasting, gave advice for the use of music in the OWI’s information activities, and produced new music programs for transmittal abroad.121 In late 1942, the folklorist Bess Lomax Hawes, sister of the folk-music scholar and singer

Alan Lomax, was hired as the first music specialist for the music section. She continued to cooperate with the OWI throughout the war. The composer Henry Cowell began to work for the OWI’s music section from June 1943.122

Both Hawes and Cowell contributed to increasing the size of OWI’s record library. Hawes collected many recordings to add to the library of recorded music of the

OWI’s Overseas Operations Branch. The OWI’s record library, which held only 50,000 items at the end of 1942 when Hawes joined the music section, expanded to around

120 Los Angeles Overseas Bureau of OWI, “Summary of Completed Radio Activities, 16 August 1944 to 15 September 1944,” Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, National Archives of the United States at College Park, MD. 121 Lawrence Blochman, “Radio Program Bureau Progress Report from May 15 to June 15, 1944,” p. 12, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 122 Fauser, Sounds of War, 81. - 51 -

200,000 items by early 1945.123 Cowell collected rare musical items from abroad via

American Embassies in other countries and through his personal friends. Furthermore, considering different foreign audiences abroad, Cowell organized recording sessions for

OWI’s overseas radio broadcasts with musicians of diverse musical backgrounds who lived in the United States, including Vietnamese, Iranian, and Chinese musicians.124

When Cowell recorded music for OWI’s overseas radio broadcasting, Cowell emphasized the importance of “hybrid forms” of American and foreign musical elements in the OWI’s musical propaganda. For instance, Cowell cited “March of the Volunteers” as a good example of hybrid musical forms for America’s music propaganda abroad.125

“March of the Volunteers” was written by a leftist Chinese composer in 1935 for

Children of Troubled Times, a film with strongly leftist themes produced by ’s

Dianton Film Company. In 1941, recorded “March of the Volunteers” in the United States and this song became known as “Chee ” in America.126 “March of the Volunteers” was based on G Major scale with almost no use of the seventh scale degree and without the fourth scale degree. Just like the Yonanuki scale discussed above, which emphasized a pentatonic scale that has been widely shared in East Asia, this song includes both Western and Asian musical elements (figure 1.7).127

123 Ibid., 82. 124 Ibid., 86. 125 Ibid. 126 David Bandurski, “There’s an American Story at the Heart of China’s International Anthem,” Quartz, 1 July 2017, https://qz.com/1017782/the-chinese-national-anthems-long-relationship-with-america/ 127 Figure 1.7. is from the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, http://www.gov.cn/guoqing/guoge/index.htm. - 52 -

It is noteworthy that now this song exhibits a strong tie with Communist China. In

1949, the People’s Republic of China adopted “March of Volunteers,” which emphasizes anti-imperialist and leftist messages, as its national anthem.128 During World War II, however, the Kuomingtang-led government of the Republic of China and the Communist

Party of China was still under civil war conditions. China was one of the chief Allied powers. The OWI categorized music from China as “music of the United Nations” like music from France.129 It was in this pre-Cold War context that Cowell highly evaluated

“March of Volunteers” as a good example of hybrid music for the OWI’s overseas radio propaganda, although this song conveys strong anti-Communist messages.

Arise, who refuse to be slaves! With our flesh and blood, let us build our new Great Wall! The Chinese nation faces its greatest danger. From each one the urgent call for action comes forth. Arise! Arise! Arise!

Millions with but one heart, Braving the enemy’s fire. March on! Braving the enemy’s fire. March on! March on! March on!130

128 David Bandurski, “There’s an American Story at the Heart of China’s International Anthem,” Quartz, 1 July 2017, https://qz.com/1017782/the-chinese-national-anthems-long-relationship-with-america/ 129 Radio Outpost Division, “Output For Week Ending,” 1 July 1944, Box 7, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch, 1942-45, Record Group 208, NARA. 130 The English-translation is from Josh Lim and Hyo-roe Jo, China’s Anthem, http://www.nationalanthems.info/cn.htm (accessed 17 March 2017). - 53 -

Figure 1.7. March of the Volunteers (The National Anthem of the People’s Republic of China)

National anthems of the Allied nations were among the music selected and broadcast frequently by the OWI. Succeeding Elliott Carter in 1944, Lloyd Shaffer brought wide radio experience as a producer and conductor for commercial programs for

- 54 - all major networks.131 Under his supervision, the music section actively recorded music and created diverse music programs for overseas listeners. For example, the music section recorded for broadcast national anthems from Allied and occupied countries including France, , , Holland, , and Russia with the New York Philharmonic Orchestra, conducted by Vladimir Golschmann. The special music was arranged by Bernard Wagenaar, who moved to the United States and became a

US citizen in the 1920s, and an American composer.132

The role of immigrant musicians who could speak foreign languages was significant in the OWI’s overseas radio programs. The music section invited eminent violinist Nathan Milstein, who migrated from to the United States, to the OWI studio. They interviewed Milstein in French and Italian. Combining the interview with his performance, the music section produced outpost radio shows, the “Concert New

York” series. Likewise, the music section arranged to have the well-known Russian-born

American cellist Gregor Piatigorsky give interviews in French and German for the series.

The music section also produced radio programs featuring contemporary American and

European music and symphony orchestras of America. The musical repertoire included

“Merry Mount Suite” and “Nordic Symphony,” written by the American composer

Howard Hanson, who was born to Swedish immigrant parents.133

131 Lawrence Blochman, “Radio Program Bureau Progress Report from May 15 to June 15, 1944,” p. 12, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 132 Ibid., 11-12. 133 Ibid; Burnet Tuthill, “Howard Hanson,” The Musical Quarterly 22, no. 2 (1936): 140. - 55 -

In addition, the music section produced many radio music shows that introduced

American composers’ works. Virgil Thompson presented his music and works by Roy

Harris, William Schuman, and John Cage; Aaron Copland presented his own music and works by Leonard Bernstein and Samuel Barber; Igor Stravinsky presented his own music and works by Bohuslav Martinů and Béla Bartók; Darius Milhaud presented his music and works by Mario Castelnuovo-Tedesco, Alexandre Tansman, and Arthur

Lourié; Pierre Monteux presented classical and modern works performed by the NBC,

Boston, , National, and San Francisco Symphony Orchestras; Kurt Weill presented light lyrical music; and Robert Goffin, who was from Belgium and wrote a significant book on jazz, presented a special program of jazz music.134 All of the people on-air were US citizens, immigrants, or exiles in the United States, and the music presented in the programs was written and performed by American or foreign-born musicians who immigrated to the United States, building their careers in the United

States.135

Musicians actively participated in the OWI’s radio propaganda, not only by appearing on the OWI’s radio music shows but also by composing music and writing scripts for music programs. Léon Kochnitzky, a Belgian musician who immigrated to the

United States, worked out the basic scripts for the above-mentioned seven musical shows

134 Lawrence Blochman, Memorandum, 30 January 1945, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 135 Ibid. - 56 - in consultation with Henry Cowell and the art critic Harry Torczyner, who also immigrated from Belgium to the United States.136

Cowell himself also wrote a special 15-minute script touching on the leading

American composers and the general background of music in America. Cowell wrote the script for transmission to ; it was to be used in a special broadcast over All

India Radio. In addition, Cowell made an orchestral arrangement of a German song entitled “Freedom Song.” American baritone Conrad Thibault this song and

Ukraine-born immigrant violinist and conductor Mark Warnow participated in recording it for German short-wave transmission. Another American composer, Samuel Barber, who served as special consultant to Radio Programs Bureau, composed a new musical work based on American folk themes, Capricorn Concerto, for the OWI’s Outpost

Division music shows. This piece was premiered by the Saidenberg Little Symphony conducted by a Canadian American Daniel Saidenberg on 8 .137 The music section took the initiative of contacting the musical personalities who became involved in the OWI’s music propaganda.138

136 Ibid. 137 Lawrence Blochman, “Radio Program Bureau Progress Report from May 15 to June 15, 1944,” p. 12, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA; Fauser, Sounds of War, 23; Chris Myers, “Capricorn Concert, Op. 21” (2013), The Redland Symphony Orchestra, https://www.redlandssymphony.com/pieces/capricorn- concerto-op-21; Allan Kozinn, “Daniel Saidenberg, 90, Cellist, Conductor and Gallery Owner,” , 22 May 1997. 138 Lawrence Blochman, Memorandum, 30 January 1945, p. 2, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. - 57 -

The OWI’s strategies for overseas music propaganda took different approaches for different countries. For example, the proportion of jazz was much higher in the radio programs transmitted to African countries, compared to radio programs transmitted to

Europe.139 Radio music programs that the OWI transmitted to Japan, Everybody’s Music

(20 July 1945) and Melody Rhythms (3 July 1945), included European classical music such as Beethoven’s Egmont Overture and Glinka’s Overture to Ruslan and Lyudmila, as well as Duke Ellington’s “In a Jam,” Latin American rumba, and traditional Japanese shakuhachi music.140 Indonesian morning news transmitted by the OWI to on

24 April 1945 included gamelan music.141 Not only music recorded by the music section of the OWI’s overseas branch, but also commercially recorded music was often purchased for the OWI’s overseas radio programs.142 The Outpost Division also reused music recorded and broadcast in the OWI’s radio music programs for other radio programs.143

139 Louis G. Cowan, “Radio Program Bureau Progress Report, November 15 to December 15, 1943,” p. 35, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 140 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts (preservation and playback copies copied from original OWI glass-based acetate discs), RWE 0560, 0561, 5064. 141 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts (preservation and playback copies copied from original OWI glass-based acetate discs), RWE 0560. 142 Louis G. Cowan, “Radio Program Bureau Progress Report, November 15 to December 15, 1943,” p. 35; Kenneth D. Fry, “Progress Report, Operations Bureau, Month of October 1944,” Memorandum to Claude A. Buss, 6 November 1944, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA.. 143 Lawrence Blochman, “Radio Program Bureau Progress Report from May 15 to June 15, 1944,” p.13, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. - 58 -

Starting in 1942, in its strategic planning office in Washington, the OWI’s Special

Operations employed the folk-song specialist .144 Lomax was mainly in charge of preparing war information materials designed for African American and religious groups and groups that the OWI could not reach by ordinary information media.

He also collected contemporary wartime songs in the folk style for propaganda use.145

Lomax often suggested ideas for the OWI’s domestic radio programs.146 For example, emphasizing Americans’ stereotyped image of the British as “cold fish and unfriendly,”

Lomax suggested the programming of British popular and in order to “warm the cockles of any American’s heart.” He recommended American singer and actor Burl

Ives as “the natural singing M.C.” for such a music show.147 Thus, The OWI’s overseas radio broadcasts aimed to support the formation of ties with countries on the Allied side by alleviating stereotyped images or biases against each other, and by spreading music composed and performed by US citizens or foreign immigrants in the United States.

“Liberty Bell”: The OWI’s Korean Language Radio Programs and Music

Most of the music programs produced in the OWI targeted European countries.

Compared to the OWI’s radio programs transmitted to European countries, the number of

144 Ibid., 80; Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 85. 145 Fauser, Sounds of War, 80. 146 William Lewis to Alan Lomax, Correspondence, 10 December 1942, Records of Radio Bureau, Box 607, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 147 Alan Lomax to William Lewis, Bureau of Special Operations, Correspondence, 2 November 1942, Records of Radio Bureau, Box 607, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. - 59 -

OWI radio programs transmitted toward Asia was low. By March 1945, the airtime of the

OWI’s Korean-language radio programs was only 58 minutes per day. Most of the programs were Korean-language radio news in blocks of four to twenty minutes, often including music. The same programs were rerun one more time per a day.148 Radio programs that focused mainly on music were rarely transmitted to Asian countries, except

Japan, which was one of the main Axis powers. Toward Japan the OWI sent regular music programs such as Everybody’s Music, Melody Rhythms, and Japanese Musical

Interlude.149 By contrast, the Korean Provisional Government in Chungking, China, was not recognized by the US government, and Korean-language radio programs were just a small part of the OWI’s overseas radio propaganda.150 Nonetheless, given that Korean- language news programs were frequently followed by music, and that they were the only channel by which Korean people could access music directly from the United States during wartime, these programs remain historically significant.

It is noteworthy that although most of the Korean-language programs did not have a particular program title, the announcers of the Korean-language programs and US officials in the OWI frequently used the term “Liberty Bell” to describe the Korean

148 The Overseas Branch, The Office of War Information, “Shortwave Program Schedule—Pattern 1,” 10 March 1945, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Record of the Office of War Information, NARA. 149 Ibid.; Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts (preservation and playback copies copied from original OWI glass-based acetate discs), RWE 0560, 0561, 5064. 150 Jongsuk Chay, Unequal Partners in Peace and War: The Republic of Korea and the United States, 1948-1953, (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2002), 9-34; For US psychological warfare toward Japan during World War II, see Eleanor Sparagana, “The Conduct and Consequences of Psychological Warfare: American Psychological Warfare Operations in the War against Japan, 1941-1945” (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University, 1990), 21-44. - 60 - language radio programs.151 Why did US officials not use the term “Voice of America,” which was already widely used for the OWI’s overseas radio programs in general from

1942?152 A memorandum entitled “Korea Basic Propaganda Plan,” written in the San

Francisco office on 15 February 1943, clarifies the matter. The OWI’s propaganda plan toward Korea emphasized four main points: first, that Japan will be defeated; second, that

Japan’s coming defeat is Korea’s opportunity; third, that there will never be peace under

Japan’s present government; fourth, that the United States is committed to a policy of making Korea, like other oppressed nations, free again.153 By entitling its VOA Korean- language program “Liberty Bell,” OWI sought to highlight the idea of freedom from oppression. In fact, the OWI radio programs transmitted toward the Japan-occupied

Philippines were also frequently entitled “Freedom for the Philippines.”154 The San

Francisco office also recorded a Korean-Philippine special program to encourage Korean listeners to fight against Japan, just as joined with the US armed forces against

Japan for the country’s honor and democracy.155 By encouraging Korean people’s desire

151 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts (preservation and playback copies copied from original OWI glass-based acetate discs), RWE 0560, 0561, 0563, 0564; The Overseas Branch, The Office of War Information, “Shortwave Program Schedule—Pattern 1,” 10 March 1945, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Record of the Office of War Information, NARA. 152 Pirsein, “The Voice of America,” 57. 153 “Korea Basic Propaganda Plan,” Memorandum, 15 February 1943, Office of Communications Control, Records and Distribution Section (San Francisco), Box 601, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 154 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts (preservation and playback copies copied from original OWI glass-based acetate discs), RWE 0560, 0564. 155 Rosenberg and Miller, The San Francisco Office, “Korean-Philippine Special,” Be. Sherman and E.H. Miller, “Korea (Philippines Spec.),” 17 October 1944, Records of the Overseas Intelligence Bureau, Central Files, Box 406, RG 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. - 61 - for independence from Japan, the OWI emphasized that Korea’s liberation would be achieved through the help of the United States.

The content of the Korean news broadcast entitled “Liberty Bell” matched these goals. In the “Liberty Bell” broadcast on 17 April 1945, the announcer highlighted that the United States was fighting against the Nazis and the Japanese for “justice”:

As US citizens, we will never avoid our responsibilities […] We require a

peace that is permanent. If we end the war, that will be the end of all wars.

We will root out the battlegrounds caused by vicious and inhumane minds.

The Nazis were powerful in the past. However, they have done so many

horrible and brutal things. [As a result,] They are now on the road to collapse.

The Japanese who attacked Pearl Harbor are paying for that in their own

land. Nevertheless, it will never be enough for us [the United States] to just

conquer our enemies. We will keep fighting against all kinds of suspicions,

fears, disdains, and greed, which caused such a terrible war, until we conquer

all of them completely.156

“Liberty Bell” also magnified US military power. In the “Liberty Bell” broadcast on 21

July 1945, the announcer enumerated the Japanese vessels and fighters destroyed by the

US military forces in Okinawa, and described a famous and formidable US strategic

156 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts, RWE 0564. - 62 - bomber called the “Super Fortress.”157 By describing US military strength, US radio propaganda showed the United States as the imminent bringer of Korea’s freedom.

It is noteworthy that the OWI employed people who were well aware of the

Korean situation. Among them were journalists and former American missionaries who worked in Korea and came back to the United States as the war between the United States and Japan broke out.158 They helped create Korean-language radio programs in the OWI.

Former American E.W. Koons provided information about Korea and gave guidelines for script writers for Liberty Bell.159 Horace Horton Underwood was another

American missionary who worked for OWI. The son of Horace Grant Underwood who published the first hymn book in Korea had long continued his father’s missionary work in Korea. In 1942, the Japanese Government General of Korea sent him back to the

United States. In 1944, Underwood sent a message to the Korean people through OWI’s special program, “Voice of Freedom”:

At Cairo it was said, “the three powers, China, Great Britain, and the United

States, mindful of the enslavement of people of Korea, are determined that in

due course Korean shall become free and independent.” The three countries

157 Ibid., RWE 0561. 158 For example, Radio Division, Los Angeles Overseas Bureau, “Progress Report for the Period July 15 to August 15,” p. 4, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 159 E.W. Koons, “The United States Chief of Staff Comments on the Third Year of the War,” written on 9 December 1944, recorded on 10 December 1944, broadcast on 11 December 1944, K-6047-K, Box 406, the bureau of overseas intelligence general files, OWI overseas branch, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA; Michael Kim, “Literary Production, Circulating Libraries, and Private Publishing: the Popular Reception of Vernacular Fiction Texts in the Late Chosŏn Dynasty,” Journal of 9, no. 1 (2004): 21. - 63 -

deciding in this way, not only Koreans in America but many people in the

three Great Powers have greatly rejoiced. A meeting was held in the Town

Hall in New York , when many hundreds of people gathered to hear

about Korea and to rejoice with Korea. That even I had an opportunity to say

a few words that night, I considered as a great honor. A society to help the

Independence Movement of Korea is now being organized.160

In this message, Underwood says that American and Korean people in the United States greatly rejoiced for the communiqué of Cairo conference. In fact, however, many Korean people in the United States and China were furious about the communiqué of the conference. These Koreans wanted independence for their countries not “in due course” but immediately after the downfall of Japan. In Washington, Syngman Rhee issued a series of statements condemning the phrase.161 Korean groups at Chungking, China, requested from the American embassy an interpretation of the phrase “in due course.”162

Even the New York Times reported that the “in due course” phrase meant that Korean would be under some kind of protectorate after Japan’s defeat.163 Thus, although the

OWI’s Korean-language radio news programs took the form of , they served as propaganda messages rather than delivery of factual information.

160 E.W. Koons, “Special Stand-In Program,” Box 406, the Bureau of Overseas Intelligence, General Files, OWI Overseas Branch, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information. 161 Park, “From Pearl Harbor to Cairo,” 357-358. 162 Chay, Unequal Partners in Peace and War, 23. 163 Park, “From Pearl Harbor to Cairo,” 357. - 64 -

The musical repertoire that was broadcast together with these messages consisted of light orchestral music.164 The programs featured brief and light pieces from the

European tradition, such as Johann Strauss’s Wiener Blut and an intermezzo by Enrique

Granados. Granados might have been included because this work was premiered at the

Metropolitan Opera in on 27 January 1916.165 Holiday for Strings was written by American composer David Rose of MGM studios: it is light orchestral popular music.166 Warsaw Concerto, a short work for piano and orchestra, was written by English composer Richard Addinsell for the film Dangerous Moonlight, released in 1941.167

The broadcasts also included music meant to inspire respect for the : the US national anthem, the Star Spangled Banner, and the French anthem, The Marseillaise.168

They were arranged for orchestra, but presented in a rousing style.169 Karl King’s Purple

Pageant, a march, offered military imagery.170 Frédéric Chopin’s Nocturne no. 2 in E flat major, performed by Xavier Cugat and his orchestra, was also transmitted to Korea.171

164 For a list of the musical repertoire, see appendix B. 165 Ibid. 166 , San Francisco Regional Office, Office of War Information, Box 406, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 167 Ibid. 168 The music section recorded national anthems from Allied and occupied countries including France, Luxembourg, Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Norway and Russia with the New York Philharmonic Orchestra conducted by Vladimir Golschmann for radio broadcasting. The music was arranged by Bernard Wagenaar, Samuel Barber and Louis Pensis. See Lawrence Blochman, “Radio Program Bureau Progress Report from May 15 to June 15, 1944,” p.11-12, Records of the Historian Relating to the Overseas Branch 1942-45, Box 7, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 169 Korean Standby Five minutes, 3 October 1945, San Francisco Regional Office, Office of War Information, Box 406, Record of the Bureau of Overseas Intelligence, Central Files, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA; Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, RWE 5060. 170 Korean Standby, 27 September 1945, Box 406, Record of the Bureau of Overseas Intelligence, Central Files, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 171 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, RWE 0560. - 65 -

Backed by Latin percussion, the Nocturne sounded as much like a Cuban Rumba as it does like Chopin.

All of the Korean-language radio programs have the same basic format: around 10 minutes of news followed by about 2 minutes of music.172 Unfortunately, the recordings are not preserved in good condition: much of the music is not identifiable. For that reason, in many cases I was not able to clarify exact titles, composers, and performers of the music. But the extant sound recordings held in the Library of Congress demonstrate that most of the music transmitted to Korea was either European orchestral music without lyrics or American orchestral music, sometimes tinged with Latin or American jazz.173 As

I discussed above, during World War II, this kind of music would not have been unfamiliar to Korean audiences.174

As far as it is possible to tell from the recordings, the musical repertoire in

“Liberty Bell” conformed well to OWI’s general policy about music. On 25 August 1942, the head of the radio bureau in the OWI, William Lewis, held a meeting to discuss music for the OWI broadcasts. Twelve people from the Office of Civil Defense, the War

Department, the War Manpower Commission, and the OWI participated in the meeting— including Harold Spivacke, Chief of the Music Division of the Library of Congress. The

172 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, RWE 0560, 0561, 0563, 0564. At the Library of Congress, I was able to listen to more than 20 US radio programs broadcast by OWI toward Korea. 173 Library of Congress, Washington D.C., Recorded Sound Research Center, OWI collection, United States Office of War Information Broadcasts (preservation and playback copies copied from original OWI glass-based acetate discs), RWE 5037, 5038, 0560, 0561, 0563, 0564, 5056. 174 See 29-38 in this dissertation. - 66 - participants in this meeting called attention to the example of a popular propaganda tune,

“We’ll slap the Japs right into the laps of the Nazis,” as an example of the kind of music

OWI must avoid. This song, composed by Lew Pollack with lyrics by Ned Washington, was published as in 1942 as a reaction to Japan’s Pearl Harbor attack.175 The

OWI committee described the song as “slushy” and “flip”; presumably they found it to be in poor taste.176 This song was filmed by R.C.M. productions as a soundie in 1942.177 The lyrics were as follows:

[…] Oh, we didn't want to do it but they're asking for it now So, we'll Knock the Japs right into the Laps of The Nazis, When they hop on Honolulu that's a thing we won't allow So, we'll Knock the Japs right into The Laps of The Nazis! Chins up, Yankees, let's see it thru, And show them there's no yellow in the red, white and blue I'd hate to be in when our bombers make their bow, For We'll Knock the Japs right into the laps of the Nazis!

Oh, we're gonna go to Tokyo and start a little row And We'll Knock the Japs right into the laps of the Nazis, So, let every brave American stand up and make a vow That they'll knock the Japs right into the laps of the Nazis! Thumbs up, England, we're proud of you,

175 “WWII in American Music Pearl Harbor and Reaction,” History on the Net, https://www.historyonthenet.com/authentichistory/1939-1945/3-music/04-PH- Reaction/1942_SM_Well_Knock_The_Japs_Right_Into_The_Laps_of_the_Nazis.html. 176 Music Meeting, Memorandum, 25 August 1942, Box 604, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 177 Josef Berne, We’ll Slap the Japs Right into the Laps of the Nazis, R.C.M. Productions, no. 641-1-30, 1942. - 67 -

We'll show them there's no yellow in the red, white and blue Oh, there will be a celebration and it's gonna be a wow, When We Knock the Japs right into the laps of the Nazis.178

This music overtly reveals America’s racist sentiment against the enemy and treats the idea of war casually.179 As Annegret Fauser has pointed out, people in many European countries, especially under the Nazis, described the United States as “a barbaric country without culture or taste” and denigrated jazz.180 By contrast, Western classical music became associated with social prestige for many people around the world through

European colonization. In Korea, too, Western classical music was often associated with social prestige and considered high culture.181 For this reason, the US government often used Western classical music for propaganda abroad.182 The particular mixture of

Western high-brow music and popular music of the chosen by OWI was similar enough to European classical music to borrow its prestige, but different enough to convey a distinctly American identity.

At the same time, Korean people harbored a strong cultural bias against the

United States. During the 1920s and 1930s, under Japanese colonial rule, Korean people

178 “WWII in American Music Pearl Harbor and Reaction,” History on the Net, https://www.historyonthenet.com/authentichistory/1939-1945/3-music/04-PH- Reaction/1942_SM_Well_Knock_The_Japs_Right_Into_The_Laps_of_the_Nazis.html. 179 Music Meeting, Memorandum, 25 August 1942, Box 604, Record Group 208, Records of the Office of War Information, NARA. 180 Fauser, Sounds of War, 86. 181 T’ae- Ch’ŏng, Migunjŏnggi Han’guk Kyoyuk Saryojip (Sang) (1945-1948) [History of Korean education during the Army Military Government in Korea, Vol.1, 1945-1948] (Seoul: Hongjiwŏn, 1992), 1305. 182 Fosler-Lussier, Music in America’s Cold War Diplomacy, 23-27. - 68 - were well aware of the wealth and advanced technologies of the United States. Korean newspapers described the United States as a country of “freedom” and American culture as “modern.” Nonetheless, these traits were described in negative terms. For example, a writer in the Dong-A Daily wrote in 1930:

Modern American women are crying out “freedom.” There are not so many

women from other countries who have gained as much freedom as in the

United States. Ironically, however, modern American women enjoy being

enslaved. They have the freedom to cut their hair like a man. In short skirts

revealing their knees, they flaunt down the streets with hips swaying. They

smoke a pack of cigarettes every day and a bottle of wine. They are

“modern” women from the United States. They seem to have freedom. In

fact, however, their thoughts are corrupted. American women are the slaves

of the tyrant named fashion.183

At that time, jazz was considered as a symbol of decadence and vulgarity in Korea, a symbol of all that was “modern” in the United States.184 On 16 January 1934, the Joseon

Daily wrote about jazz as follows:

Morbid eroticism is one of the tumors that have kept growing behind modern

culture. The Korean police revealed a number of cafes, restaurants, and bars

183 The Dong-A Daily, “Chayu Sesang esŏ Yuhaeng ŭi Noye [The slaves of the fashion in the free world],” 4 February 1930. 184 Chang, “T’ŭrŏmp’et Yŏnjuja Hyŏn Kyŏng-sŏp,” 119. - 69 -

in which erotic stimulation is the only asset and waitresses sing jazz under

red and blue neon lights. If we do not exercise rigid control over it, we will

go in a direction that corrupts public morals.185

To counter this bias against jazz and the United States, OWI broadcast music that straddled the line between the classic and the popular. This music re-introduced some jazz elements, but under cover of the instrumentation of the European orchestra. This blend helped to replace the image of the United States as a country dedicated to the freedom of self-indulgence with a more refined and respectable image.

Unfortunately, it is very difficult to find documents demonstrating Korean people’s reception of “Liberty Bell.” Such comments could not appear in the press because the Japanese Government General of Korea did not allow any descriptions of

American culture to be published in Korean newspapers or magazines during the war.

However, some clues remain that reveal Liberty Bell’s influence in Korean society. On 9

January 1934, the Dong-A Daily reported that when a Korean radio fan turned on his audio equipment to listen to music late at night, he suddenly heard a foreign broadcast.186

In 1936, before the OWI broadcasts began, the Dong-A Daily reported that short-wave receivers were widely distributed in Korea; thus, many Korean people would have been

185 “Tosaekjŏnsa e Ch’ŏlt’oe [We need to crack down erotic bars],” The Joseon Daily, 16 January 1934. 186 The Dong-A Daily, “Radio P’aen ŭi Kyŏngak Simya ŭi Koebangsong” [A radio fan was shocked by a strange broadcast in the middle of the night], 9 January 1934. - 70 - able to listen to foreign short-wave broadcasts.187 After the US broadcasts had begun, in

1942 the Japanese Government General of Korea imprisoned about 150 Koreans who worked for broadcasting stations in Korea: they were accused of listening to the OWI’s

Korean-language radio programs. Not only these, but also around 150 other Koreans were investigated for the same reason.188 The fact that many Korean people were arrested because they listened to the OWI’s short-wave radio programs reveals that Koreans had access to “Liberty Bell,” and that the Government General found its influence strong enough to be worth addressing.

Conclusion

After Japan surrendered to the Allied forces on 15 August 1945, the US army established a military government in the southern part of Korea. Setting aside their bias against the United States, many Korean people considered the US occupation forces to be liberation forces. Around ten thousand Korean citizens participated in the welcoming parade for the US soldiers held on 12 September 1945. At the official welcoming ceremony for the allied forces held on 20 October 1945 in Seoul, many citizens of the city gathered and cried “Hurrah” for the United States, the Allied forces, and Korea’s

187 The Dong-A Daily, “Tanp’ach’ŏngch’wi Ŏmch’e” [A strict ban on short-wave radios], 10 April 1936. 188 Encyclopedia of Korean Culture, “Tanp’a Pangsong Milch’ŏng Sakkŏn” [The Short-wave Radio Eavesdropping Affair], http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/Index. - 71 - liberation.189 On the streets, Koreans put up banners welcoming American and Allied soldiers (Figure 1.8).190

Figure 1.8. A banner entitled “Welcome the Allied Forces!” on a building in Korea. Photograph taken by Donald O’Brien, Seoul in the fall of 1945. Courtesy of Gary O’Brien, Dan O’Brien, Nancy Williamson, and Kathy Vansant.

189 Eun Heo, “Mijŏmryŏnggun T’ongch’I ha ‘Munmyŏng kwa Yaman ŭi Kyoch’a” [The Crossroad between Civilization and Barbarism during the US Occupation of Korea], Han’guk Kŭnhyŏdaesa Yŏn’gu [Journal of Korean Modern and Contemporary History] 42 (2007): 153-154. 190 Figure 1.8 is from the private photo collection of Donald O’Brien, a former member of the US Army 198th Signal Photo Corps in South Korea. https://www.flickr.com/photos/dok1/1525759209/in/album- 72057594053303502/ William Stueck’s book includes wonderful pictures taken in Korea during the US Army Military Government in Korea. See William Stueck, Rethinking the Korean War: A New Diplomatic and Strategic History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), 28. - 72 -

However, Korean people’s welcoming attitude toward the US and Allied forces was soon turned into disappointment as US soldiers’ racial discrimination and violence against Korean people intensified.191 In this political context, music helped the US military government to assuage their feelings and persuade them to respect the United

States. In its basic outlines, the music policy of the US military government in Korea was not so different from that of OWI. The Voice of America’s Korean language programs succeeded OWI’s Liberty Bell, offering more diverse music and cultural contents.192 Like the musical repertoire in OWI’s wartime radio programs, the US military government in

Korea did not pay much attention to promoting American jazz. Rather, the US military government made great efforts to foster Western classical music in Korea. By supporting the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra, the first South Korean orchestra made up entirely of

Korean musicians, the US military government encouraged the development of orchestral music in South Korea.193

This music policy countered that of the Soviet Union, which occupied the northern part of Korea. Labeled as elite or foreign culture, European classical music was discouraged by the Soviet occupiers and pro-Communist Koreans. With the conviction

191 James Matray, “Hodge Podge: American Occupation Policy in Korea, 1945-1948,” Korean Studies 19, no. 1 (1995): 21-22; Hoe, “Mijŏmryŏnggun T’ongch’I ha ‘Munmyŏng kwa Yaman ŭi Kyoch’a,” 151-152. 192 Script of Voice of America, 4 October 1945, Box 406, The Bureau of Overseas Intelligence, Central Files, Record Group 208, the Office of War Information, NARA. 193 Ely Haimowitz’ Piano Recital, , 1970, at Annie Russel Theatre (Concert Program), in Box 150 (Haimowitz, Ely), Rollins College Alumni Archives, Rollins College, Winter Park, FL; “Aktan Ch’oego ŭi Taehyangyŏn: Koryŏ Kyohyangaktan Pŏlssŏbut’ŏ Taeinki,” [The best feast in the Korean music scene: the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra is gaining great popularity], Chungang Sinmun [Chungang Daily], 22 November 1945; Ely Haimowitz, Weekly Summary, 2 November 1946; Ely Haimowitz, Daily Report, 5 September 1946; Ely Haimowitz, Daily Report, 29 June 1946; Ely Haimwotiz, Weekly Summary, 28 March 28, 1947 in Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. - 73 - that music should serve the proletarian classes, they prioritized music with lyrics reflecting proletarian struggles.194 By supporting Western orchestral music in Korea, the

US military government emphasized freedom of expression, promoting the idea of music for music’s own sake: that is, music not intended to convey literal or political content, but intended to be enjoyed as art.

Whereas the OWI fueled Korean people’s desire for freedom from Japanese colonial rule during World War II, the US military government encouraged Korean people’s desire for freedom of expression by fostering Western music that would contrast with Soviet policy after the war. Western orchestral music mediated by the United States contributed a great deal to rebuilding the positive image of the United States in Korea through the transition from Colonialism to Cold War. “Liberty Bell” was thus an important precedent for the Cold War musical propaganda efforts that were soon to follow.

194 Chŏng-im Chŏn, An Oral History of Kim Tong-chin, 6 March 2004, Korean Digital Archives for The Arts, 3. http://www.daarts.or.kr/handle/11080/16134; Min, Han’guk Ŭmaksa, 99, 193-196. - 74 -

Chapter 2: Music in the US Army Military Government in Korea, 1945-1948

On 15 August 1945, the Empire of Japan surrendered to the Allied Forces and

Korea was liberated from Japanese colonial rule (1910-45). In September 1945, however,

US armed forces were stationed in southern part of Korea, establishing the US Army

Military Government in Korea (1945-48, hereafter USAMGIK). The northern part of

Korea was occupied by Soviet armed forces. This was a prelude to a long national tragedy, the into North and South. In December 1945, at the

Moscow Conference of Foreign Ministers of the United States, the , and the Soviet Union, the United States and the Soviet Union agreed to set up a Soviet-

American joint commission to administer Korea. Under the joint Soviet-US trusteeship,

Korea became a battlefield in the two world hegemons’ power struggles, and the Cold

War began in East Asia.195

The music world of Korea was strategically significant in this early Cold War context. After Korea’s liberation from Japanese colonial rule, the Korean music scene was split by competing ideologies, democracy and capitalism versus Communism.196

195 For the historical background, see Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 185-236. 196 Kyŏng-ch’an Min, “Haebanggonggan’gi Yangakkye ŭi Yangsang: Ŭmakdanke rŭl Ch’ungsimŭro” [An Aspect of Western Music Sectors during the Post-Liberation Period: With a Focus on Musicians’ Organizations], Han’guk Ŭmaksa Hakpo [Journal of the Society for Korean Historical Musicology] 53 (2014): 175. - 75 -

At the time, most of the influential Korean musicians such as Kim Sun-nam and An Ki- yŏng favored Communism over capitalism. Composer Yi Kŏn-u and tenor Pak Ŭn-yong actively devoted themselves to pro-Communist political party activities.197

As the ideological conflict intensified in Korea, the tension between the United

States and the Soviet Union increased. The growing animosity between the United States and the Soviet Union eventually broke down their negotiations about Korean problems and the Joint Soviet-American Commission in Korea was permanently dissolved in 1947.

Amid the political turmoil in southern Korea, the US military John Hodge allowed the police and rightist youth groups to punish the Communists and arrest

Communist Koreans.198 Many Korean musicians defected to North Korea during this period.199

US officials were frustrated and afraid of losing the cultural Cold War in this region.200 Charles Armstrong argues that the US military government period was “a time of lost opportunities” from the American perspective. In Armstrong’s view, a turning point came only with the onset of the Korean War (1950-53). After ties between North

Korea and South Korea were completely cut off, he argues, the United States was able to

197 Ibid., 180-83; Sŏng-ryul Yi, An Oral History of Kim Hyŏng-chu, 28 September 2010, Korean Digital Archives for the Arts, 42-44. http://www.daarts.or.kr/handle/11080/24124. 198 Matray, “Hodge Podge,” 27; Bruce Cumings, The Origins of the Korean War: Liberation and the Emergence of Separate Regimes, 1945-1947 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), 193-201. 199 Min, Han’guk ŭmaksa [Western Music History in Korea] (Seoul: Turi Media, 2006), 197-199; Hye- Choe, “Haebang Jikhu (1945.8~1948.7) Namhan Chŏt’ongŭmakkye ŭi Ŭmaksahoesa” [A Socio-History of South Korean Traditional Music Scene, from August 1945 to July 1948] Han’guk ŭmak yŏn’gu [Studies in Korean Music] 51 (2012): 291. 200 Sharpless Hickman, “Music Held Vital Forces in Korea-US Relations,” Christian Science Monitor, 19 April 1948; Ely Haimowitz, Memorandum, 14 October 1947, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. - 76 - play a decisive role as “a model and instigator of cultural change” in South Korea.201

Despite the ineffectiveness of the US military government in Korea, under USAMGIK’s program music proved an effective tool for persuading Koreans to respect the United

States and laid a solid foundation for the cultural Cold War in Korea.

USAMGIK devised music programs that countered the music policy the Soviet

Union was promulgating in northern Korea. The chief advisor of USAMGIK’s music section Ely Haimowitz was a key figure in USAMGIK’s music policy. Haimowitz fostered Western classical music in Korea: as an elite and foreign cultural form, this music was derided by pro-Communist Koreans and later in North Korea.202 Inspiring

Korean musicians’ desire for European culture as a symbol of social prestige, Western classical music spread quickly in South Korea, and musical experiences in South

Koreans’ everyday lives became distinct from the experiences available to North

Koreans. In addition, Haimowitz devised musical programs for restoring the Korean traditional music lost under Japanese colonial rule and recovering Korean people’s pride in their country. In these ways USAMGIK gained Korean musicians’ trust and cleared a path to re-create a (South) Korean cultural identity.

201 Armstrong, “The Cultural Cold War in Korea, 1945-1950,” 73. 202 The Party History Institute of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea, Kim Il Sung Selected Works 4 (: Foreign Language Publishing House, 1971), 158-64; Min, Han’guk ŭmaksa, 197. - 77 -

Ely Haimowitz and the Music Section in the Department of Education, USAMGIK

As the empire of Japan surrendered to the Allied forces and USAMGIK was established in the southern part of Korea, this occupied area came under the influence of the United States. An American pianist Ely Haimowitz (1920-2010) was the chief advisor of the Office of Special Subject—Music, more commonly known as the Music Section, in USAMGIK’s Department of Education. Before he came to Korea, Haimowitz had begun to build a career as a concert pianist in the United States. After graduating from

Rollins College, Winter Park, in 1941 with a Bachelor of Music degree,

Haimowitz was awarded a full fellowship at the Juilliard Graduate School with a major in piano. As the United States entered the war, Haimowitz was drafted into the US Army on

16 May 1942, and he had to take leave from college. In October 1942, Haimowitz was sent to an officer candidate school, the Quartermaster School in Camp , Virginia, graduating in February 1943. He served with the Army Air Forces as Quartermaster

Supply Officer until 1945, at which time he was sent to Korea as a Military Government

Officer.203

In March 1946, Haimowitz was appointed as the chief of music in the Department of Education, USAMGIK (figure 2.1). Succeeding Lieutenant Maurice E. Faulkner, who had served since the previous November, Haimowitz developed diverse musical programs for most of the USAMGIK period.204 Although the music section belonged to

203 Ely Haimowitz, Chief of Cultural Affairs, Office of Civil Information, “Brief Outline of My History” (1947), Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 204 Chŏng, Migunjŏnggi Han’guk Kyoyuk Saryojip, 34-35. - 78 - the Department of Education, Haimowitz’s role was not limited to music education.

Using the resources of USAMGIK, Haimowitz aimed to rebuild music in Korea, both in the public schools as well as for the general public; revive ancient classical Korean opera and folk music through research and encouragement to Korean musicians; and lend aid and encouragement to young Korean composers in an effort to stimulate new Korean music.205 In July 1947, Haimowitz was transferred: he became the Chief of Cultural

Affairs in the Office of Civil Information, but his duties remained the same.206

Figure 2.1. Ely Haimowitz in his youth. Photo courtesy of Valerie Haimowitz

205 Ibid.; Haimowitz, “Brief Outline of My History.” 206 Haimowitz, “Brief Outline of My History.” - 79 -

In USAMGIK, Haimowitz worked closely with Korean musicians. USAMGIK’s

Office of Research was in charge of surveying the cultural and educational situation in

Korea.207 However, American officials were not equipped to fully understand Korean culture from an insider’s viewpoint. As a complementary action, in December 1945 the

Department of Education organized a music advisory committee composed of Korean musicians to document Korean people’s opinion about USAMGIK’s music policy. The committee members worked together with the Department of Education to draw up music curricula for the elementary and secondary schools and colleges. It has not been reported exactly who participated in the committee.208

On January 20, 1946, the music section gathered all interested Korean musicians’ groups into an association known as the Koryŏ Symphony Association, which supported the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra. Faulkner and Haimowitz reported that the Koryŏ

Symphony Orchestra which was organized in September 1945 with the aid of

USAMGIK’s Department of Education was the first Western-style orchestra that was made up entirely of (South) Korean musicians.209 From its performance at the ceremony welcoming American soldiers to Korea on 20 October 1945 to the end of the USAMGIK era, the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra garnered most of its financial support from

207 Ch’ŏng, Migunjŏnggi Han’guk Kyoyuk Saryojip, 28-29. 208 Ibid., 30-33. 209 Maurice Faulkner, “Music Education in the Orient,” Music Educators Journal 33, no. 3 (1947): 52; Program for Ely Haimowitz’s Piano Recital, 2 , at Annie Russell Theatre, Box 150 (Haimowitz, Ely), Rollins College Alumni Archives, Rollins College, Winter Park, Florida. - 80 -

Haimowitz and the music section.210 Korean composer Hyŏn Che-myŏng was elected as

Chairman of the Koryŏ Symphony Association. Hong Ch’ was secretary and Choe

Chun-su was treasurer. An Board was composed of Choe Chun-chu, O Han- yŏng, To Yu-paek, Yim Wŏn-sik, Tokko Sŏn, and Yi Hye-ku. Yi Yu-sŏn was the Music

Director of the Department of Education in USAMGIK.211

Figure 2.2. Ely Haimowitz and Korean conductor Yim Wŏn-sik when they met in Seoul in the 1990s. Photo taken by and provided courtesy of Valerie Haimowitz.

210 Faulkner, “Music Education in the Orient”; Min, “Haebanggong’ganki Yangakkye ŭi Yangsang,” 169- 96; Program for Ely Haimowitz’s Piano Recital, 2 April 1970; Heo, “Mijŏmryŏngkun T’ongch’i ha ‘Munmyŏng kwa Yaman ŭi Kyoch’a,” 153-54. 211 Ch’ŏng, Migunjŏnggi Han’guk Kyoyuk Saryojip, 30-33. - 81 -

Among the Korean musicians, the conductor Yim Wŏn-sik and the pianist Yun

Ki-sŏn had especially close relationships with Ely Haimowitz (figure 2.2). Supported by

Haimowitz and USAMGIK, Yim and Yun went to the United States to study music in

1948.212 After studying in the United States and returning to Korea, Yim introduced

America’s system of music institutions to South Korean society by establishing the Seoul

Arts High School, the first institute for the teaching of Western classical music at the high school level in Korean history.213 An influential Korean musician, Yim also emphasized

South Korea’s anti-Communist cultural identity in his writings as a journalist.214

Korean musicians and music critics have admired Haimowitz as a figure who contributed a great deal to the music world of Korea. In his interview with a Korean music magazine, Kaeksŏk (Auditorium), Yim Wŏn-sik reported, “Whenever I look back on the 80 years of my life as a musician, I always recall a person I really appreciate. He is

Ely Haimowitz.”215 Pak Yong-ku, one of the most influential music critics who lived through that period, remembered Haimowitz as a great supporter of Korean musicians.

212 National Economic Board, United State Army Forces in Korea, South Korean Interim Government Activities, no. 31, April 1948, in Wŏnju Munhwasa, ed., Summation of U.S. Military Government Activities in Korea 6 (Seoul, Wŏnju Munhwasa, 1990), 177-78, 197; Ely Haimowitz, letter to Rosina Lhevinne of the , 30 April 1947, Haimowitz Private Collection; Ely Haimowitz, Memorandum, 24 April 1948; Ely Haimowitz, Memorandum, 27 April 1948, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 213 Sŏul Yesul Kodŭnghakkyo [Seoul Arts High School], Sŏulyego 50-nyŏn Sa [50-year Arts High School] (Seoul: Sŏulyego, 2003), 79-80. 214 Won-sik Yim, “Sekye ro Toyakhan ‘Han’guk ŭi Charang’” [The nation’s proud violinist Youngwook Kim became recognized around the world], The Dong-A Daily, 8 January 1975. 215 Kwang-ryŏl Chang, “Haebang Konggan ŭi Ŭmak Wŏlbuk Ŭmak ŭi Hyŏnjae” [Music in the US Army Military Government in Korea and musicians who defected to North Korea], Kaeksŏk [Auditorium], August 1995, 121. - 82 -

Pak believed that “Haimowitz was a person who worked not for his own benefit or

America’s ideological propaganda, but for a good cause.”216

Western Classical Music in USAMGIK

By contrast to the rosy image of USAMGIK recalled by these musicians, violent incidents instigated by American soldiers marred the daily life of many Koreans under the US military government.217 In 1948, as USAMGIK oppressed pro-Communist

Koreans and supported separatist Koreans who proposed the establishment of South

Korea without the North, the South Korean Labor Party led an armed uprising against

USAMGIK and the separatists in Jeju. Not only the rebels but also many innocent citizens were killed in Jeju by USAMGIK and the separatists.218 Given the continuing violence of USAMGIK’s role in Korea, it is remarkable that Korean musicians consistently voiced positive opinions about Ely Haimowitz.

Haimowitz’s efforts for the development of the music world of Korea can be understood as part of USAMGIK’s attempt to gain the confidence of Korean people and distract them from USAMGIK’s violence. Warren A. Gilbertson, the advisor for the

Bureau of Culture in the Department of Education, explained that USAMGIK’s arts

216 The Korea National Archives of the Arts, Yesulsa Kusul Ch’ongsŏ 003: Pak Yong-ku [Oral History in Korean Arts, vol. 003 Yong-ku Pak] (Seoul: Suryusanbang, 2011), 313-19. 217 Ely Haimowitz, Office of Civil Information, USAMGIK, Memorandum, 14 October 1947, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection; Heo, “Mijŏmryŏngkun T’ongch’i ha ‘Munmyŏng kwa Yaman ŭi Kyoch’a,” 160-62. 218 For the , see Ko Ch’ang-Hun, “US Government Responsibility in the Jeju April Third Uprising and Grand Massacre: Islanders’ Perspective,” Chibangjŏngbu Yŏn’gu [Korean Studies] 8, no. 2 (2004): 123-40; Jeju 4.3 Archives, http://43archives.or.kr/main.do. - 83 - policy offered aid in recognition and promotion of Korea’s own traditional arts as well as support for Western adaptations.219 Korean musicians considered Western music, especially European classical music, to be an advanced culture. In his interview with an official of USAMGIK, Tokko Sŏn, the director of the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra

Association, said that the cultural and racial pride of Korea

had always been suppressed by the Japanese, who did not allow the

Koreans any freedom at all in the cultural pursuits. Western music had

always been appreciated by Koreans, but it was necessary to familiarize

them with it once more and on the scale whereby they could take pride in

their own knowledge of the Western music. Thus, the organizations’ aim

was to promote Western music in Korea, and to contribute to the musical

advancement in the ‘Korean Renaissance.’220

Not only Tokko and the musicians from the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra Association but also other Korean musicians experienced European music as prestigious in the course of

Japanese colonial rule. Yi Kyŏng-pun argues that Korean people’s colonial experiences had a great impact on Korean reception of Western music. For example, in his article,

Korean pianist Kim Yŏng-hwan said that he was happy to give piano lessons to wives and daughters of Japanese colonial officials in Korea because this position allowed him to build a network with political and financial figures during the colonial period. Also,

219 Warren A. Gilbertson to Horace H. Underwood, “Brief Discussion with Recommendation Regarding Arts and Handcrafts,” 1 July 1947, in Ch’ŏng, Migunjŏnggi Han’guk Kyoyuk Saryojip, 1263. 220 US official’s interview with Tokko Sŏn, the director of the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra Association, in Ch’ŏng, Migunjŏnggi Han’guk Kyoyuk Saryojip, 1305. - 84 -

Kim wrote that he was very proud to participate in holding the concert of the violinist

Jascha Heifetz in Japan-occupied Korea.221 Western music provided a way to gain their social prestige in colonial Korea and recover Korea’s place in international society in postcolonial Korea.

Under Japanese colonial rule, the Korean public had been exposed to Japanese

Ch’angga through public education. At the same time, Western classical music had also been introduced in Korea. From the 1920s through the 1940s, world-class European classical musicians who visited the capital, Keiyo (Seoul), included violinists Fritz

Kreisler, Jascha Heifetz, Efrem Zimbalist, Jacques Thibaud, and Mischa Elman, and pianist Leonid Kreautzer.222 Koreans’ musical activities were limited, however, because the Japanese Government General of Korea banned many musical works and activities, including Korean music, religious music, pro-Communist music, and music from the

Allies during World War II.223 Although Western classical music was associated with cultural and social prestige in colonial Korea, few professional musicians in Korea had the skills to perform Western orchestral music. According to Korean composers Kim

Tong-chin and Yi Kŏn-u, there was no professional symphony orchestra in South Korea right after World War II except the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra.224 Thus, Korean society

221 Kyŏng-pun Yi, “Iljesigi Sŏyang Ŭmak Munhwa wa Ilbonin ŭi Yŏnghyang” [The music culture in colonial Korea and the influence of Japan], Ŭmaknondan [Journal of the Science and Practice of Music] 25 (2011): 161-162. 222 Ibid., 163-164. 223 Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje,” 385-98. 224 Chŏng-im Chŏn, An Oral History of Kim Tong-chin, 6 March 2004, Korean Digital Archives for the Arts, 3, http://www.daarts.or.kr/handle/11080/16134; Kŏn-u Yi, “Ŭmak Sip’yŏng: Aktan ŭi Chŏksinho” [A - 85 - welcomed the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra with enthusiasm. Describing the Koryŏ

Symphony Orchestra as a gathering of the best musicians in Korea, the Chungang

Sinmun (Chungang Daily) reported in November 1945 that this orchestra had already won great popularity.225 Thanks to USAMGIK’s support, the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra held more than 275 concerts during the US occupation of Korea.226

The musical repertoire of the orchestra was mainly composed of European classical music, including Camille Saint-Saëns’s Violin Concerto no. 3, Pyotr Ilyich

Tchaikovsky’s Symphony no. 5, Edvard Grieg’s “Peer Gynt” Orchestral Suite no.1,

Ludwig van Beethoven’s Fifth Symphony, an aria from Vincenzo Bellini’s Norma,

Johann Strauss’s “Blue Danube” Waltz, and Hector Berlioz’s “Marche Hongroise” from

The Damnation of Faust.227 The Kyunghyang Daily described this repertoire of Western classical music as “dignified and magnificent music” and the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra as “the most prestigious musicians in Korea.”228

comment on current music: warning signs for the Korean music scene], The Kyunghyang Daily, 7 October 1947. 225 “Aktan Ch’oego ŭi Taehyangyŏn: Koryŏ Kyohyangaktan Pŏlssŏbut’ŏ Taeinki” [The best feast in the Korean music scene: the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra is gaining great popularity], Chungang Sinmun, 22 November 1945. 226 Sharpless Hickman, “Music Held Vital Forces in Korea-US Relations,” The Christian Science Monitor, 18 April 1948. 227 Program booklet of the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra’s 14th Period Concert, 26 and 27 April 1947 at the International Theatre; Program booklet of the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra’s 16th Period Concert, 29 and 30 June 1947 at the International Theatre; Program booklet for the First National Middle School Music Festival, 10 and 11 May 1947 at Gyeongbok Palace; Program booklet for the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra Concert for the Celebration of the Re-opening of US and USSR Joint Commission, 6 and 7 June 1947 at the International Theatre; Program of the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra Concert in Celebration of Korea’s Second National , 19 and 20 August 1947 at the International Theatre, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 228 “Tach’ae Hŭngmiroun Kokmok ŭro” [The various and interesting musical repertoire of the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra], The Kyunghyang Daily, 7 August 1947. - 86 -

USAMGIK also made an effort to introduce American music to the Korean people. Haimowitz, who had raised money to purchase new instruments for the Koryŏ

Symphony Orchestra from Americans who attended the orchestra’s concerts, organized a

US-Korea goodwill concert to celebrate the American patrons’ donations. Highlighting

America’s generosity to Korea, the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra premiered American composer Douglas Moore’s “ Music,” an orchestral suite drawing on American folk traditions, at this concert.229 Before the joint Soviet-American commission was permanently dissolved, USAMGIK held a concert for celebrating the meeting of the joint

Soviet-American commission in May 1947. At this concert, before an audience of Soviet officials and Korean people, Haimowitz performed as the piano soloist in the Korean premiere of Russian composer Sergei Rachmaninoff’s Piano Concerto no. 2 with the

Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra. That an American pianist and US official premiered a

Russian composer’s piece in Korea impressed Korean observers, for the concert presented the image of the United States as a friendly and peaceful country respecting the freedom of expression.230

Until the East sea dries and Mt. Beakdu wears down God will protect and preserve us, long live our nation! The whole of Korea filled with roses of Sharon, such a glorious land

229 Program of the US-Korea Goodwill Concert, 25 April 1948 at the City Theatre, Seoul, Korea, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 230 “Kongwich’ukhaŭmak” [Special concert for the joint Soviet-American Commission], Chungang Sinmun [Chungang Daily], 4 June 1947; “Misogongwisokkaech’ukha Koryŏkyohyangaktan Yŏnju [The Koryŏ symphony orchestra concert for celebrating the resumption of the joint Soviet-American Commission],” Kyunghang Daily, 6 June 1947; “Chosŏn Tongnip ŭi Chŏnjugok, Misogonwi ŭi Pam [A Prelude of Korea’s independence, the concert for celebrating the joint Soviet-American Commission],” Sŏul Sŏkkan, 8 June 1947. - 87 -

Great Korean people, let’s stay true to the great Korean way

Figure 2.3. An Ik-t’ae, “Aegukka” (Korean national anthem), measures 1-8

The Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra performed music written by Korean composers for Korean national events. For the celebration of the first anniversary of Korea’s independence, led by USAMGIK on 14 August 1946, the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra played the Korean national anthem, composed by An Ik-t’ae (figure 2.3).231 In the concerts for the second national anniversary of Korea’s independence, held on 19 and 20

August 1947, the Orchestra performed Korean composer Yi Hŭng-nyŏl’s

“Haebangginyŏmga” (Song of Liberation), a celebration of Korea’s independence from

Japanese colonial rule; and Kim Sŏng-t’ae’s “Kkum Sok ŭi Ch’ŏnyŏ” (Maid in Dream), an aria from his opera Ch’un Hyang.232 The story of this opera is based on one of the most famous Korean classical novels, Ch’un Hyang Chŏn, a love story about crossing

231 “P’yŏnghwa, Haebang ŭi Kyŏngch’uksikjŏn [The celebration ceremony for Korea’s independence and peace],” The Dong-A Daily, 14 August 1946. Figure 2.3 is from an anthology of Korean patriotic songs published in 1946, Chosŏn Kungmin Ŭmak Yŏn’guhoe [Association for research on Joseon national music], (Haebangginyŏm) Aegukkajip [A Collection of patriotic songs in commemoration of national independence], (Hansŏng: Chosŏn Kungmin Ŭmak Yŏn’guhoe, 1946), 17. Quoted in No. 0085K01120, Ehwa Music Database, www.Emusicdb.info. 232 Ch’unyang is the name of the heroine of the story. - 88 - class barriers during the Joseon Dynasty.233 Written in the Korean language and based on

Korean people’s own stories, the two songs emphasized Korean identity.

After the long, dark night full of distress, the sun has risen in the whole land of Korea

Figure 2.4. Kim Sŏng-t’ae, “Tongnip Haengjin’gok”(Independence March), mm. 1-8

Recordings or printed music of Yi’s and Kim’s songs have not yet been rediscovered. Given that Korean composers of those days wrote many songs in march style to celebrate Korea’s independence, called Haebanggayo (independence songs), we might assume from the title that Yi’s “Haebangginyŏmga” (Song of Liberation) was written in a similar style. “Tongnip Haengjin’gok” (Independence March, figure 2.4), written by Kim Sŏng-t’ae in 1945, is an example of the characteristic style of

233 Program of the Koryŏ Symphony Orchestra Concert in celebration of Korea’s Second National Liberation Day, 20 August 1947, at the International Theater in Seoul, Korea, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. - 89 -

Haebanggayo.234 This piece was performed in the first national middle school music festival, which was held by USAMGIK on 10 and 11 May 1947 at Geunjeongjeon Hall in

Gyeongbokgung Palace, Seoul.235

It is noteworthy that both Yi and Kim were trained in Western classical music institutes in Japan and gained fame by producing many works in a song form called

Kagok.236 As a secular song form emerged in Korea in the 1920s, Kagok has been associated with the elite concert-going audience in Korea.237 Many Kagok pieces, including Yi’s “Paugogae” (hill of rock) and Kim’s “Tongsimch’o” (yearning leaves), are beloved by many people in South Korea to this day.

As an elite music written in Western style, though, Kagok was rejected by the

Soviet officials who governed in the north during the Soviet-American trusteeship. Kim

Tong-chin, who built his musical career in the northern part of Korea during the Soviet-

American trusteeship and defected to South Korea in 1950, was one of the greatest Kagok composers in Korea. In his oral history interview with Chŏn Chŏng-im, Kim reported:

At the time (during the Soviet occupation of North Korea), there were

many Soviet artists in Pyongyang. The Soviet artists asked (North) Korean

234 Figure 2.4 is from a music score published in 1946, Lyrics by T’ae-won Pak, Sŏng-t’ae Kim, Tongniphaengjin’gok [March of Independence] (Seoul: Kukjeŭmakmunhwasa, 1945). Quoted in No. 0840K11644, Ehwa Music Database, www.Emusicdb.info. 235 Program booklet of Chŏn’guk Chungdŭng Hakkyo Ŭmakhoe [The First national middle school music festival] on 10 and 11 May 1947, at Geunjeongjeon Hall in Palace, Seoul, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 236 Sang-u Han, Kiŏkhago Sipŭn Sŏnkujatŭl [Pioneers in Western music ] (Seoul: Chisiksanŏpsa, 2003), 258-71. 237 Chang, “Exilic Suffering,” 18, 21. - 90 -

musicians to perform your country’s modern music. I performed music of

Beethoven and Schubert in front of them. But they did not like it. They

asked for modern music with an emphasis on indigenous sound of Korea. I

introduced them to traditional instrumental music which

supposedly emerged more than 1000 years ago. They did not like this

music because this is just old traditional music. They wanted to listen to

music that has originated from Korean traditional music but developed in

modern Korean way. So, I performed my Kagok, “Kagop’a” [I wish I

went back home, figure 2.5].238 They rejected it by saying that “Kagop’a”

was written in Western style. They kept asking me to “perform your

country’s indigenous music.”239

My home, the ocean in the South. I can see the blue sea. I cannot forget even in my dreams the quiet sea in my hometown. I am wondering if the waterfowl are still flying there. I want to go back. I want to go back. I cannot forget my friends with whom I frolicked together in my hometown. I wonder how they are doing. I miss them. I miss them.

238 “Kagop’a” was composed by Kim Tong-chin in 1933. Lyrics by Ŭn-sang Yi. Figure 2.5 is from a Kagok anthology published in 1976. Kang-Yŏm Yi, ed., Han’guk kagok Paekkokjip [100 Selected Korean Lyric Songs] (Seoul: Kungminŭmak Yŏn’guhoe, 1976), 19. 239 Chŏn, An Oral History of Kim Tong-chin, 3. - 91 -

Figure 2.5. Kim Tong-chin, “Kagop’a” (I wish I went back home), measures 1-11

The lyrics of Kim Tong-chin’s “Kagop’a” describes the sadness of Korean people who left Korea under Japanese colonial rule to participate in the Korean independence movement abroad. Kim Tong-chin’s “Kagop’a” enjoyed great popularity among Korean

- 92 - people during the Japanese colonial period. This song has been acclaimed as a representative piece of Korean Kagok.240 Nevertheless, Soviet officials in northern Korea treated Kagok merely as Western-style music and ignored it, presumably because it was not sufficiently “of the people” or ethnically marked as Korean.

After the long, dark night full of distress, the sun has risen in the whole land of Korea

Figure 2.6. Kim Sŏng-t’ae, “Tongnip Haengjin’gok” (Independence March)

By contrast, Haimowitz and the music section welcomed Kagok and supported

Korean musicians who composed music in Western styles. The musical repertoire that was performed at the nationwide middle school music festival held by USAMGIK included not only the above-mentioned pieces of Yi Hŭng-nyŏl and Kim Sŏng-t’ae, but also other Kagok and Haebanggayo: Yim Wŏn-sik’s “Chayuchosŏn” (Freedom, Korea)

240 Yi, Han’guk yangak paengnyŏnsa, 226. - 93 - and “Yŏntae ŭi Charang” (The pride of solidarity), Pak T’ae-chun’s “Chŏnwŏn ŭi

P’yŏngwŏn (The peace of the idyll),” and Kim Sŏng-t’ae’s “Tongnip Haengjin’gok” (The independence march, figure 2.6).241

In the American zone, Korean composers’ works written in Western styles gained recognition as Korean music, and they garnered praise as an art of high standard.

Emphasizing freedom of expression, USAMGIK’s music policy satisfied Korean composers’ desire to develop Western classical music in Korea. By fostering Korean composers’ music that was written in Western styles but included words emphasizing

Korean people’s life and their patriotism, USAMGIK contributed to building a new

Korean musical identity in the southern part of Korea.

Korean Musical Identities

Haimowitz’s efforts and those of the music section were not limited to promoting music written by Korean composers trained in Western classical music. Haimowitz also helped Korean people restore the Korean traditional music lost under Japanese colonial rule. In the Soviet zone, influenced by socialist realism, Korean musicians formed

Pukchosŏn Ŭmak Tongmaeng (the North Korean Musicians’ League) on 11 October

1946. They denounced religious music, art for art’s sake, cosmopolitanism, and

241 Program booklet of Chŏn’guk Chungdŭng Hakkyo Ŭmakhoe [The First national middle school music festival] on 10 and 11 May 1947, at Geunjeongjeon Hall in Gyeongbokgung Palace, Seoul, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. - 94 - modernism.242 Korean musicians in the Soviet zone preferred contemporary Korean folk music to of the past, seeking new directions for music. Emphasizing music as a political tool, these musicians sought to “re-create” Korean music in order to serve the people and inspire socialist ideology. This process led to the birth of North

Korea’s own music dramas, Hyŏkmyŏng Kagŭk (revolutionary music drama) and Songga

(song for celebrating a political hero).243 By contrast, Haimowitz and the music section in the South emphasized Korean traditional music that was suppressed under Japanese colonial rule—aiming to rehabilitate the tradition without necessarily infusing it with new political content.

Studying the history of Korean traditional music and instruments during his incumbency in USAMGIK, Haimowitz worked closely with two authorities on Korean traditional music, Ham Hwa-chin and Sŏng Kyŏng-lin. Both of them were former Korean court musicians.244 Korean court music and chŏng’ak (music of middle and upper classes) were drastically curtailed during the Japanese colonial period, whereas Korean folk music such as ch’anggŭk (Korean traditional drama with singing actors) and sinminyo (neo folk songs), was less completely suppressed.245 Sŏng, who had been

242 On socialist realism in music, see Danielle Fosler-Lussier, Music Divided: Bartók’s Legacy in Cold War Culture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 94-116; Caroline Brooke, “Soviet Musicians and the Great Terror, Europe-Asia Studies 54, no. 3 (2002): 397-413; Marina Frolova-Walker, Stalin’s Music Prize: Soviet Culture and Politics (London: Yale University Press, 2016), 258-278. 243 U-sŏk Sŏ, Kwang-sun Kim, -ho Chŏn, and Kyŏng-ch’an Min. “1945-nyŏn Ihu Pukhan ŭi Ŭmak e Kwanhan Yŏn’gu” [A Study on North Korean Music] Sahoekwahak kwa Chŏngch’aek Yŏn’gu [Social Science and Policy Research] 11, no. 3 (1990): 175-9. 244 Ely Haimowitz, Daily Report, 5 September 1946; Ely Haimowitz, Weekly Summary, 7 September 1946, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 245 Youngmin Yu, “Musical Performance of Korean Identities in North Korea, South Korea, Japan, and the United States” (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 2007), 59. For the details of Ch’anggŭk, - 95 - preparing a book on the history of Korean traditional music since Korea’s liberation, gave

Haimowitz detailed information about Korean traditional music.246 Ham gave Haimowitz lessons on an ancient Korean traditional stringed instrument, the kŏmungo (figure 2.7).247

Figure 2.7. Haimowitz learning a Korean traditional string instrument, kŏmungo, from Ham Hwa-chin. Photo courtesy of Valerie Haimowitz.

see Andrew Killick, In Search of Korean Traditional Opera: Discourses of Ch’anggŏk (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2010), xvi-xxii. For Sinminyo under Japanese colonial rule, see So-yŏng Yi, “Ilje Kangjŏmgi Sinminyo ŭi Honjongsŏng” [The Hybridity of Korean New-Folk Song (Shinminyo) during the Japanese Colonial Period], Nangman Ŭmak 19, no.3 (2007):191-307. 246 Ely Haimowitz, Daily Report, 30 August 1946; Ely Haimowitz, Weekly Summary, 28 September 1946, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 247 Song, Han’guk ŭmak t’ongsa, 43. - 96 -

The cultural assimilation policy of the Japanese Government General of Korea had been very severe, especially during World War II.248 In contrast, by restoring the Korean traditional music lost under Japanese colonial rule and supporting the development of

“authentic” Korean traditional music, Haimowitz and the music section emphasized their respect for Korean culture. As part of restoring Korean music, Haimowitz and the music section collaborated with the National Music Academy of Korea, led by Ham, to hold the first ever Nongak (Korean farmer’s music) festival in spring 1946.249 Nongak was banned by the Japanese Government General of Korea and was in danger of disappearing in

Korea at the time.250 The second Nongak festival was held at Ch’anggyŏngwŏn, a former

Korean traditional palace in Seoul, on 23 May 1947.251 Eight dance groups from different provincial areas came to Seoul to take part in this festival (figure 2.8). As noted in

Haimowitz’s weekly report, the music and dances presented at the festival were considered all Korea’s own culture and many of them as old as Korea itself, back to and pre-Silla days (57 BCE- 935 CE).252

248 Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje,” 381-427; Mark Caprio, Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 1910-1945 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2009), 141-170. 249 Ely Haimowitz, Weekly Summary, 23 May 1947, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection; The Korea National Archives of the Arts, Yesulsa Kusul Ch’ongsŏ 003, 315. 250 Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje,” 381-427. 251 Korean musicologists have argued that Nongak is as old as the ancient civilization. Because Nongak is a folk handed down by oral tradition, however, no historical document about its origin has been discovered. See Nathan Hesselink, P’ungmul: South Korean Drumming and Dance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 15-16; Soo-jin Kim, “Diasporic P’ungmal in the United States: A Journey between Korea and the United States” (Ph.D. diss., Ohio State University, 2011), 69; Katherine Lee, “Encounters with Samulnori: the Cultural ’s Dynamic Percussion Genre,” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 2012), 35; Song, Han’guk ŭmak t’ongsa, 467-72. 252 Haimowitz, Weekly Summary, 23 May 1947. - 97 -

Figure 2.8. The First National Farmer’s Music Festival. Photo courtesy of Valerie Haimowitz.

Sŏng Kyŏng-lin participated as one of the judges for the first Nongak festival

(1946). In an oral history interview with Suk-hi Yi on 3 March 2004, Sŏng said that a great number of Korean people attended the festival and that it was very successful. He believed that the event was influential on the Korean music scene, encouraging Korean traditional musicians and promoting Korean traditional music. Sŏng emphasized his

- 98 - appreciation that the Department of Education of USAMGIK held this festival and contributed to the rapid revitalization of Korean traditional music.253

Haimowitz and the music section also made an effort to collect audio recordings of

Korean music. At the time of Haimowitz’s work, almost no Korean music was available in Korea via recordings.254 The Japanese Government General of Korea had not only banned public performances of Korean farmer’s music and dance and classical Korean operas, but also controlled recorded Korean music, including Korean folk songs, patriotic songs, pro-Communist songs, popular songs, and Christian hymns.255 By contrast, around

2500 records of Korean music recorded before the ban were still available in Japan. In

1947, Haimowitz and the department of education planned to import 250 different records of Korean music (2,500 copies each), 100 different records of Korean folk songs

(5,000 copies each), and 250 different records of Korean popular music (2,500 copies each) from Japan.256 It is unclear whether these requested records were successfully imported from Japan to Korea. However, these efforts demonstrate that USAMGIK was interested in recovering Korean music suppressed under Japanese colonial rule.

253 Suk-hi Yi, An Oral History of Kyŏng-lin Sŏng, 3 March 2004, Korean Digital Archives for the Arts, 115-6. http://www.daarts.or.kr/handle/11080/16405. 254 Ely Haimowitz, Daily Report, 16 August 1946, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 255 Mun, “Iljae Kangjŏmgi Ŭmak T’ongje,” 381-427. 256 Ely Haimwitz, Memorandum, 19 August 1946; Ely Haimowitz, Memorandum, 25 September 1946; Lt. Col. Seth Wiard in the Civil Administration, USAMGIK, Correspondence to the Civil Information and Education Section of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Power, “Master Plates of Native Korean Music,” 5 June 1946; The Department of Education, USAMGIK, “Korean Import Requirement, Schedule No. 2B2241,” 28 February 2017, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. - 99 -

Haimowitz, who spared no effort in restoring Korean music suppressed by the

Japanese colonial administration, was well aware of Korean people’s anti-Japanese sentiment and their strong desire to recover self-confidence in their country and their own culture. Supporting this ambition was one of his ways of gaining the trust of the Korean people. Some Korean people had collaborated with the Japanese occupiers and undermined the Korean people’s independence movement. The music world of Korea had not been immune to collaboration of this kind. Haimowitz demonstrated empathy with Korean musicians’ anger toward past collaborators with the Japanese. When the

New York Times ran an article describing Korean musician Hyŏn Che-myŏng, the chairman of the Koryŏ Symphony Association, as a great figure who laid the foundations of the Korean music scene after Korea’s liberation, Haimowitz wrote an angry complaint to the editor of the New York Times.257 In his letter to the editor, Haimowitz wrote:

The impression is given that Mr. Rody Hyŏn [Hyŏn Che-myŏng] has been

instrumental “in reorganizing the musical life of a nation of 30,000,000

people.” As one who has worked directly during this time with the many

fine Korean musicians and music educators in South Korea who resent

such an assertion, I can assure you that such is not the case.258

257 “Music in Korea: Dr. Hyun, Educated in This Country, Leads in Developing Artistic Life,” New York Times, 17 August 1947. 258 Ely Haimowitz, Letter to the Editor, New York Times, 2 September 1947, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. - 100 -

In this letter, Haimowitz admitted that he and the music section received great assistance from Hyŏn, who was one of the most influential Korean musician and the first chairman of the Koryŏ Symphony Association for USAMGIK’s music programs.259 Nevertheless, Haimowitz believed that Hyŏn did not deserve fame because of his pro-Japanese activities during the colonial period. Haimowitz’s letter continued:

Mr. Hyŏn is well known among Korean patriots as an ardent pro-Japanese

collaborator and opportunist who entertained Japanese troops extensively.

This is commonly referred to among informed Koreans […] One incident

may serve to illustrate: at a music contest sponsored by the Japanese in the

summer of 1945, a young Korean violinist by the same name of Tong

Hi played a series of variations on the melody “Home Sweet Home.”

Though his playing was not the best, he managed to receive a passing

score; but one of the judges, a Japanese, Mr. Oba Yunosuke, objected

because his technique was poor, and complained that he should not have

received the passing score. At this juncture, another judge, Mr. Rody

Hyŏn, pointed out that it was not a question of whether or not his playing

was good or bad, but that he had played “enemy” music. For this he was

259 Ibid. - 101 -

applauded by the Japanese, who, of course, immediately ruled the boy

out.260

In his rhetoric and actions, Haimowitz appears to have adopted the position of an ally to

Korean musicians, taking their animosities as his own.

Haimowitz’s sympathy with Korean musicians’ anger toward Japanese collaborators impressed Pak Yong-ku, the most influential Korean music critic of that time. In an oral history interview, Pak said that he came to know about the New York

Times article regarding Hyŏn through Haimowitz. One day, Haimowitz visited Pak and deplored the distorted article in front of him.261 When asked for his opinion on

Haimowitz and USAMGIK, Pak answered:

It might have been a part of USAMGIK’s cultural policy. On the other

hand, however, I believe that he (Haimowitz) tried his best to do what he

was supposed to do in a country liberated from colonial rule, with a sense

of duty, beyond his own benefit as well as ideology. Just like the Christian

missionaries came to Korea earlier (who built hospitals and universities

for Korean people in a good cause) […] I thought he was a really good

guy!262

260 Ibid. 261 Korea National Archives of the Arts, Yesulsa Kusul Ch’ongsŏ 003, 317. 262 Ibid., 315-7. - 102 -

As a music critic, Pak deplored Korean musicians like Hyŏn who oppressed nationalist or pro-Communist Korean musicians under Japanese colonial rule.263 In 1937, Hyŏn joined a pro-Japanese artists’ organization, Chosŏn Munyehoe (Chosun literary organization), which included both Koreans and Japanese and was supported by the education and management bureau of the Japanese Government General of Korea. Actively participating in events organized by Taehwasuk, an organization established by the

Japanese colonial administration to “rehabilitate” people who had fought for Korea’s independence, Hyŏn took the lead in composing and disseminating Japanese military songs during wartime.264

As Korea became liberated from Japanese colonial rule, ousting the pro-Japanese collaborators from power became an urgent task for Koreans. Nonetheless, USAMGIK gave these pro-Japanese collaborators a chance. Despite Korean people’s strong complaint and opposition, USAMGIK kept pro-Japanese collaborators in office for effective control over southern Korea. Since then, the continued empowerment of the betrayers of the nation has remained a serious problem for Korean society.265 In a similar

263 Yong-ku Pak, “Kim Sun-nam kwa Heimowittŭ—Han’gae ŭi Sŏhan” [Sun-nam Kim and Haimowitz, A letter to Ely Haimowitz], in Ŭmak kwa Hyŏnsil [Music and Reality] (Seoul: Minkyosa, 1949), 182-88. 264 Ch’ang-uk Kim, “Han’guk Kŭndae Ŭmaksa ŭi Pit kwa Kŭnŭl: Ilje Kangjŏmgi Hyŏn Che-myŏng ŭi Sam kwa Ŭmakhwaldong” [Janus-faced Korean modern music history: Che-myŏng Hyŏn’s life and music during the Japanese colonial period], Ŭmakmunhŏnhak [Journal of the Society for Korean Music Philology] 2 (2011): 169-173. 265 See Matray, “Hodge Podge: American Occupation Policy in Korea, 1945-1948,” Korean Studies 19, no. 1 (1995): 21-22; Dun-Qiu Li, “America’s Policy and Influence Before and After the Independence of Korea,” Inmunsahoekwahak Nonmunjip [Journal of The Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences] 30 (2001): 69; Youn-tae “Refracted Modernity and the Issue of Pro-Japanese Collaborators in Korea,” Korea Journal 42, no. 3, (2002): 18-59; T’ae-kyun Pak, “8.15 Chikhu Migunjŏng ŭi Kwanrich’ungwŏn kwa Ch’inilp’a” [Employment of Personnel in USAMGIK and pro-Japanese collaborators in Korea], Yŏksa wa Hyŏnsil [Quarterly review of Korean history] 10, (1993): 43-64. - 103 - vein, as a representative of pro-Japanese musicians, Hyŏn has been at the center of controversy in Korea to this day.266 In this context, Haimowitz’s open expression of anger toward pro-Japanese collaborators and his active efforts to restore Korean traditional music gained many Korean musicians’ trust.

Haimowitz even supported pro-Communist Korean composer Kim Sun-nam. Kim was under an arrest warrant from USAMGIK because of his pro-Communist songs such as “Inmin Hangjaengga” (Song for the Korean Proletarian Uprising) and “Namjosŏn

Hyŏngjeyŏ Itjimara” (South Korean Brothers, Don’t Forget). Under USAMGIK,

Haimowitz introduced Kim’s music and got a scholarship for him to the Music Academy of the West in Santa Barbara, California. However, the South Korean police refused to give Kim a . Thus, Kim could not accept the scholarship. After he returned to the

United States, Haimowitz showed Kim’s manuscript to American composer Aaron

Copland. Copland offered Kim a scholarship to the Tanglewood Music Festival in

Massachusetts. Kim did not accept this scholarship. Eventually, Kim fled to North

Korea.267

Haimowitz also took a stand against American soldiers’ racial discrimination toward Korean people. Haimowitz sent a report about American biases to the military governor, John Hodge. In this report, Haimowitz mentioned American military police officers’ swearing at and about Korean people. He noted that Korean dancers who hosted

266 See Kim, “Han’guk Kŭndae Ŭmaksa ŭi Pit kwa Kŭnŭl,” 169-173; for Kim Sun-nam, see Chang, “Exilic Suffering,” 15-19. 267 Merry Anne Davis, “Great Talents,” in Silver & Blue, University of Nevada, Reno Magazine, March/April, 1996, 12; Korea National Archives of the Arts, Yesulsa Kusul Ch’ongsŏ 003, 313. - 104 - a dinner and performed for American officials were not permitted to eat with them.

Haimowitz added:

Was it fine to treat the two dancers in this stand-offish, snobbish manner

such as southerners would treat a guest Negro chorus in a small, white

high school in the deep south? I was completely ashamed of the manner in

which they were treated.268

In this paragraph, Haimowitz strongly denounced American soldiers’ racial discrimination toward Korean people. Nevertheless, it is too early to conclude that

Haimowitz worked only for a good cause beyond his own benefit as well as ideology, as Pak believed. In the wake of the above, Haimowitz wrote:

Of course, General Hodge, I have not written this to you simply to

complain about the manner in which my guests were treated: for I know

that there must be many other similar cases daily. Rather, I do write

because I know that whatever small amount of good will my social

gathering could have been responsible for can so easily be nullified by

such incidents as I have mentioned; they work directly against everything

we are trying to do here. As you know, in any occupied , the good

will of the people concerned is difficult to obtain, but it is very easy to

268 Ely Haimowitz, “Personal Letter re: Incidents Reflecting upon the Occupation Forces,” Letter to Lt. Gen. John R. Hodge through Brig. Gen. Helmick, Maj. Gen. Lerch, 11 June 1947, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. - 105 -

lose. We must try to hold that good will by our sincerity of purpose as

exemplified by our actions.269

From this paragraph, it is clear that Haimowitz was well aware that above all, Korean goodwill toward the United States was necessary to the US strategy in East Asia. It is unknown whether Hodge agreed with Haimowitz’s opinion and responded to his letter.

Nonetheless, Haimowitz’s remarks accord with the code of conduct for American soldiers in Korea outlined by Hodge. In 1946, John Hodge wrote a letter to the US soldiers as follows:

When our troops arrived here (Korea) in September, we came as deliverers and

apostles of democracy and freedom to the Koreans. Until some of our soldiers

showed them otherwise, Koreans felt we could do no wrong. They looked upon

the United States as Utopia and believed that all Americans were

straightforward, honest, and reliable, even if they did act a little strange. It has

been a great shock to them to learn that in the case of some Americans, this

belief is far from true. The few outlaws and thugs in our ranks, together with

several careless and thoughtless individuals, are surely destroying the goodwill

and trust of the liberated Koreans for the American forces here, making them

fear us and hate us. They are blocking our ability to accomplish our

269 Ibid. - 106 -

and delaying the day when we can return our forces to the United States, as

well as destroying the prestige of America in the Orient.270

This letter reveals that John Hodge tried to impress Korean people not only with military might, but also with positive interaction. Despite this positive public face, Hodge was known to have strong racial biases against Korean people. At the end of USAMGIK,

Hodge’s racist attitude toward Korean people and his ignorance of Korean culture even made an enemy of the first South Korean president Syngman Rhee, who shared strong anti-Communist viewpoints with Hodge. Thus, Hodge’s emphasis on America’s goodwill in Korea was no more than a tactic to cover the military government’s violence and alleviate public anger in Korea.271

As a US official in USAMGIK, Haimowitz believed that respecting Korean people and supporting Korean identity were effective forms of American propaganda toward Korea. In a memorandum for the Office of Civil Information, Haimowitz wrote:

It has been my sincere belief that we Americans should have tried to build

up everything Korean; that is the best way of gaining the public confidence

of the Koreans, who have come to think that we Americans think of them as

just another group of, say, Oriental negroes, as one Korean put it to me. I

feel that Korea has many fine things to offer to the world; I feel that we

270 “To Members of the American Forces in Korea,” a letter from the Lieutenant General, U.S. Army Commanding, John R. Hodge, Headquarters, Forces in Korea, Office of the Commanding General, APO 235, 3 March 1946, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 271 For the military governor John Hodge’s racist viewpoint toward Korean people and his policy in the US army military government in Korea, see Matray, “Hodge Podge,” 17-34. - 107 -

should help make them known to the world because the Koreans are

dependent upon us, for one reason, and of course, the most important reason

now, is the fact that it is good [Office of Civil Information] material.272

Haimowitz claimed that “one of the best ways for us (USAMGIK) to gain the confidence of the Korean people is to rebuild those things which the Japanese forbade,” that is to say,

Korea’s own culture.273 Korean musicians appear to have approved of Haimowitz; thus,

USAMGIK’s music policy, which was focused on promoting Korean music suppressed by the Japanese colonial administration, may well have helped build a positive opinion of the United States among them.

Conclusion

Haimowitz and the Music Section extended their reach in southern Korea by supporting Korean musicians and musical genres that were ignored by the Soviets. By fostering participation in the international culture of Western classical music, USAMGIK helped Korean musicians re-establish a Korean musical identity. USAMGIK spread this musical repertoire in the southern part of Korea through public education. Haimowitz and the Department of Education distributed music textbooks containing examples of vocal music written by Schubert, Schumann, and Felix Mendelssohn; Western European folk

272 Ely Haimowitz, Memorandum, 14 October 1947, Ely Haimowitz Private Collection. 273 Ibid. - 108 - songs; and Korean Kagok.274 At the same time, by restoring and preserving Korean traditional music, USAMGIK gave Korean musicians a direction for the development of

Korean music and began reforming the musical canon of South Korea in a way that distinguished its music from that of North Korea.

The different approaches to music in northern and southern parts of Korea during the Soviet-US occupation paved the way for the formation of the distinct musical identities that would later develop in North and South Korea. This gap became larger and larger after the Korean War (1950-1953). Both North and South Korea found uniquely

Korean elements in Korean traditional music. However, the two approached

Korean traditional music from different points of view. Led by (self-reliance ideology), North Korea emphasized not only Korean “traditional” but also Western

“progressive” elements in creating national music. For example, adopting the equal- tempered scale, North Korea modified Korean instruments that had been tuned to an anhemitonic pentatonic scale.275 By contrast, South Korea strived to preserve Korean traditional music in an “authentic” form.276 Meanwhile, Western classical music took a

274 For music textbooks made by USAMGIK, see Hye-kŭn Kwŏn, “Migunjŏnggi ŭi Ŭmak Kyojae Yŏn’gu: Namnyŏ Chungdŏng Ŭmak Kyŏbon Je 3 Kŏn ŭl Chungsim ŭro” [Research on Music Education Materials during the US Military Government Period: Focusing on the Third Volume of the Middle School Music Textbook for Boys and Girls], Han’guk ŭmaksahakpo [Journal of the Society for Korean Historical Musicology] 57 (2016): 109-144. 275 Yu, “Musical Performance of Korean Identities in North Korea, South Korea, Japan, and the United States,” 55-70; Party History Institute of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea, Kim Il Sung Selected Works 4, 160. 276 Yu, “Musical Performance of Korean Identities in North Korea, South Korea, Japan, and the United States,” 59-61. - 109 - privileged position as highbrow culture, even though commercialized Korean popular music in Western styles has enjoyed great popularity in South Korea.277

Even today, in the divided Korean Peninsula, music still mediates Cold War tensions. In August 2015, a skirmish between North Korea and South Korea was provoked by South Korea’s loudspeaker propaganda along the military between the two countries. South Korea’s loudspeakers transmitted not only verbal messages but also K-pop, a South Korean popular music with American roots. Urging

Southern officials to turn off the loudspeakers, the North warned of all-out war and launched a rocket artillery attack. The South Korean military responded by firing many rounds of 155 mm shells toward North Korea. Finally, the skirmish ended as South Korea turned off the loudspeakers. The South’s Defense Ministry boldly claimed that the broadcasts advertised the “superiority of a free democracy.”278 It is still apparent today that, intertwined with Korean people’s diverse postcolonial desires, American music and the US government played a significant role in shaping (South) Korean musical identity.

277 Ibid., 17. 278 Sang-hun Choe, “To Jar North, South Korea Used a Pop-Music Barrage,” New York Times, 30 August 2015. - 110 -

Chapter 3: The Korean Children’s Choir and South Korea’s Cold War Musical

Diplomacy Toward the United States

On 8 April 1954, twenty-five young Korean children boarded a military aircraft provided by the 5th American Air Force, departing Seoul, South Korea. The children, ages seven to twelve, were members of the Korean Children’s Choir.279 With the children were conductor and chorus master An Pyŏng-wŏn, his sister An Hŭi-ok as a nanny, piano accompanist Yi Hwa-yŏng, and military chaplain Chŏng Tal-bin as interpreter for the choir. They were traveling to the United States on behalf of their , which was ruined by the Korean War (1950-1953).280 Supported by the American-Korean foundation, the Korean Children’s Choir visited 48 of the United States and gave performances to raise funds for Korean post-war rehabilitation. Their repertoire

279 Several different names were used for this Korean children’s choir. This musical troupe seems to have had no official and clearly fixed name before its US tour. According to the events for which they performed, different names were used flexibly. In this chapter, I will use the name “the Korean Children’s Choir” to refer to both its forerunners and this choir during its US tour. 280 “Korean Children Choir in U.S. to Sing for Funds,” Chicago Daily Tribune, 10 April 1954; Palmer Bevis, Executive Director of the American-Korean Foundation, Correspondence to Justin Williams at Foreign Operations Administration, 13 April 1954, Record Group 469, Box 65, NARA, re-collected and digitized by the Archives of Korean History at http://archive.history.go.kr; Pyŏng-wŏn An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida [Ringing the nation through music] (Seoul: Sam kwa Kkum, 2006), 99-118. - 111 - comprised children’s songs and folk songs from the United States and Korea, implying a strong alliance and friendship between the United States and South Korea.281

Although the South Korean government and the American-Korean foundation officially used the name “the Korean Children’s Choir” during their US tour, they were promoted as the “Korean War Orphans’” Choir by the New York Times.282 Because the choir members were widely publicized as orphans, they moved many American citizens’ hearts and raised a great deal of money from them for South Korea’s post-war reconstruction. The 22 million they collected was almost equal to the 22.94 million dollars granted by the United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency for Korean post-war reconstruction in 1954.283 Considering that South Korea’s for 1954 was 69 million dollars, the choir’s earnings represented a colossal amount of money.284

Remarkably, however, the choir was traveling under false pretenses. They were billed as the “Korean Orphans’ Choir” throughout their tour, yet there was no orphan among the choir members.285 Rather, they were children from wealthy and powerful

281 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 147, 149, 193; Korean Children’s Choir, Urania Record Corp, US 57125, LP. 282 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 145; “Korean Choir to Tour U.S.,” New York Times, 8 April 1954; “First Lady Serenaded by 25 Korean Children,” New York Times, 12 May 1954. 283 “Hyujit’ong” [Informed sources], Dong-A Daily, 10 July 1954. 284 Gross domestic product of South Korea in 1954, Economic Statistics System of the of Korea http://ecos.bok.or.kr 285 Susie Woo, “Imagining Kin: Cold War Sentimentalism and the Korean Children’s Choir,” American Quarterly 67, no.1 (2015): 31; Han’guk Kyŏngje 70-nyŏn kŭdŭl i issŏtta [70 years of Korean economy, they were there] (includes an interview with Yi Kyu-do, one of the choir members), Korean Broadcasting System 1TV, 11 April 2015; Interviews with the choir members Son Myŏng-won on 8 August 2016 and Choe Sŭngja on 28 July 2016. - 112 - families.286 At the time, the Korean Children’s Choir was the most famous and almost the only children’s choir in Korea: the group had performed for radio broadcasting, operas, and concerts since 1945. With strong ties to the South Korean government, the choir had sung for political leaders and foreign soldiers during the Korean War.287 Although the choir’s tour was supported by non-governmental organizations, it was not an apolitical event, nor merely a one-off relief campaign. As South Korean president Syngman Rhee clarified the promotional effect of the Korean Children’s Choir in his correspondence to the Korean ambassador to the United States, Yang Yu-ch’an, this event was carefully planned by both the US and South Korean governments in the pursuit of common benefits against Communism.288 The political effect and value of the Korean Children’s

Choir was much more than raising funds for South Korea’s post-war reconstruction.

In this chapter, I examine the Korean Children’s Choir not merely as a troupe touring for charitable relief but as a musical group that played a significant role in the

Cold War relationship between the United States and South Korea and helped to rebuild

South Korea’s national and cultural identity in this Cold War context. By examining the

Korean Children’s Choir in the Cold War relationship between the United States and

286 Interview with Myŏng-won Son, one of the choir members and a son of the first chief of South Korean Navy, on 8 August 2016; Interview with Sŭngja Choe on 28 July 2016. 287 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 44-77. 288 Correspondence from President Syngman Rhee to Yuchan Yang, Ambassador of South Korea to the United States, 22 April 1953, Syngman Rhee collection vol. 5, Korean History Database of the National Institute of Korean History, http://db.history.go.kr. For the politics of the US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir from the viewpoint of the US side, see Woo, “Imagining Kin,” 29-34. For the strong tie between the American-Korean Foundation and the South Korean government, see So-ra Yi, “1952-55 nyŏn Hanmijaedan ŭi Hwaltong kwa Kŭ Yŏksajŏk Sŏngkyŏk” [Activity and Historical Role of American- Korean Foundation (1952-1955)] (Master’s thesis, Seoul National University, 2015), 68-82. - 113 -

South Korea, this chapter emphasizes that Cold War cultural diplomacy was carried out not only as unilateral propaganda from a super-power to its target country, but also as a bilateral action founded on shared political interests between different countries. This chapter also reveals that this post-Korean War musical diplomacy is built around US-

South Korea relations that were developed during wartime.

The US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir as “camouflaged” propaganda

When the Korean Children’s Choir toured the United States in 1954, South Korea was struggling in the ruins of the Korean War (1950-1953). It was the Korean War that divided Korea into North and South and cut off all the ties between the two Koreas.

However, the ideological conflict between those Koreans who supported capitalism and those who supported Communism had already escalated during the Soviet-US trusteeship

(1945-1948). The two different Korean governments (the Syngman Rhee and Kim Il

Sung regimes) were already established respectively in the northern and southern part of

Korea in 1948.289 After the Korean War, taking a strong anti-Communist position, the

South Korean government strengthened its alliance with the United States.

Entering this new phase of the Cold War, the US government devised new strategies for competition with the Soviet Union. During wartime, the United States engaged in an intense program of psychological warfare to destroy opponents’ morale; it

289 For the historical background, see Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 237-298. - 114 - also planned rigorous propaganda for use during “peacetime.”290 In the early 1950s, the

US government’s main propaganda target was the countries not under Soviet control: US officials hoped these nations could be persuaded to join “the free world.” South Korea was one of the most important strategic targets, as it served as a buffer zone against

Communism in East Asia. Yet US officials had to proceed with care because many US citizens held a long-standing antipathy to international propaganda.291

In this regard, the Eisenhower administration believed that for propaganda to be effective “the hand of government must be carefully concealed, and, in some cases, wholly eliminated.”292 Based on this belief, the Eisenhower administration approved covert (unattributed) propaganda, which condemned Communism without revealing that the US government was responsible for the condemnation.293 To organize its media strategy, the Eisenhower administration established the United States Information

Agency (USIA), which (along with the State Department) played a key role in cultural diplomacy.294 Whereas mass media such as radio programs or broadcast news were used

290 For the strategies and effects of US psychological warfare in Korea during the wartime, see Mark Jacobson, “‘Minds then hearts’: United States Political and Psychological Warfare During the Korean War” (Ph.D. diss., The Ohio State University, 2005). 291 Kenneth Osgood, “Total Cold War: U.S. Propaganda in the ‘Free World,’ 1953-60” (Ph.D. diss., University of California Santa Barbara, 2001), 60-61; Kenneth Osgood, Total Cold War: Eisenhower’s Secret Propaganda Battle at Home and Abroad (Lawrence: University of Kansas, 2006), 76-103. 292 Osgood, Total Cold War, 60. 293 Ibid. 294 For the details of USIA and cultural diplomacy, see Nicholas Cull, The Cold War and the United States Information Agency: American Propaganda and Public Diplomacy, 1945-1989 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 81-188; Fosler-Lussier, Music in America’s Cold War Diplomacy, 23-46; and Osgood, Total Cold War, 90-103. For the activities of USIA in South Korea, see Heo, “1950-nyŏndae Miguk ŭi Kyoyuk Kyohwan Kyehoek kwa Han’guk Sahoe Ellitŭ ŭi Ch’inmiwha” [The US Government’s Educational Exchange Program and the Making of Korean Elite as Pro-American], 229-265. - 115 - for overt propaganda by concentrating on factual reporting and conveying a positive and objective , unattributed propaganda was accomplished through arrangements with all sorts of privately operated enterprises.295 Music was one of the most powerful tools for this “camouflaged” propaganda. Kenneth Osgood and Shawn Parry-Giles discussed

“camouflaged propaganda” mainly in the context of US cultural diplomacy toward target countries.296 However, cultural propaganda was not an exclusive property of the United

States. The US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir was based on anti-Communist goals shared by the US and South Korean governments.

From the position of the US government, the Korean Children’s Choir was a good resource to convince American citizens to support the post-war rehabilitation of South

Korea. As the threat of Communist China increased, the US government felt keenly the necessity of its military and economic aid to South Korea after the Korean War.

However, one of the biggest challenges for the Eisenhower administration was to reduce the military expenditures that had been increased during the Truman administration:

Eisenhower wanted to alleviate American citizens’ complaints by reducing the deficit. If support for Korea was to continue, the Eisenhower administration needed a groundbreaking event to stir up domestic public opinion and convince American citizens of the need to help South Korea. Yi So-ra argues that the Korean Children’s Choir was a

295 Osgood, “Total Cold War: U.S. Propaganda in the ‘Free World,’ 1953-60,” 84. 296 For the concept of “camouflaged” propaganda, see Shawn J. Parry-Giles, “‘Camouflaged’ Propaganda: The Truman and Eisenhower Administrations’ Covert Manipulation of News,” Western Journal of Communication 60, no. 2 (1996): 146-167; Osgood, “Total Cold War: U.S. Propaganda in the ‘Free World,’ 1953-60,” 59-98. - 116 - good resource for achieving this goal. The appearance of “Korean War orphans” itself was emotionally appealing to those American citizens who had been skeptical about

America’s involvement in foreign wars and post-war rehabilitation projects.297

More importantly, the Korean Children’s Choir was useful for building a new image of the United States among Koreans and US citizens alike. As Susie Woo has reported, by placing Americans who donated money for Korea’s post-war rehabilitation in the position of saviors for Korean War orphans, the Korean Children’s Choir helped to remove the violent image left by US soldiers in the Korean War. The United States, a combatant during war-time, was refigured as a philanthropist when American citizens supported the Korean children. In addition, the healthy young choir members, who looked clean and tidy even in the ashes of the Korean War, improved the image of

Korean war orphans, even promoting the adoption of Korean children by American families.298 Through these adoptions, the United States successfully showed off its generosity and its ability to encompass diversity within a large collectivity.299

Building this generous image of the United States toward non-White races was urgent when it comes with US foreign relations during the Cold War as well. As Mary

Dudziak argues, racism in the United States was a vulnerable point: the Soviet Union’s propaganda against the United States emphasized that racism contradicts the ideology of

297 So-ra Yi, “1952-55 nyŏn Hanmijaedan ŭi Hwaltong kwa Kŭ Yŏksajŏk Sŏngkyŏk” [Activity and Historical Role of American-Korean Foundation (1952-1955)] (Master’s thesis, Seoul National University, 2015), 59. 298 Woo, “Imagining Kin,” 30-33. 299 Klein, Cold War Orientalism, 19-24. - 117 - democracy. Many people not only in Africa but also in European countries protested

America’s brutal racism against and Jim Crow in the 1950s; the resulting loss of face hampered America’s containment policies against Communism.300

Thus, the Korean Children’s Choir, which emphasized the image of innocent orphans victimized by Communist warmongers and encouraged people to reimagine America as philanthropic, diverse, and international, showed the US government’s Cold War and

Civil Rights policies in a positive light.

On the other hand, the South Korean government considered the Korean

Children’s Choir a tool to impress upon the United States the importance of South Korea in East Asia. At the time, President Syngman Rhee’s goal was to obtain economic and military support from the United States. In addition, President Rhee wanted to show

South Korean citizens his diplomatic activities toward the United States and the positive outcomes of these activities. In order to stay in power, Rhee needed to regain public trust.

Many Korean people suffered from hunger and injuries caused by the Korean War, and many called Rhee to account for the division of Korea, which they considered a national tragedy.301

It is noteworthy that the US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir was not framed as a project of the two (US and South Korean) governments. A voluntary organization, the American-Korean Foundation, supported and organized the tour. Nevertheless, that

300 Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011), 6-9. 301 Yi, “1952-55 nyŏn Hanmijaedan ŭi Hwaltong kwa Kŭ Yŏksajŏk Sŏngkyŏk,” 69-70. - 118 - the tour was organized by a private group does not mean it was entirely separate from the power of the US and South Korean governments. As Yi So-ra has explained, the

American-Korean Foundation has maintained strong ties with the US and South Korean governments from its beginning. The first chairman of the American-Korean Foundation was Milton S. Eisenhower, younger brother of President Dwight Eisenhower and president of Pennsylvania State University from September 1952. The South Korean ambassador to the United States, Yang Yu-ch’an, was an honorary chairman of the

Foundation. Robert T. Oliver, a long-time political supporter of Syngman Rhee and professor at Pennsylvania State University, was one of the directors. James Van Fleet, elected as the second chairman of the American-Korean Foundation in September 1953, was the commander of the US Eighth Army and United Nations forces in Korea during the Korean War. Van Fleet is known to have had very close relationships with President

Rhee and the Eisenhower administration.302

The Syngman Rhee administration had already proposed the US tour of the

Korean Children’s Choir to the US government during the Korean War. In November

1951, this suggestion was conveyed to the US government under the auspices of another non-governmental organization, CARE (Cooperative for Assistance and Relief

Everywhere). The State Department seems to have considered the prospect of the choir tour seriously: the Department asked the US Air Force if it could provide an aircraft as

302 For the background of the establishment of the American-Korean Foundation and information on its members, see So-ra Yi, “1952-55 nyŏn Hanmijaedan ŭi Hwaltong kwa Kŭ Yŏksajŏk Sŏngkyŏk” [Activity and Historical Role of American-Korean Foundation (1952-1955)], Han’guk Saron 62, (2016): 462-475. - 119 - official transportation for the tour. Considering the cost of lending a plane during war- time, however, the answer from the Secretary of the Air Force was negative.

Furthermore, the Children’s Bureau in the US Department of Health and Human Services had raised strong objections, probably for the children’s security. For these reasons, the

US government and CARE concluded that only overwhelming national interests could justify such an expenditure; therefore, the US government withdrew the proposed tour of the Korean Children’s Choir by the South Korean government.303

After the Korean War, in 1953, the South Korean government proposed the tour again. This time, the proposal was made under the auspices of the American-Korean

Foundation, of which General Van Fleet was chairman of the board. General Van Fleet was well-connected and trusted: he was a member of the famous West Point class of

1915, which included Dwight Eisenhower and Omar Bradley, the first Chairman of the

Joint Chiefs of Staffs and the U.S. military’s policy-making in the Korean War. The

South Korean government’s network with the political figures through the American-

Korean foundation would be influential in gaining approval for the tour.304

303 “Children’s Choir,” Arthur C. Ringland, Executive Director of the Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid, to Arthur B. Emmons, Third Officer in Charge, Korean Affairs, 16 November 1951; Alexander B. Hawes, Counsel for CARE, to Arthur C. Ringland, Executive Director of the Advisory Committee on Voluntary Foreign Aid, 13 November 1951; “Korean Children’s Choir,” Memorandum of Conversation of the Department of State (Participants: the Counselor of the Korean Embassy, Pyo Wook Han and Arthur B. Emmons, Third Officer in Charge, Korean Affairs), 16 November 1951, Record Group 59, Central Decimal File 1950-54, NARA, 895.446/11-1651. 304 Paul Braim, The Will to Win: The Life of General James A. Van Fleet (Annapolis: Naval Institute Press, 2001), 10-20. - 120 -

When the tour was suggested for the second time, the South Korean government took note of the choir’s potential value for the two governments. In preparing for the US tour, President Rhee repeatedly instructed Ambassador Yang Yu-ch’an to find out what

American members of the American-Korean Foundation thought about the Korean

Children’s Choir. At the beginning, Palmer Bevis, the Executive Director of the

American-Korean Foundation, felt dissatisfied with the prospect of entertaining a children’s choir and requested a more professional Korean traditional musical troupe composed of adults.305 Nonetheless, President Rhee kept trying to persuade the US side to accept the children. He responded through Ambassador Yang as follows:

My original idea was to send the little innocent ones, who would appeal to

Americans’ sentiment, and they would overlook the faults and mistakes. In

that way we get the people interested in them and then we may arrange for

the older group to make a tour. But there are some difficulties as the older

group will cost more, and a large number of them touring the country will

require perfect arrangements for the accommodations, etc., and once they

are there they may find a hundred excuses to remain in America. Of

course, we may be able to arrange to bring them all back but this is quite

difficult to face, while the young ones are easier to handle and with less

expense.306

305 President Syngman Rhee, letter to Yuchan Yang, Ambassador of South Korea to the United States, 22 April 1953, Syngman Rhee collection, vol. 5, Korean History Database of the National Institute of Korean History, http://db.history.go.kr 306 Ibid. - 121 -

President Rhee was clever enough to foresee not only the emotional effects of the innocent children on American citizens but also the political risks of sending an adult troupe to the United States.

Rhee’s idea may have been persuasive. Beginning in 1950, the US government supported Koreans’ educational visits to the United States through the State Department’s

Educational Exchange Program, which aimed to educate pro-American opinion makers and spread American lifestyles and value systems to the visiting students.307

Nevertheless, US Cultural Affairs Officers in South Korea frowned upon sending

Koreans to the United States during the war, because many Korean leaders who once experienced the abundance of life in the United States decided to stay in the United States after their training instead of going back to Korea.308 If they did so, the US government’s money was spent in vain, for they could not become influential leaders at home. Seen in this light, the Korean Children’s Choir was a strong choice for the US government, for the children could not choose to remain in the United States.

From the perspective of the Rhee regime, maintaining power was a key objective, for South Korean citizens’ complaints against the regime had been accumulating since the Korean War. Although the US government and the South Korean government had a cooperative relationship in fighting Communism, they differed over South Korea’s

307 On the State Department’s Educational Exchange Programs, see Giles Scott-Smith, “The in the : An Example of Science Diplomacy,” in Cold War Science and the Transatlantic Circulation of Knowledge, ed. Jeroen van Dongen (Leiden: Brill, 2015), 136-139. 308 Heo, “1950-nyŏndae Miguk ŭi Kyoyuk Kyohwan Kyehoek kwa Han’guk Sahoe Ellitŭ ŭi Ch’inmiwha,” 235-238. - 122 - methods for dealing with Communist countries. Whereas the Rhee regime made requests for a more aggressive ideological battle against Communism, the US government emphasized that the best way for South Korea to deal with the Communist threat was to silence potential pro-North Korean people in South Korea and form alliances with non-

Communist countries. What the US government aimed to achieve was not armed conflict with Communist countries, but a reinforcement of the anti-Communist buffer by establishing and stabilizing a democratic government in South Korea.309

To this end, the US government tried to build channels for cultural propaganda that would promote democracy by financially supporting local cultural centers in South

Korea and shaping their programming. By contrast, Rhee’s regime curbed US cultural propaganda by monitoring and censoring US cultural activities in South Korea.310 From

Rhee’s point of view, sending adult musicians to the United States as cultural representatives posed a risk: adults might come back to Korea with strong opinions about democracy or freedom of speech. By contrast, the members of the Korean Children’s

Choir were too young to make their own political statements to the public.

Furthermore, the choir had built a friendship with Rhee through their musical activities during the Korean War. Obviously, these innocent young children carried almost no risk for his regime. For that reason, Rhee instructed the ambassador of South

309 Eun Heo, “1950-nyŏndae ‘Chuhan Migongbowŏn’ (USIS) ŭi Yŏkhal kwa Munhwajŏnp’a Chihyang” [The Role in Cultural Diffusion Played by the United States Information Service, Korea], Han’guk Sahakpo [The Journal for the Studies of Korean History] 15 (2003): 234-238. 310 Ibid. - 123 -

Korea, Yang Yu-ch’an, to carry through his plan to send the Korean Children’s Choir.311

In the end, Rhee’s suggestion was accepted, and the Korean Children’s Choir toured the

United States for three months in 1954.

In the early 1950s, the tactic of “camouflaged” propaganda was no longer the exclusive property of the United States. In the case of the US tour of the Korean

Children’s Choir, the Rhee administration initiated “camouflaged” propaganda to improve both domestic and foreign public opinion. In its periodical publication describing national policies, the Bureau of Public Information of the Republic of Korea described its psychological warfare as follows:

With regard to the current war, psychological warfare is much more

frightening than political, economic, or military conflict. Even during

wartime, psychological warfare decides the outcome of a war. Such

psychological warfare will be achieved by maximizing cultural

strategies.312

The Rhee administration clearly recognized the importance of culture as an “invisible weapon” for “secret” propaganda, analogous to the United States’ “camouflaged” propaganda. The South Korean government adopted this tactic from the United States by

311 President Syngman Rhee to Yuchan Yang, Ambassador of South Korea to the United States, 22 April 1953, Syngman Rhee collection, vol. 5, Korean History Database, National Institute of Korean History, http://db.history.go.kr 312 Kongboch’ŏ [the Bureau of Public Information of Republic of Korea], Chubo 39 (1949): 19. Quoted in Yŏng-hi Kim, “che 1 Konghwaguk Ch’ogi Yi Sŭng-man Chŏngbu Kongbo Sŏnjŏn Hwaltong ŭi Sŏngkyŏk [Information and Propaganda Activities by Syngman Rhee’s Government during the Early Period of 1st Republic of Korea],” Han’guk Ŏllon Hakpo [Korean Journal of Journalism and Communication Studies] 54, no. 3 (2010): 327. - 124 - way of the system established by the US Army Military Government in South Korea.313

In its earliest days, the Rhee administration had created a Bureau of Public Information that dealt with public opinion, information, propaganda, film, copyright, and broadcasting. This Bureau controlled publishing, , and literature as well.

The Bureau of Public Information followed the model of the US Army Military

Government in South Korea.314 This is not to say that the South Korean government uncritically accepted the US system or merely conformed to the US government’s wishes. Rather, having learned the concepts and tactics of propaganda from the United

States, the South Korean government actively used culture (music) as a tool for propaganda and diplomacy toward the United States for its own purposes and benefits.

The Musical Delegation of Children from the Republic of Korea

The choir’s affiliation with the state began several years before their US tour of

1954: the children had been involved in symbolic activities for years. The Korean

Children’s Choir first began to have a close relationship with President Rhee in 1948.

The Pongsŏnhwa Tongyohoe (“garden balsam troupe for children’s song”), the forerunner of the Korean Children’s Choir, was founded by conductor An Pyŏng-wŏn

313 For the details of cultural propaganda of the Rhee administration and its historical background, see Yŏng-hi Kim, “che 1 Konghwaguk Ch’ogi Yi Sŭng-man Chŏngbu Kongbo Sŏnjŏn Hwaltong ŭi Sŏngkyŏk,” 326-348; Yong-uk Chŏng, “Hongbo, Sŏnjŏn, Tokjaeja ŭi Imiji Kwalli” [Public Relations, Propaganda, and Image Making of Dictator: Biographies of Syngman Rhee in the 1950s], Sege Chŏngch’I [World Politics] 28, no. 2 (2007): 11-50. 314 Kim, “che 1 Konghwaguk Ch’ogi Yi Sŭng-man Chŏngbu Kongbo Sŏnjŏn Hwaltong ŭi Sŏngkyŏk,” 331- 343. - 125 - and people close to him in 1945. At that time, Korea had just been liberated from

Japanese colonial rule and the US Army Military Government was established in South

Korea. The purpose of the choir was to cultivate the emotional life of Korean children who had suffered under the oppression of Japanese colonialism, forbidden even to sing a song in Korean. An wanted to contribute to the growth of Korea’s own children’s songs.

As the YMCA Korea supported this musical troupe and the choir began to appear regularly on children’s programs of the Korean Broadcasting System from 1947, the

Pongsŏnhwa Tongyohoe became widely known as the YMCA Children’s Choir or the

Children’s Choir for Broadcasting among Korean citizens.315

When the American military government came to an end and the North and South

Korean governments were newly established in 1948, Rhee contacted An, whose uncle had worked closely together with Rhee for Korea’s independence movement in the

United States before World War II. Taking this opportunity, the Korean Children’s Choir began to perform for Rhee’s political and private events.316

As the Korean War broke out and the capital, Seoul, fell to the Communist North, all the activities of the Korean Children’s Choir were stopped. Although the army of the

Republic of Korea (South Korea) helped An and the young choir members safely flee from Seoul to , it was very hard for them to resume their career without financial

315 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 43-61. The first YMCA in Korea was established in 1903. See Taehan YMCA Yŏnmaeng [National Council of the Young Men's Christian Associations of Korea], ed., Han’guk YMCA Undongsa 1895-1985 [A history of the movement of YMCA Korea] (Seoul: Roch’ulp’an, 1986), 8. 316 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 94-95; Interviews with Yi Kyu-do on 18 July 2016, An Hŭi-bok on 25 July 2016, Ch’oe Sŭngja on 28 July 2016, and Son Myŏng-wŏn on 8 August 2016. - 126 - support in wartime. Fortunately for the choir, the Republic of Korea (South Korean)

Navy extended a helping hand. During wartime, the Navy still needed musical troupes that could console soldiers at military camps or hospitals and perform for events such as welcoming foreign diplomats and US soldiers landing in Korea. Incorporated into the

Department of Troop Information and Education of the South Korean Navy, the Korean

Children’s Choir resumed their career.317

The head of the Department of Troop Information and Education was military chaplain Chŏng Tal-bin, who went on the US tour together with the Korean Children’s

Choir in 1954. During the Korean War, Chŏng planned and scheduled their performances. At the same time, Chŏng began to play the role of Korean-English interpreter for the choir when they performed for foreign audiences. Usually, trucks or a bus from military camps came to pick up the Korean Children’s Choir when they performed for soldiers. During the war, the choir performed every single day except

Sundays. The choir performed not only Korean traditional and children’s songs but also

Western folk and children’s songs for foreign soldiers such as “Jingle Bells” and “Danny

Boy.”318 Since these songs were not well known in Korea at the time, An collected and selected foreign folk songs and children’s songs and translated them into Korean himself.319 This moment, during the war, is the origin of South Korea’s musical

317 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 89-93. 318 Ibid.; Interviews with Ch’oe Sŭngja on 28 July 2016 and Son Myŏng-wŏn on 8 August 2016. 319 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida [Ringing the nation through music], 47, 90; Interviews with Yi Kyu-do on 18 July 2016, An Hŭi-bok on 25 July 2016, Ch’oe Sŭngja on 28 July 2016 and Son Myŏng-wŏn on 8 August 2016. - 127 - diplomacy. The choir’s activities also paved the way for the inflow of Western music, especially American folk songs and children’s songs, into South Korea. (For the list of songs performed by the children’s choir in Korea before their US tour of 1954, see

Appendix C).

Ch’oe Sŭng-ja, who was one of the choir members, clearly remembers the choir’s performances for American and United Nations soldiers. According to her, the UN soldiers who arrived in South Korea looked very tired, as if they were in a daze. Far from their homeland, many American soldiers at military camps and hospitals seemed depressed. Ch’oe believes firmly that the Korean Children’s Choir cheered them up. In such a difficult situation, she says, simply meeting young children might make them happy. Another choir member, Son Myŏng-wŏn, emphasized that the Korean Children’s

Choir sang the foreign soldiers American and European folk songs with which the foreign soldiers grew up in their motherland. The choir members believed that American and other UN soldiers were truly moved and consoled by their performance.320

During the war, the Korean Children’s Choir also began to have a close relationship with Van Fleet, the commander of the US Eighth Army and United Nations forces in Korea. Ch’oe Sŭng-ja remembers that a special train was scheduled for them when they moved from Busan to Seoul to perform for the US Eighth Army during the war. According to Ch’oe, General Van Fleet lost his son during the Korean War, and

Rhee’s son had died long before, when he was in the United States. Ch’oe believes that

320 Interviews with Ch’oe and Son. - 128 - this loss explains why both of them cherished the children’s choir members as much as their own children, and why Rhee really enjoyed hearing their performance.321 The accounts of choir members suggest that Rhee and Van Fleet formed close friendship with the choristers already before their US tour of 1954.

On 7 April 1954, the members of Korean Children’s Choir visited the Korean presidential residence to greet President Rhee right before their US tour. According to conductor and chorus master An, Rhee choked down tears as he welcomed the children.

Choir member Ch’oe Sŭng-ja believes that the children were cherished as if they were

Rhee’s own.322 Soon, Rhee passed along a kind request to them:

You have a long way to go. It’s going to be tough without because

you have to eat Western food for every meal.323 Take care and be obedient

to your teacher [conductor An]. Don’t get cold feet in front of American

people. Please sing well and change their perception of our country!324

The choir members remembered this moment long afterward. Although they did not know much about politics or the international situation when Rhee spoke to them, the children strongly believed that they were serving their country. Rhee conferred on them the title of “Han’guk Ŏrini Ŭmak Sajŏltan” (the musical delegation of children for the

Republic of Korea).325

321 Interview with Ch’oe. 322 Interview with Ch’oe Sŭngja on 28 July 2016; An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 105, 107. 323 Kimchi is a Korean traditional side dish that Korean people eat at every meal. 324 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ulida, 105, 107. 325 Ibid.; Interview with Ch’oe. - 129 -

Feeling proud to be (South) Korean, they left for the United States. According to choir members An Hŭi-bok, Ch’oe Sŭng-ja, and Son Myŏng-wŏn, Rhee’s encouragement helped them sing very confidently in the United States. Since the Korean Children’s

Choir was already used to performing on big stages or in front of powerful visitors to

Korea from all over the world, there was no reason for them to get cold feet in front of political or public figures in the United States. They recall that how they were treated in the United States was not different from the special treatment they had received in Korea.

What they experienced through this tour was not so much gratitude or admiration for the

United States as Korean national pride.326

During the US tour, the choir members vaguely noticed that Americans considered them to be war orphans, but they did not really care about it.327 The choristers were confident about their singing skills, which they believed were just as good as any other children’s choir from the United States or anywhere in the world.328 Above all, the members of the Korean Children’s Choir say today that they did not obsequiously “beg money from the United States” but “confidently requested the resources that the United

States and American citizens were obligated to provide,” “just like President Rhee did.”329

326 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida,104; Interviews with members of the Korean Children’s Choir, Yi, An, Ch’oe, and Son. 327 Interviews with Yi; Han’guk Kyŏngje 70-nyŏn kŭdŭl i issŏtta [70 years of Korean economy, they were there] (includes an interview with Yi Kyu-do, one of the choir members), Korean Broadcasting System 1TV, 11 April 2015. 328 Interviews with Yi, An, Ch’oe, and Son. 329 Interview with Son. - 130 -

Looking back from 2016, the choir members felt badly that many Korean citizens have criticized Rhee’s regime as an autocratic government. They carry the conviction that despite this criticism, at least Rhee’s achievement against Communism should be re- evaluated.330 In Korea, the assessment of Rhee’s achievements remains a highly controversial issue. Many Korean people who supported capitalism were tortured and killed by the Communist Army, but the violence of American soldiers and anti-

Communist Koreans during the Korean War has received considerable publicity as well.331 The members of the Korean Children’s Choir who had close relationships with

Rhee belonged to the upper class. Most of the choir members enjoyed wealthy lives.

Although the choir members witnessed horrible scenes of the Korean War like many other Korean people of their did, their lives were different from those of many other ordinary Korean people. Even during wartime, they did not experience hunger, a daily experience for many other Korean people. The Korean Children’s Choir was already accustomed to special treatment and a positive reception before they visited the

United States.332 It is true that they were impressed by the advanced industry, technology, and good quality of life in the United States.333 However, these factors did not overwhelm

330 Interviews with An and Son. 331 For the details, see Kwang-dong Kim, “6.25 Chŏnjaeng chung, Pukhankun kwa Chwaik ŭi Yangmin Haksal” [Massacre of the innocent civilians by the North Korean Army and the pro-Communists], Pukhan [North Korea] 431 (2007): 72-80; Pyŏng-su Choe, “Nokŭlli Yangmin Haksal Sakkŏn e Kwanhan Myŏkkaji Kŏmto” [Inquiries into the Nokunri Massacre], 4.3 kwa Yŏksa [A history of the Jeju uprising in Korea] 1 (2001): 80-103. 332 Interviews with Yi, An, Ch’oe, and Son. 333 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 162-3, 177; Interviews with Yi, An, Ch’oe, and Son - 131 - their pride in their Korean identity. One choir member, Son Myŏngwŏn, urged in an interview:

Think about it. I believe that by singing not only Korean traditional songs

but also their [American and European] songs, the Korean Children’s

Choir was able to show the (high) standard of Korean culture. The fact

that our (Korean children) can sing others’ songs. Doesn’t it mean that we

(Koreans) have a high standard of culture? I strongly believe that this is

why President Rhee and General Van Fleet sent us to the United States.334

Not only their ability to sing others’ songs well, but also Korean traditional culture itself was an important basis for choir members’ pride in Korean culture and identity:

When I toured the United States as a member of the Korean Children’s

Choir, I thought that we (Korea and the United States) just have different

culture rather than our (Korean) culture is worse than American culture.

The Korean Children’s Choir performed with a Buddhist dancer who

presented a uniquely style. At the time, American audiences

reacted enthusiastically. I was proud of Korean culture. I thought Korean

culture might be even better than American culture.335

Whereas the Korean Children’s Choir came to have a sense of Korean national pride during their U.S. tour, Korea’s national sentiment about President Rhee did not improve

334 Interview with Son. 335 Interview with Son. - 132 - during this period. At the end of the 1950s, laborers’ and college students’ complaints against Rhee gathered force: the broke out and finally overthrew Rhee’s regime in 1960. The rigged of Rhee on 15 March 1960 and the Rhee regime’s bloody suppression of the demonstration against him have been considered a dark time in

Korean history.336

Figure 3.1. Photograph of the Korean Children’s Choir, President Syngman Rhee, and First Lady Francesca Donner at the Presidential Residence. Photo Courtesy of Son Myŏng-wŏn.

336 See Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 344-352. - 133 -

By contrast, what the choir members remember about Rhee is his “great” achievement of anti-Communism and his “sincere” affection for South Korea and the

Korean Children’s Choir. In the photograph above (figure 3.1), no sign of anxiety is found in the faces of the choir members as they stand before Rhee, whom other Koreans saw as a notorious autocrat. To them, Rhee was simply their best supporter, to whom they could get close enough to touch and say hello. Rhee’s Austrian wife, Francesca Donner, welcomed them with a friendly smile (figure 3.1).

By being in the choir and representing Korea, the children had a chance to encounter President Rhee not as a who was far from their lives, but as a man who supported them with a warm heart, just like their parents. These personal experiences and relationships with Rhee increased the loyalty and faithfulness of the musicians to the President and to the state.

The Korean Children’s Choir and Syngman Rhee’s Anti-Communist Policies

On 7 July1954, when the Korean Children’s Choir came back to Korea with money and relief supplies from their US tour, they received a great welcome from

Korean society. The Seoul city government held a homecoming concert for the Korean

Children’s Choir at the city hall square. Another homecoming concert was held by the

National Assembly of the Republic of Korea. Supported by the American-Korean

Foundation, the Korean Children’s Choir introduced their Korean compatriots to the repertoire that had gained great popularity during the US tour. In addition, the Korean

- 134 -

Children’s Choir held two concerts for Korean citizens at the Seoul stadium to thank them for their constant interest and support.337 Citing Rhee’s phrase, “the musical delegation of children for the Republic of Korea,” Korean newspapers wrote splashy headlines about the choir’s contribution to Korea’s post-war rehabilitation and friendship between South Korea and the United States.338 The Korean Children’s Choir symbolized for Korean citizens the hope of reconstruction in the ashes of the Korean War.

Carrying on this momentum, Rhee left Korea to visit the United States on 25 July

1954.339 As a member of the Korean Children’s Choir, Son Myŏng-wŏn, described it,

Rhee’s speech to the US Congress (28 July 1954) seemed confident, even aggressive and daring.340 Rhee said:

We know that we cannot on Soviet promises. Thirty-six years of

experience have taught us that Communists never respect a treaty if they

consider it in their interest to break it. They are not restrained by any

moral scruple, humanitarian principle, or religious sanction. They have

dedicated themselves to the employment of any means, even the foulest—

even torture and mass murder—to achieve their conquest of the world.

337 “Kkoma Ŭmak Sajŏltan Kwiguk” [The musical delegation of children’s return to Korea], The Kyunghyang Daily, 8 July 1954. 338 “Kkoma Ŭmak Sajŏltan Miguk Adong kwa Haptong Pangsong” [The musica delegation of children’s appearance on broadcasting together with American children], The Kyunghang Daily, 12 June 1954; “Kkoma Ŭmak Sajŏltan” [The musical delegation of children], The Kyunghang Daily, 10 July 1954; “Kkoma Ŭmak Sajŏltan Kwiguk” [Return of the musical delegation of children to Korea], The Kyunghang Daily, 8 July 1954; “Kkoma Hapchangdan Chil-il Kwiguk” [The children’s choir returned to South Korea on the afternoon of the 7th], The Dong-A Daily, 8 July 1954. 339 “Yi Taetongryŏng Chagil Pangmi Tŭngjŏng” [President Rhee left for the United States yesterday], The Dong-A Daily, 26 July 1954. 340 Interview with Son. - 135 -

The Soviet Union will not stop of its own volition. It must be stopped.

Does this necessarily mean that the United States and its allies must either

drop bombs now on the Soviet factories or stand like steers in a slaughter

house awaiting death? ... not by cringing and appeasing the forces of evil;

but by swinging the world balance of power so strongly against the

Communists that, even when they possess the weapons of annihilation,

they will not dare use them.341

Rhee claimed South Korea’s position as the strongest anti-Communist country in Asia.342

Despite their concerns about Rhee’s aggressive and risky speech, the Korean media generally assessed his visit to the United States positively. They reported that President

Rhee, as an anti-Communist leader, achieved the desired outcome of his visit to the

United States by deeply imprinting on American society the need for US support for

South Korea and cooperation between the two countries at the front lines of anti-

Communism.343

Although Rhee’s strong request for an attack on the Communists was not accepted by the United States, to some extent, the US newspapers agreed with his anti-

Communist assertion. On 29 July 1954, the New York Herald Tribune wrote that even

341 Rhee’s speech at the US Congress on 28 July 1954, in Syngman Rhee, Yisŭngman Taetongryŏng Pangmi Ilgi [President Syngman Rhee’s Journey to America] (Seoul: K’orŏsŭ [Korus], 2011), 47-48. 342 “Yi Taetongryŏng ŭi Pangmi Sŏngkwa” [President Rhee’s achievement in the United States], The Dong- A Daily, 14 August 1954. 343 Ibid.; “Yi Taetongryŏng Pangmi Sŏngkwa Kongdong Mokpyo Jae Hwagin” [President Rhee’s achievement in the United States, common goals were reconfirmed], The Kyunghang Daily, 8 August 1954. - 136 - though Rhee’s proposal was not adopted, “history might prove him (Rhee) right in his forewarning of what happens when an unpalatable truth is ignored.”344 The Los Angeles

Times also wrote that “it seems probable he is correct, but unlikely he will get what he asks for.”345

By attracting the attention of US citizens and media in advance of Rhee’s visit to the United States, the Korean Children’s Choir maximized the public’s awareness of

South Korea and Rhee’s anti-Communist policy in the United States. Before the US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir, Korea had not been well known to US citizens except through the Korean War. By contrast, during the three months of the Korean Children’s

Choir’s US tour, the Korean choristers were in the spotlight in the United States: they met many celebrities such as the First Lady of the United States, Mamie Eisenhower; former

President Harry Truman; the of New York City, Robert F. Wagner, Jr.; and the singer and actress Ethel Waters.346 The choir also appeared on the Ed Sullivan Show twice during their tour.347 In the media coverage, the Korean Children’s Choir’s wartime experiences were highlighted. For example, on 16 April 1954, the New York Times reported that the children had had to be placed under the custody of the Korean Navy due

344 David Lawrence, “History May Prove Rhee Right in Grave Warning,” The New York Herald Tribune, 30 July 1954. 345 “The Bitter Logic of Syngman Rhee,” The Los Angeles Times, 29 July 1954. 346 For example, “Truman Hears Koreans,” The New York Times, 6 June 1954; “First Lady Serenaded By 25 Korean Children,” The New York Times, 12 May 1954; “Children’s Choir of Korea Here for Fund Drive Tour,” New York Herald Tribune, 13 April 1954; “Ethel Waters Greets Juvenile Choir from Korea,” The Philadelphia Tribune, 18 Mary 1954. 347 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 137-139. - 137 - to the Communist invasion.348 On 13 April 1954, the New York Herald Tribune explained that Chŏng Tal-bin, the minister who led the choir’s US tour, had escaped from the

[Communist] North to South Korea during the war.349 Meanwhile, citing Richard

Patterson, the chair of the Reception Committee of the mayor of New York City, the New

York Herald Tribune described the American people as helping to “restore Korea” and encouraging Koreans to “resume the democratic way of life that will be an example to all

Asia and all the world.”350

The US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir, which was completed right before

Rhee’s visit to the United States, effectively stirred up public opinion by dramatizing the

Korean people’s suffering, hope, and the importance of the anti-Communist alliance between the United States and South Korea. The tour foregrounded the importance of the

US-Korea Cold War relationship and called public attention to Syngman Rhee’s anti-

Communist policies both in South Korea and the United States. During the Cold War,

South Korea’s diplomacy toward the United States did not merely mean political negotiations. The Rhee regime used music for its emotional appeal to American and

Korean citizens, stirring up public opinion in both countries. The Korean Children’s

Choir played a central role in the South Korean government’s diplomacy toward the

United States in 1954.

348 “Korean Children Begin Choir Tour: Serenade ‘Miss Liberty’ Here at Outset of Campaign to Raise Money in U.S.,” New York Times, 16 April 1954. 349 “Children’s Choir of Korea Here for Fund Drive Tour,” The New York Herald Tribune, 13 April 1954. 350 Ibid. - 138 -

Conclusion: The Korean Children’s Choir and the Inflow of Western music into

South Korea

As mentioned above, the Korean Children’s Choir contributed to an inflow of

Western art and folk songs as well as Christmas carols into South Korea. After founding the children’s choir, An Pyŏng-wŏn began to translate songs such as Jacques Arcadelt’s

“Ave Maria” and Mozart’s “Wiegenlied” (Lullaby) into the Korean language.351 As the

Korean War broke out and the Korean Children’s Choir came to perform for UN soldiers,

An more actively collected European and American folk songs and translated the lyrics into Korean for the members of the choir.352 They sang the songs in both English and

Korean when they performed for US soldiers during the Korean War as well as for

American citizens during their US tour. Considering that American soldiers were the majority of foreign soldiers in Korea, many songs that were well known in the United

States were selected for their repertoire. 353

Today, “Jingle Bells” and “Danny Boy” are well known among (South)

Koreans.354 For their US tour in 1954, the Korean Children’s Choir added more

American songs such as “How-De-Do,” “Old McDonald Had a Farm,” “Oh, Susanna,”

351 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 47, 73. 352 The sources from which An collected European and American folk songs are not clear. An mentioned the music library of Sŏulchungangbangsongguk [Korean Broadcasting System], which was destroyed during the Korean War; it is possible that he gathered some sources before the library's destruction. An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 77. 353 Ibid., 90; Interviews with Yi, An, Ch’oe, and Son. 354 Interview with Choe. - 139 - and “Jeanie with the Light Brown Hair” to their repertoire.355 To suit the American people’s local tastes, they prepared to sing the official state songs of various US states as the occasion demanded.356 The long-playing record they made in New York during their

US tour was introduced to South Korean society as the first album of children’s songs recorded by Korean children.357 Because the US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir made such a dramatic impression on South Korean society, the songs they sang in the

United States quickly spread nationwide and influenced the later repertoire of Korean children’s choirs.

The presence of the American songs also paved the way to rebuilding South

Korea’s cultural identity by differentiating the musical experience of South Koreans’ daily lives from that of North Korea. The details of North Korea’s music policy have not been easily accessible to scholars, and North Korean music policies have changed over time. In general, the North Korean government pursued a socialist realist musical agenda: officials denounced music for music’s sake, modernism, and formalism, and insisted that music should serve politics. Most of the popular music in South Korea would not be welcomed in North Korea.358 Certainly, the American folk songs, apolitical children’s songs, and Christmas carols sung by the Korean Children’s Choir would be excluded in

355 Korean Children’s Choir, Urania Record Corp, US 57125, LP. Many thanks to musicologist Robert Fallon for sending me this LP for this research. See also An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 144-147. 356 Choe Sŭngja said that she sang the state song of Ohio for her solo in Ohio. Interview with Choe. 357 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 145; Korean Children’s Choir, Urania Record Corp, US 57125, LP. 358 Sŏ U-sŏk, Kim Kwang-sun, Chŏn Chi-ho, Min Kyŏng-ch’an, “1945-nyon Ihu Pukhan ŭi Ŭmak e Kwanhan Yŏn’gu” [A study on North Korean music], Sahoekwahak Chŏngch’aekyŏn’gu [Social Sicence and Policy Research] 11, no. 3, (1990): 166-169. - 140 -

North Korea, where the United States was considered the main adversary. The mid-

1950s, when the Korean Children’s Choir toured the United States, was a crucial period for laying the foundation of different musical identities in North and South.

In addition, some of the repertoire of the Korean Children’s Choir conveyed strongly anti-Communist messages. During the Korean War, the South Korean Navy held concerts for “Myŏlgong T’ongil ŭi Nal” (the goal of Korea’s unification to defeat

Communism) on 26 and 27 May 1954 in Busan. An composed “Chŭlgŏun Kkonnara”

(The joyful country of flowers) for this concert and the Korean Children’s Choir performed it. “The joyful country of flowers” was a musical drama for children. In the story, the king of the country of flowers, a butterfly, selects the best , the rose of

Sharon, as a queen among many other flowers. The rose of Sharon is the national flower of South Korea (distinct from the magnolia, the national flower of North Korea); thus, this musical drama for Korean children advocates for South as a form of anti-Communism.359

An also composed one of the most beloved children’s songs in Korea, “Uri ŭi

Sowŏn ŭn T’ongil” (Our dream is unification). The lyrics were written by An’s father, the

Korean writer Sŏk-yŏng An, in 1947 (figure 3.2). Originally, this song was written to commemorate Korea’s March First independence movement against Japan’s colonial rule. As Korea was divided into two different countries, the lyrics and title changed from

359 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 99-100; “Myŏlgong-il Yugio Maja Haegun sŏ Kakjong Ŭmakhoe” [For the day of defeating communism, the Navy holds several concerts], The Dong-A Daily, 23 June 1952. - 141 -

“Uri ŭi Sowŏn ŭn Tongnip” (Our dream is independence) to “Uri ŭi Sowŏn ŭn T’ongil”

(Our dream is unification).360

Our hope is unification. Unification of North and South Korea in our dreams too. Unification in all. Let’s achieve unity. Unification for this people. Unification for this country. Come, unification. Come, unification

Figure 3.2. An Pyŏng-wŏn, “Uri ŭi Sowŏn ŭn T’ongil” (Our dream is unification)

360 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida [Ringing the nation through music], 58-61. Figure 3.2. is my transcription from Korean Children’s Choir, Urania Record Corp, US 57125, LP. - 142 -

This song was also sung and recorded during the US tour of the Korean

Children’s Choir in 1954. “Our dream is unification” has been loved, not only by South

Korean people, but also by many North Koreans for its beautiful lyrics describing the sadness of the division of Korea and the fond hope for the unification of Korea.361

However, “Our dream is unification” was later banned in North Korea.362 To the North

Korean government, “Our dream is unification,” which was written by a South Korean composer and sung in a Western style, would offer an unacceptable message: unification through the defeat of Communism. Interestingly, this song was sung by North and South

Korean musicians together again in Pyongyang, North Korea on 3 April 2018 when a

South troupe visited North Korea and held the concert as a ceremony before the summit meeting scheduled at the end of April 2018.363 This event reveals that despite the long-time separation, cultural ties between North and South Koreans still remain.

Nevertheless, it is undeniable that in the context of Cold War Korea of the 1950s, the chosen repertoire of the Korean Children’s Choir connoted the “free world.”

As the Korean War broke out, Korean musicians had to choose one of the two,

Communist North Korea or capitalist South Korea. They chose not only on the basis of their political opinions, but also with their musical ideals in mind. Those who supported

361 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 58-61. 362 Sangyun Kim, “Mi RFA, Puk Tangguk ‘Uri ŭi Sowŏn ŭn T’ongil’ Kŭmjigok ŭro Chijŏng” [“‘Our dream is unification’ was banned in North Korea,” said America’s Radio Free Asia], The Chosun Daily, 5 August 2016. 363 Hi-hun Yun, “P’yŏngyang Nambuk Hapdonggongyŏn ‘P’inalle,’ Nambuk Sonjapko ‘Uri ŭi Sowŏn ŭn T’ongil’” [North and South joint concert in Pyongyang, North and South Korean musicians sing ‘Our Hope is Unification’ hand in hand], The Chosun Daily, 3 April 2018. - 143 -

Communism went to the North with the conviction that music should serve the people, that is, the proletarian classes. On the other hand, those who supported capitalism did not want to see music become a mere tool of politics. They sought a form of freedom for the fine arts.364 The repertoire of the Korean Children’s Choir consisted of a mix of Western classical and folk songs, Korean traditional songs, and Korean children’s songs. Most of the lyrics were apolitical.365 The choir was accompanied by a piano played in the manner of Western classical music of the classical and romantic eras, which had become a symbol of elite arts in Korea.366

By contrast to its repertoire, the singing style of the Korean Children’s Choir was not so clearly distinguishable from that of the Communist North. Unlike the Western choral singing style, which valorizes a smooth, full sound, the choir sang in a piercing voice. While Korean media and citizens praised their musicality and diplomatic achievements in general, their singing style was criticized by musical experts in Korea. In

364 Min, Han’guk Ŭmaksa, 99, 193-196. 365 Unlike apolitical lyrics of many songs performed by the Korean Children’s Choir, pro-Communist Korean composers wrote many songs including political lyrics after Korea’s liberation from Japan. For example, the lyrics of Kim Sun-nam’s “Haebang ŭi Norae” (Liberation Song) highlight Korean proletarian struggles. The lyrics of the song are as follows: “Listen, people of Korea, To the loud sound of the liberation day. To the footsteps of the protesters. To the roar of the crowd demanding the future. Laborers and farmers, with your strength. Reclaim the and factories. From the enemies, with your just hands. Their power is insignificant.” The translated lyrics are from Chang, “Exilic Suffering,” 16. 366 A sound recording of the Korean Children’s Choir during the Korean War, provided by Yi Kyu-do; Korean Children’s Choir, Urania Record Corp, US 57125, LP. For North Korea’s policy about , see Kim Pyŏngro, “Pukhan Chonggyo Chŏngch’aek ŭi Pyŏnghwa wa Chonggyo Siltae” [Change in North Korea’s religious policy and the actual condition of ], National Knowledge Information System database, https://www.nkis.re.kr:4445/main.do (published 2002). For the identity of North Korean music, see Yi Hyun-ju, “Pukhan Ŭmak ŭi Chŏngchesŏng e Kwanhan Yŏn’gu” [A study on identity of North Korean Music], Han’guk Chŏntong Ŭmakhak [Journal of the Society for Korean Traditional Musicology] 1, (2000): 185-220. For South Korea’s musical identity and religious music, see Chang, “Exilic Suffering,” 3-22. - 144 - his column in the Dong-A Daily, an influential chorus master Kwak Sang-su insisted that the vocal production of the Korean Children’s Choir and other young Korean children was an obstacle to the development of vocal music in South Korea. Kwak said that their singing style, which was derived from Korean traditional or popular singing, was not suitable for performing other repertoire.367 Considering that Kwak recommended teaching Korean children how to use falsetto and head tone, “other repertoire” here clearly stood for Western classical music of European origin. Surprisingly, Kwak cited as a good example of this singing style not European musicians, but American children’s choirs. Kwak’s writings reveal that not only European countries but also the United

States were beginning to be considered a good model of Western classical music in South

Korea. As Western music became acceptable in the Cold War South Korea, South

Koreans experienced musical “Westernization” not as “Europeanization” but as

“Americanization.”368

In the wake of the Korean Children’s Choir and its fame, several children’s choirs sprang up at the end of the 1950s, such as Sonyŏn Sonyŏ Hapch’angdan (the Choir for

Korean Boys and Girls), Jindalle Hoewŏn (the Azalea Choir), and Sessak Noraehoe (the

Sprout Choir). The Choir’s fame instigated a boom of children’s choral singing in South

367 An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 208; Kwak Sang-su, “Koch’ŏyahal Chidobangch’im” [We should change the guiding principle for children’s singing], The Dong-A Daily, 14 January 1959. 368 For the American impact on Western classical music in South Korea at the time, see Na Unyŏng, “Haebang hu Han’guk e Michin Miguk Ŭmak ŭi Yŏnghang kwa Kŭ Panŭng” [The impact of American music on South Korea and Korean people’s response to it], Asea Yŏn’gu [The Journal of Asiatic Studies] 10, no. 2 (1967): 151-161. - 145 -

Korea.369 In the 1960s and the , the Little Angels, the World Vision Korea children’s choir, and the boys’ and girls’ choir of the Korean Academy toured many countries in North America, Europe, and Asia to seek charity funds and friendship between South Korea and other countries. Like the Korean Children’s Choir, their repertoire mainly consisted of Korean traditional songs and Western folk songs.

Supported by Christian groups, the World Vision Korea children’s choir and the Little

Angels added more hymns and Christmas carols to their repertoire.370 In addition, they began to use a more Western classical singing style based on a smooth and full sound than did the Korean Children’s Choir. Korean children’s choirs of the present day have hired vocal teachers who majored in voice at Western classical music institutes. They have trained their young choir members as singers who have a much smoother and fuller sound resembling that of Western choral singers.371

Having begun to sing Western songs for UN soldiers during the Korean War, the

Korean Children’s Choir encouraged the dissemination of American folk songs and

Christmas carols in South Korea. During the US tour of the Korean Children’s Choir, singing American songs and Westernized Korean songs symbolized the close alliance

369 “Sonyŏn Sonyŏ Hapchang Tanwŏn ŭl Mojip” [The Choir for Boys and Girls is looking for members], The Dong-A Daily, 21 July 1958; “Chintalle Hoewŏn Mojip” [The Azalea choir is looking for members], The Kyunghang Daily, 10 September 1958; “Munhwagye Sosik” [Cultural news brief], The Kyunghyang Daily, 6 February 1958. 370 For the role of religion in US-Asian cultural diplomacy, see Andrew Preston, “The Religious Turn in Diplomatic History,” in Explaining the History of American Foreign Relations, ed. Frank Costigliola and Michael Hogan (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2016), 284-303. 371 For their repertoire, see Little Angels Official Website, http://www.littleangels.or.kr; World Vision Korea Children’s Choir Official Website, http://www.wvchoir.or.kr; “Tongyo” [Children’s song], Encyclopedia of Korean Culture by the Academy of Korean Studies http://encykorea.aks.ac.kr/Contents/Index?contents_id=E0016700. - 146 - between the United States and South Korea in the “free world.” Meanwhile, as South

Koreans actively absorbed American music and church music that was banned in North

Korea, the musical experiences of South Koreans and North Koreans in their daily lives grew further and further apart. As a result, South Korea’s musical identity became more distinct from that of North Korea. Its national identity as an anti-Communist country was effectively strengthened and solidified by its participation in an international and

Western-oriented style of music-making. The strategies of South Korea’s musical diplomacy have shaped South Korea’s new cultural identity and the way South Korea has defined itself in the Cold War era and beyond.

- 147 -

Epilogue: Rethinking Musical “Westernization” in Korea

This dissertation has examined music as a political tool in US-Korea relations from the late 19th century to the end of the first South Korean government. Emphasizing the United States as a significant instigator of cultural change in Korea, this dissertation has tracked historical moments that led to an epistemic turning point at which Korean people came to new understandings of Korean music as well as American music. During

World War II, US radio programs introduced American orchestral music as a representative of American music, instead of the jazz that had previously been regarded as the epitome of American music. The music policy of the US Army Military

Government in Korea (USAMGIK) which emphasized the restoration of Korean music suppressed under Japanese colonial rule helped South Koreans define Korean music as authentic, old Korean traditional music. At the same time, USAMGIK fostered European classical music in the southern part of Korea. Emphasizing the solid anti-Communist alliance between the US and South Korean governments, American folk songs and

Christmas carols spread in South Korea during the early Cold War. Thus, South Koreans began developing and reforming the musical canon of South Korea in a way that distinguished its music from that of North Korea.

Although US wartime radio propaganda and USAMGIK’s music policy reflected - 148 -

Korean people’s diverse postcolonial desires, it is undeniable that the policy-making role of Korean people was limited in US-occupied Korea. It was only after the establishment of the first South Korean government that Koreans could set their own music policy and use music as part of diplomatic tactics in US-Korea relations. These facts demonstrate that musical change in Korea unfolded under the strong influence of the authorities: first the Japanese occupiers, then USAMGIK, and then the South Korean state. Nevertheless, this is not to say that Koreans were passive receivers of American culture. Korean musicians devoted themselves to creating music in accordance with their own convictions even when Korea was occupied by Japan and the United States. The Rhee regime actively used music in its political negotiations with the United States.

Although the South Korean government has emphasized the solid US-Korea alliance in its national security policy, anti-American sentiment has also been perceptible in South Korea. American soldiers’ violent crimes in South Korea have incurred many

Korean people’s anger. For example, on 28 October 1992, the dead body of Korean prostitute Yun Kŭmi was found “naked, bloody, and covered with bruises and contusions” “with a Coke bottle embedded in her uterus” and “the trunk of an umbrella driven 27 cm into her rectum.” Kenneth Markle, a private in the US Army, committed this brutal murder. Korean people began to call into question Korea’s relationship with the United States. After Yun’s death, the National Campaign for the Eradication of

Crimes against Korean Civilians by US Troops was established to uncover, monitor, and demand official accountability for US military crimes and abuses against Korean

- 149 - people.372 In June 2002, two Korean middle school girls, Sin Hyo-sun and Sim Mi-sŏn, were killed by a US armored vehicle and anti-American sentiment again ran high in

South Korea. Many South Korean people held anti-US demonstrations.373

US-originated musical forms have been often used for anti-American protests in

Korea. In response to the incident of 2002, an anti-American song written by a Korean musician Yun Min-sŏk, entitled “Fucking USA,” rapidly spread in South Korea. Since then, this song has been widely sung at anti-American protests in South Korea (figure

4.1).374 Beginning with an electric solo playing the Star Spangled Banner, which is suggestive of Jimi Handrix’s famous guitar solo at Woodstock, this song is accompanied by typically band instruments including an electric guitar, a bass guitar, and drums.375 This song is built around a strong rock ’n’ roll-style backbeat. As the musicians play, the melody of the Star Spangled Banner transforms into the melody of

Arirang, the best-known Korean folk tune.

372 Katherine Moon, “Resurrecting Prostitutes and Overturning Treaties: Gender Politics in the “Anti- American” Movement in South Korea,” Journal of Asian Studies 66, no. 1 (2007): 129-130. 373 Katherine Moon, Protesting America Protesting American: Democracy and the U.S.-Korea Alliance, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), 1-2. 374 Min-sŏk Kim, “Sewŏlho Ch’umogok Chakkokka Yun Min-sŏk ‘Kim Kŭn-t’ae Sang’ Susang,” [Korean folk music composer Yun Min-sŏk is awarded the Kim Kŭn-t’ae democracy prize], Seoul Daily, 25 December 2017. Figure 4.1 is from Pyŏng-kwan Son and Si-yŏn Kim, OhmyNews, 21 February 2002, http://www.ohmynews.com/NWS_Web/view/at_pg.aspx?CNTN_CD=A0000067126. 375 ’s Star Spangled Banner at the Woodstock Festival (1969), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MKvnQYFhGCc. - 150 -

Figure 4.1. Yun Min-sŏk, “Fucking USA”

Enumerating events causing controversy between Korea and the United States, the lyrics of “Fucking USA” describe the United States as the main instigator behind the division of

Korea and convey strongly anti-American sentiments. The English-translated lyrics are as follows376:

376 The English-translated lyrics are from Yun Min-sŏk’s “Fucking USA,” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qgg4NjIJTWY. - 151 -

Did you see the short-track skating race?377 A vulgar country, fucking USA. Are you so happy over a gold medal? A nasty country, fucking USA.

How can you claim that the USA is a justice nation? Then why can’t we say that we want to say? Are we slaves of a colonial nation? Now shout it out. No to the USA!

You stole our Olympic gold medal. A wretched thief, fucking USA. You can steal everything and go on a rampage. Monstrous thief. Fucking USA.

Did you hear Bush’s reckless words? Shameless country. Fucking USA. Threaten war in North Korea and make intervention into Korea. A gangster country. Fucking USA.

Is the USA still a beautiful country?378 Is the north (Korea) still an “enemy” to be killed? How much more do we have to endure before we realize?

377 In 2006, an American speed skater Apolo Anton Ono won a gold medal and a Korean speed skater won a bronze medal in the 500m short track speed skating competition at the Torino Winter . At the time, many Korean people insisted that Ono should be disqualified for a false start. However, this claim was not accepted. 378 In Korean, the United States is Miguk which means a beautiful country. - 152 -

Now let us shout it out. Yankee, go home.379

Hey dirty Yankees, wait and see, we will reunify the country. A magnificent country. United Korea. Let’s unify by people power! A magnificent country. United Korea.

Never forget the tears of blood that we shed. You caused our country to be divided. Fucking USA. Never forget past horrible massacres.380 Murderer country. Fucking USA.

This musical example powerfully reveals that Koreans’ acceptance of American musical forms does not necessarily mean cultural assimilation or pro-Americanism.

Furthermore, scholars have seen K-pop (Korean popular music with American root) as an example of local reworkings of American culture in East Asia.381 Chohan

Hye-chŏng notes that these days, residents of East Asia who have secured economic power through a compressed modernization process are consuming not Western

379 The term “Yankee” has been used to denigrate American people in Korea. 380 The massacre stands for No Gun Ri incident that more than 100 Korean civilians were killed by US soldiers in the area around No Gun Ri, South Korea, during the Korean War. See Charles Hanley, “No Gun Ri: Official Narrative and Inconvenient Truths,” Critical Asian Studies 42, no. 4 (2010): 589-595. 381 For example, Hye-jŏng Chohan, “Kŭllobŏl Chigak Pyŏndong ŭi Chinghu ro Iknŭn ‘Hanryu Yŏlp’ung” [ as a sign of a global tectonic change], Hyŏn-mi Kim, “Taeman Sogŭi Han’guk Taejungmunhwa” [Korean popular culture in Taiwan in Hye-jŏng Chohan, Sang-min Hwang, Koichi Iwabuchi, Tong-hu Yi, and Hyŏn-mi Kim, eds., Hanryu wa Asia ŭi Taejungmunwha [The Korean Wave and Asian popular culture], (Seoul: Press, 2003), 1-42, 155-178; Beng Huat Chua and Koichi Iwabuchi, eds., East Asian Pop Culture: Analysing the Korean Wave (: Hong Kong University Press, 2008), 13-70, 173-264. - 153 -

(American) popular music, but Asian popular music like K-pop. In Chohan’s reading, these East Asians are demonstrating a strong desire to become the subject of recognition.382 By emphasizing and celebrating local appropriation of American culture and non-Americans’ autonomy, studies of this kind have contributed to decolonizing scholarship: they debunk Western-centric viewpoints that describe non-Western people as mere victims or subjects of Western power.

While admitting the significance of local reworkings of American culture, however, Mel van Elteren urges scholars not to overlook American projections of power.

Elteren claims that various types of power exercised by the United States have shaped the transnational context in which cultural exchanges occur.383 This argument provides a helpful insight when considering musical changes in Korea. The very beginning of musical Westernization in Korea began in earnest after Korea opened its door to the

United States in 1882, allowing American missionaries to visit Korea. This treaty was not voluntarily initiated by Korea (Joseon Dynasty). Rather, the treaty was promoted by

Chinese and American politicians to counter the growing Japanese influence in Korea on the threshold of Korea’s being colonized by Japan.384 In a similar vein, the US occupation of Korea and the Cold War added momentum to dramatic musical changes in Korea. It is true that Korean people have appropriated Western (American) culture in their own ways.

382 Chohan et al., Hanryu wa Asia ŭi Taejungmunwha, 87-119. 383 Mel van Elteren, “Rethinking Americanization Abroad: Toward a Critical Alternative to Prevailing Paradigms,” Journal of American Culture 29, no. 3 (2006): 355. 384 Cumings, Korea’s Place in the Sun, 87. - 154 -

However, from the outset, Korean people’s musical choices were limited by the military, economic, and political conditions set up with US intervention in Korea.

David Scott points out the correlation of colonial modernity with the emergence of a form of power that disabled older forms of life. This form of power systematically broke down the target country’s conditions and constructed in their place “new conditions so as to enable—indeed, so as to oblige—new forms of life to come into being.”385

Likewise, when Korea opened its doors to the United States, old forms of Korean traditional music were rapidly replaced by new forms of musical life that took up

American ways. In US-Korea relations, transcultural “dialogues” have never taken place on an equal footing.386 In such imbalanced power relations between the two countries, it is not the United States but (South) Korea that has gone through musical Westernization, powerfully mediated by the United States.

Even in today’s Korea, which still maintains the stationing of USFK (the US forces in Korea) as its main national security measure, pro-Americanism is centered on political expression. It is not rare to see American national flags appear at demonstrations of Korean conservative groups who support right-wing policies with an emphasis on the

US-Korea security alliance, anti-Communism, and neoliberalism. Often, pro-

Americanism is combined with expressions of animosity toward particular music and musicians. For example, when a North Korean music troupe, the Sam -yŏn orchestra,

385 Scott, “Colonial Governmentality,” 193. 386 van Elteren, “Rethinking Americanization Abroad,” 355. - 155 - visited South Korea and held a concert in Kangnŭng, South Korea, on 8 February 2018 to celebrate North Korea’s participation in the 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympics, hundreds of South Koreans gathered in front of the concert hall to protest against the musicians and concert. Surprisingly, while jeering at the North Korean musicians, the protesters waved not only South Korean national flags, but also American flags.387

Apparently, their allegiance to the United States was one reason to reject the North

Korean musical troupe.

Since the 1980s, when ground-breaking work in ethnomusicology called for a degree of self-consciousness in relation to non-Western music, Koreanists in the field began to turn away from the method of merely collecting exotic and ancient Korean music toward ethnographic research on Korean music—encompassing not only Korean traditional music, but also modern adaptations of Korean traditional music.388 This kind of research detailed the ways in which Korean musical forms and genres have changed and gained new political connotations in local settings, especially in a close relationship with modernity in Korea.389 By contrast, scholars have rarely paid attention to the process

387 Sŏng-u Pak, “T’oegŭnhanŭn Hyŏn Song-wŏl Ilhaeng, Tongyŏngsang ŭro Pon Puk Yesultan Kongyŏn Hyŏnjang” [Hyŏn Song-wŏl and the North Korean art troupe in the video], Chosun Daily, 9 February 2018, http://news.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2018/02/09/2018020901631.html. 388 For ground-breaking works calling for self-reflexivity in ethnomusicology during the 1980s, see Kenneth Gourlay, “Towards a Humanizing Ethnomusicology,” Ethnomusicology 25, no. 3 (1982): 411- 420; Marcia Herndon and Norma McLeod, Music as Culture (Darby, PA: Norwood, 1981); Judith Becker, “Is Western Art Music Superior?” Musical Quarterly 72 (1986): 341-359; Anthony Seeger, Why Suyá Sing: A Musical Anthropology of An Amazonian People (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987). 389 For example, Andrew Killick, “Road Text for a New Model: Korean Musical Narrative and Theater in Comparative Context,” Ethnomusicology 47, no. 2 (2003): 180-204; Nathan Hesselink, “Samulnori as Traditional: Preservation and Innovation in a South Korean Contemporary Percussion Genre,” Ethnomusicology 48, no. 3 (2004), 405-439; Kim, “Diasporic P’ungmul in the United States”; Katherine - 156 - of musical Westernization in Korea and what musical Westernization has meant in a

Korean context.390

“West” or “Westernization” itself is a vague term: it may connote too many different nation-states, ethnicities, and cultures within a very long range of time and space. Exactly by whom, via what institutes and media, and under what purposes did musical “Westernization” proceed in Korea? How have Koreans reacted to them? What were the outcomes? As we have seen in this dissertation, in the Korean context, musical

“Westernization” has unfolded through interventions by the United States. In this regard, the drastic musical change in Korea initiated from the late 19th century is closely related to cultural “Americanization.” This dissertation has focused on OWI and USAMGIK as key agencies that played a decisive role in the musical change in Korea during World

War II and early Cold War, respectively. However, they are not the only channel through which American culture spread in Korea. Other US agencies such as the United States

Information Agency and the United State Information Service as well as non-profit organizations like were deeply involved in directing the flow of

American culture into Korea.391

In-young Lee, “The Drumming of Dissent during South Korea’s Democratization Movement,” Ethnomsicology 56, no. 2 (2012): 179-205; Hilary Finchum-Sung, “Visual Excess: The Visuality of Traditional Music Performance in South Korea,” Ethnomusicology 56, no. 3 (2012): 396-425; Hae-kyung Um, Korean Musical Drama: P’ansori and the Making of Tradition in Modernity (Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2013), 167-212; Katherine In-young Lee, Dynamic Korea and Rhythmic Form (Middletown: Wesleyan University Press, 2018). 390 Literature written in English on this topic is very rare except for Okon Hwang, Western Art Music in Korea: Everyday Experience and Cultural Critique (Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2009); Chang, “Musical Encounters in Korean Christianity.” 391 See Christina Klein, “Cold War Cosmopolitanism: The Asia Foundation and 1950s Korea Cinema,” The Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 2 (2017): 281-316; Han Sang Kim, “Film Auteurism as a Cold War - 157 -

Despite the strong influence of American culture, however, musical change in

Korea should not be reduced to mere musical Americanization. On top of the US interventions in Korea, this dissertation has also foregrounded Korean people’s colonial experience under Japan as an important factor in US-Korea relations and the implementation of music policies in Korea. In a similar vein, we need further in-depth research into Korea’s cultural relations with Russia and China, which have shaped

Korea’s economy, politics, and national security.

The current tendency of musicological research that highlights the active involvement of recipients in music-making is certainly correct in rejecting a simple equation of cultural globalization and Americanization.392 Yet it would be an error to assume that this kind of research can tell the whole story of musical “Westernization” in

Korea, given that local reworkings cannot be free from broader military, economic, and political systems. As van Elteren has pointed out, more balanced perspectives that take into account both projections of hegemony and local appropriation of Western

(American) culture are needed in order to better understand musical change in Korea.393

Governmentality: Alternative Knowledge and the Formation of Liberal Subjectivity,” The Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 2 (2017): 317-42. 392 van Elteren, “Rethinking Americanization Abroad,” 345; Andrew Jones, Yellow Music: Media Culture and Colonial Modernity in the Chinese (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), 21-52; Watanabe Hiroshi, “Takarazuka and Japanese Modernity,” Hosokawa Shūhei, “Shōchiku Girls’ Opera and 1920s Dōtonbori Jazz,” in Hugh de Ferranti and Alison Tokita, eds., Music, Modernity and Locality in Prewar Japan: and Beyond, (Farnham: Ashgate Publishing, 2013), 193-210, 211-228; Karin Nieuwkerk, ed., Muslim Rap, Soap, and Revolutionary Theater (Austin: University of Press, 2011), 27-53; and Noriko Manabe, “Representing Japan: ‘National’ Style among Japanese Hip-hop DJs,” Popular Music 32, no. 1 (2013): 35-50. 393 van Elteren, “Rethinking Americanization Abroad,” 345. - 158 -

More importantly, I argue that we need to transcend the dichotomy of “Western” and “non-Western” musical genres. Although Yun Min-sŏk’s “Fucking USA” borrowed rock ’n’ roll style and the US national anthem, this song was widely sung by Korean people to express their anti-US sentiment. The members of the Korean Children’s Choir felt national pride when they performed European choral music and American folk songs during their US tour. As Manual De Lala claims, a community or a society is not a seamless, stable, or homogenous whole. Many factors are at play even within a single locality, and any situation comprises “contingent, uneasy, and unstable relationships.”394

By closely examining multiple determinants in transnational musical encounters and strengthening our knowledge of historical interconnections that shape music’s circulation, we can better understand Korean music. At the same time, these interconnections offer us a good starting point from which to write a global history of music that cuts across geopolitical and cultural boundaries.

394 Manuel De Lala, ed., A New Philosophy of Society: Assemblage Theory and Social Complexity (New York: Continuum, 2006), 10. - 159 -

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- 191 -

Appendix A: Key events in Korea from the late 19th century to the first republic of Korea

Year Key events Korea’s first international treaty with Japan instead of Western power February 1876

A treaty of peace, amity, commerce and navigation between Korea and May 1882 the United States was formed

June 1894 First Sino-Japanese War to April 1895 Japan-Korea Protectorate Treaty. Korea became a “protectorate” of the November 1905 empire of Japan The annexation of Korea by Japan August 1910

Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbor and the United States’ entry into World December 1941 War II August 1945 Japan’s surrender to the Allied Forces

The establishment of the Soviet Army’s Soviet Civil Authority in the North and the Provisional People’s Committee in northern part of September 1945 Korea. The establishment of the United States Army Military

Government in southern part of Korea.

The establishment of two separate governments in Korea, the Republic August 1948 of Korea (South Korea) and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (North Korea)

June 1950 The Korean War which ended in an armistice to July 1953

The April 19 revolution against the first republic of Korea under Syngman Rhee and Syngman Rhee’s resignation from presidency

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Appendix B: Music in the OWI’s Korean Language Radio Broadcasts during the Second World War

Title Composer Performer

“Wiener Blut” Waltz Johann Strauss Unknown

Intermezzo from the Opera Goyescas Enrique Granados Unknown

Holiday for Strings David Rose Unknown

Presumably New York Philharmonic The Star Spangled Banner (American John Stafford Smith Orchestra conducted national anthem, orchestral version) by Vladimir Golschmann

New York Philharmonic The Marseillaise (French national Claude Joseph Orchestra conducted anthem, orchestral version) Rouget de Lisle by Vladimir Golschmann

Purple Pageant Karl King Unknown

Xavier Cugat and his Nocturne no. 2 in E flat major Frédéric Chopin orchestra

Warsaw Concerto Richard Addinsell Unknown

- 193 -

Appendix C: the list of songs performed by the children’s choir in Korea before their US tour of 1954.395

Title Composer Lyricist Kogijabi (Fishing) Yun Kŭk-yŏng Yun Kŭk-yŏng Naganuga Chamjana (who is sleeping) Pak T'ae-hyŏn Mok Il-sin Sanparam Kangparam (breezes from the mountain Pak T'ae-hyŏn Yun Sŏk-jung and the river) Sae Nara ŭi Ŏrini (children in their new country) Pak T'ae-jun Yun Sŏk-jung Kkoburang Halmŏni (an old woman bent with age) Han T'ae-kŭn Han T'ae-kŭn Maem maem (chirp chirp) Pak T'ae-jun Yun Sŏk-jung Chosŏn ŭi Norae (Song of Chosun) Hyŏn Je-myŏng unknown Chosŏn ŭi Kkot (Chosun's flower) An Ki-yŏng Yi Ŭn-sang Nat e Naon Pandal (the half-moon in the daytime) Hong Nan-p'a Yun Sŏk-jung Kohyanghanŭl (sky of hometown) Pak T'ae-jun Yun Pok-jin Tongri Ŭiwŏn (Dr. Tong-ri's office) Hong Nan-p'a Kim Kwi-hwan Turumi (crane) Yun Ki-yŏng Unknown Pandal (the half-moon) Yun Kŭk-yŏng Yun Kŭk-yŏng Pang Chŏng- Kwitturami (cricket) Hong Nan-p'a hwan Kusŭlbi (raindrop) An Pyŏng-wŏn Kwŏn O-sun P’urŭnbaram (blue wind) An Pyŏng-wŏn Yun Sŏk-ju Mulpanga (water mill) An Pyŏng-wŏn An Pyŏng-wŏn Okt’okki (the rabbit in the moon) An Pyŏng-wŏn An Pyŏng-wŏn Seuja Saenara (let's build a new country) An Pyŏng-wŏn Yi Wŏn-su Sinaetmul (the water of a stream) An Pyŏng-wŏn Yi Chong-ku Pom (spring) An Pyŏng-wŏn Kim Kŭn-ha Uri ŭi Sowŏn ŭn Tongnip (our hope independence) An Pyŏng-wŏn Yun Sŏk-ju Taramjwi (squirrel) Pak Chae-hun Kim Yŏng-il Nunkkossongi (snowflakes) Pak Chae-hun Sŏ Tŏk-ch'ul Pomi Wassŏyo (the spring is coming) Pak Chae-hun Nam Sŏng-nam Ŏmŏnim Ŭnhye (mother's love) Pak Hae-hun Yun Ch'un-pyŏng

395 I created Appendix C based on the information from An, Ŭmak ŭro Kyŏre rŭl Ullida, 45, 52, 55-58. - 194 -