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Ritual, Music, and Performance in Khmer Wedding Ceremonies Kathy M

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Ritual, Music, and Performance in Khmer Wedding Ceremonies Kathy M Document généré le 27 sept. 2021 08:52 Canadian University Music Review Revue de musique des universités canadiennes Tros, Tevodas, and Haircuts: Ritual, Music, and Performance in Khmer Wedding Ceremonies Kathy M. McKinley Canadian Perspectives in Ethnomusicology Résumé de l'article Perspectives canadiennes en ethnomusicologie This paper explores the importance of musical performance, its purpose and Volume 19, numéro 2, 1999 significance within Cambodian wedding ceremonies. While social and economic conditions of the early 1990s have contributed to the affordability of URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1014446ar live wedding music in Phnom Penh, this paper suggests that the primary DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/1014446ar reason for the maintenance of live traditional wedding music is its role in enhancing the ritual and social efficacy of the ceremony, achieved through inspired and connected performances by singer-musicians as social-ritual Aller au sommaire du numéro actors. Éditeur(s) Canadian University Music Society / Société de musique des universités canadiennes ISSN 0710-0353 (imprimé) 2291-2436 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article McKinley, K. M. (1999). Tros, Tevodas, and Haircuts: Ritual, Music, and Performance in Khmer Wedding Ceremonies. Canadian University Music Review / Revue de musique des universités canadiennes, 19(2), 47–60. https://doi.org/10.7202/1014446ar All Rights Reserved © Canadian University Music Society / Société de musique Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des des universités canadiennes, 1999 services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ TROS, TEVODAS, AND HAIRCUTS: RITUAL, MUSIC, AND PERFORMANCE IN KHMER WEDDING CEREMONIES Kathy M. McKinley Just before dawn, I am roused from sleep by soft sounds of early morning and the gentle stirrings of my neighbours as they prepare for the day: sweeping, shuffling feet, low voices, a radio playing softly, the faint hiss of frying food. Then, gradually, as the sky lightens, new layers of sounds expand my aural horizon and extend it into the city beyond my neighbourhood: bread vendors crying "numpan" as they walk through the streets, the steadily increasing hum of motorcycle traffic, the beeping of horns on the main streets. It is now 6 A.M. on a February morning in Phnom Penh, and, as I sit down to breakfast, I suddenly hear, in the distance, the voice of a popular Cambodian singer, blaring, distorted through loudspeakers. It is a recording of the song, "Caiw Priehm," played by a phleng kar somai (popular wedding music ensemble). Somewhere nearby, a household is preparing for a wedding.1 In her ethnography of Khmer village life in the early 1960s, "Svay, a Khmer Village in Cambodia," May Ebihara writes that "[Khmer]2 [w]eddings are the most joyous, delightful and (along with funerals) the most extravagant and elaborate of all life cycle ceremonies."3 In the years following the publication of that dissertation, Cambodia entered perhaps the darkest period of its history, a period of prolonged violence and despair that has shattered the lives of its citizens and left the country's infrastructure and institutions in tatters: the genocidal horrors of the Khmer Rouge regime, a decade of Vietnamese occu• pation, years of civil war, hardship, loss, and poverty. Through at least some of that time, many traditional Khmer practices were banned, including life cycle rituals and traditional performing arts. The UN-supervised democratic elections of 1993 brought some hope of an end to the years of political and social unrest, and for some Khmer, new economic opportunities as thousands 1 Research for this project, conducted from late 1993 to early 1994, was generously funded by a fellowship from Fonds FCAR (Fonds pour la formation de chercheurs et l'aide à la recherche) and by the Association for Asian Studies. The epigraph is an excerpt from my fieldnotes describing a morning soundscape in February 1994, Phnom Penh. "Caiw Priehm," translated variably as "The Grandchild of Brahma," "Little Priehm," or "Chief/leader of the Brahman caste" (referring to the legendary male ancestor of the Khmer), is a standard wedding song used for the procession to the bride's family house. 21 am using the term "Khmer" rather than "Cambodian" to specify the traditional practices of Buddhist ethnic Khmer, and to differentiate these from traditions of other ethnic groups in Cambodia, and from the practices of non-Buddhist Cambodians (Christian or Muslim Cambodians, for example). 3 May Ebihara, "Svay, a Khmer Village in Cambodia" (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1968), 474. 48 CUMR/RMUC of peacekeepers arrived in the capital. Although fighting between government forces and the Khmer Rouge continued in several provinces after the elections, during my research (late 1993 to early 1994), Phnom Penh was relatively safe and peaceful. Khmer weddings in Phnom Penh, once again, were lavish, festive, and expensive, requiring days of preparation and straining the budgets of both families. Once again, the sounds of wedding music could be heard in the early morning hours on the streets of Phnom Penh. Although many Cam• bodians insist that the "proper" Khmer wedding ceremony should be (and was, several decades ago) a three-day event, today, most Khmer weddings in Phnom Penh are held on a single day, the ceremony proper in the morning, a photo session and visit to the temple in the afternoon, and, if the families are wealthy enough, a dinner-dance party in the evening. From the time the ceremony begins, with the procession to the bride's house to its conclusion some five hours later, wedding musicians play almost contin• ually. Pre-recorded phleng kar somai is used before the ceremony begins, broadcast at the bride's family house as participants busily prepare for the event, and it is this music that one often hears blaring from neighbourhood houses in the early morning.4 But once the wedding begins, the rituals of the ceremony must always be performed with live music. In other Khmer rituals and ceremonies, such as funerals, it is perfectly acceptable to use a pre• recorded cassette instead of live musicians, but for any proper Khmer wedding, no matter how modest, live wedding music is not merely preferred, but considered essential. In recent years, there has been an explosion of traditional Khmer weddings in Phnom Penh, with a corresponding increase in numbers of wedding musi• cians to perform at them. Socio-economic changes brought by the bubble of economic prosperity and political stability surrounding the UN-supervised democratic elections have encouraged more urban Cambodians to incur the tremendous financial costs the average Khmer wedding entails.5 The end of Cambodia's political isolation has also enabled parents with friends and relatives in Western countries to arrange marriages between Cambodian men in the United States, Canada, France, or Australia, and Cambodian women living in Phnom Penh. Undoubtedly, social and economic conditions of the early 1990s have contributed to the affordability of live music at Khmer weddings in Phnom Penh. On average, phleng kar ensembles today account for a mere four percent of the total cost of the wedding, and there are a myriad of ensembles to choose from in the capital. However, the main reasons for maintaining live traditional music in the wedding ceremony lie not with budgeting concerns or even a 4Phleng kar somai, known as "modernized" or "popularized" wedding music consists of the full traditional ensemble with added electric bass and drum set. 5 The average wedding I attended cost between $500 and $2,000 (US), many times greater than the average annual salary of a civil servant. Some of the expenses are offset by guests' financial donations (known as cong dai, and generally made at the end of the ceremony) but most Khmer families must either sell family assets or borrow money to pay for the weddings of their children. In the past, the groom's parents assumed responsibility for all costs of the wedding, but weddings today are usually financed equally by both sides. 19/2(1999) 49 desire to maintain tradition, but instead, with the social and ritual role of singer-musicians within individual performances of wedding ceremonies. Before discussing the specifics of music and musical performance in Khmer weddings, it will be helpful to consider, briefly, the scholarly contexts and theoretical implications of such an inquiry. At issue here is the general question of how music and musical performance becomes significant and meaningful in ritual contexts, or more precisely, how ethnomusicologists and anthropolo• gists have chosen to interpret musical performance in ritual. PERSPECTIVES ON RITUAL AND MUSIC Although the importance of music and other performing arts is acknowledged in anthropological research on ritual,6 generally, it has fallen to ethnomusicol• ogists to demonstrate exactly how and why musical performance is significant in ritual.7 Central to ethnomusicological explorations of ritual and music is a search for meanings communicated by musical performances within
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