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Cases of International Interventions

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Cases of International Interventions Ideational Divergences between European Union and China: Cases of International Interventions Zhun ZHONG GEM Phd School LUISS Guido Carli University & Université libre de Bruxelles Supervisors: Raffaele Marchetti (LUISS) Barbara Delcourt (ULB) November 2014 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS List of Abbreviations 4 List of Figures and Tables 6 1． Introduction and Research Proposal 7 A. Defining Multilateral Intervention 9 B. Practices and Debates on multilateral interventions 16 C. An introduction to EU-China ideational divergences 21 D. Research Questions and Hypothesis 26 E. Methodology 28 2. Theories: Why the ideas matter in international relations and foreign policy 31 A. The theoretical debate about the role of ideas 31 B. Ideas and the foreign policy decision making process 46 C. An Eclectic Theoretical Framework 52 3． The European Common Foreign Policy on Interventions: Positions, Principles and Processes 56 A. Conceptualizing EFP: Civilian/Normative/Ethical Power Europe 58 B. The EU’s interventionist policies since the 1990s 62 C. The norms and values in European foreign policy 70 D. European foreign policy making process regarding crisis intervention 76 4. China’s principles and policies on international interventions 89 A. The principle of non-intervention during the Cold War 90 B. The evolving China’s positions on intervention since the 1990s 96 C. China’s current principles regarding the multilateral intervention 101 D. Ideas in the Chinese foreign policy making process 105 2 5. Case study of Darfur Crisis (2003-2009) 121 A. Background: The crisis and the initial intervention from AU 123 B. Division on economic sanctions against Sudan 126 C. Genocide or not? Juridical intervention from ICC 138 D. The difficult birth of peacekeeping operations: UNAMIND and EUFOR 144 E. The Conclusion of Chapter 5 156 6. Case Study of 2011 Libyan Civil War 161 A. International Interventions through diplomatic and economic measures 163 B. Military Intervention 175 C. Political Recognition of the NTC Libya and the aftermath 190 D. The Conclusion of Chapter 6 194 7. Conclusions and Implications 199 A. Conclusions of analysis: respond to theories and hypotheses 200 B. Reassessing the principles: Implications for the EU and China 210 C. Normative power, hegemony and Status: Rethinking China and the EU’s global roles 223 Bibliography 230 3 List of Abbreviations AMIS African Union Monitoring Mission APSA African Peace and Security Architecture ASEAN Association of South-East Asian Nations AU African Union BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa CCP Chinese Communist Party CFC Ceasefire Commission CFSP Common Foreign and Security Policy (EU) CNPC China National Petroleum Corporation CSCE Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe CSCEC China State Construction Engineering Corporation CSDP Common Security and Defence Policy (EU) EC European Community (subsequently EU) ECHR European Convention on Human Rights ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States EDA European Defence Agency EDC European Defence Community EEAS European External Action Service ENP European Neighbourhood Policy EMP Euro-Mediterranean Partnership EP European Parliament EPC European Political Cooperation EPZ Export-Processing Zone ESDP European Security and Defence Policy ESS European Security Strategy EU European Union EUFOR European Union Force FALSG Foreign Affairs Leading Small Group of the Communist Party of China FAO Foreign Affairs Office of CCP Central Committee FOCAC Forum on China-Africa Cooperation FPA Foreign Policy Analysis G8 Group of Seven most wealthy countries (United States, United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and Canada) plus Russia GNI Gross National Income HI Historical Institutionalism HR High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy ICC International Criminal Court ICG International Court of Justice ICID International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur ICISS International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty IMF International Monetary Fund JEM Justice and Equality Movement 4 LAS League of Arab States LSGs Leading Small Groups (China) LVMH Louis Vuitton Moët Hennessy MENA Middle East and North Africa MFA Ministry of Foreign Affairs (China) NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization NGO Non-Governmental Organization NSLSG National Security Leading Small Group of China NTC National Transitional Council OAS Organization of American States OAU Organization of African Unity OCHA Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UN) OSCE Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe PBSC Politburo Standing Committee (China) PLA People’s Liberation Army PRC People’s Republic of China PSC Political and Security Committee (EU) QMV Qualified Majority Vote R2P Responsibility to Protect RI Rational Choice Institutionalism SCO Shanghai Cooperation Organization SLM Sudan Liberation Movement SPLM/A Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army TEC Treaty of European Community TEU Treaty of European Union UN United Nations UNAMID United Nations Missions in Darfur UNPKO United Nations Peacekeeping Operation UNSC United Nations Security Council USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics VIPs Values, Images and Principles WMD Weapon of Mass Destruction WTO World Trade Organization 5 List of Figures and Tables Tables Table 1 The toolbox of the international intervention in domestic crisis 13 Table 2 Sudan’s share of China’s crude oil imports (2000-2010) 133 Table 3 China’s calculations on the economic intervention in Sudan 134 Table 4 The EU’s calculations on the economic intervention in Sudan 138 Table 5 The EU and China’s calculations on the judicial intervention of ICC 142 Table 6 China’s calculations on the UN military intervention in Darfur 150 Table 7 France’s calculations on leading the EU military intervention 153 Table 8 Member States calculations on the EU military intervention 155 Table 9 China’s calculations regarding the civilian intervention in Libya 168 Table 10 Italy’s calculations regarding the intervention in Libya 172 Table 11 The EU’s calculations regarding the civilian intervention in Libya 174 Table 12 France and UK’s motivations for the military intervention in Libya 178 Table 13 Germany and other MS’ reasons for the objection of military intervention 183 Table 14 China’s calculations regarding the military intervention in Libya 189 Table 15 Three types of effects of the pro-intervention ideas 204 Table 16 Three types of effects of the non-intervention ideas 207 Table 17 A proposed Ingredients of the Hegemony 208 Figures Figure 1 A possible Mechanism in which principles may transform into policies 52 Figure 2 Multiple Sources of Policy Preferences 54 Figure 3 The brief Policy Stages of CFSP and CSDP 77 Figure 4 China’s Foreign Policy Making: Who Decides What? 112 Figure 5 Libya’s oil exports by destinations before and after the 2011 intervention 179 6 Chapter 1 Introduction and Research Proposal International intervention has emerged as an important aspect of global politics. The dissertation focuses on the interventions in the humanitarian crisis of third countries, in which great powers often hold different and even contrasting positions. The EU is more inclined to intervene when a crisis occurs, while China often refrains from coercive interventions and occasionally opposes the proposal of intervention in the UN. For instance, regarding the crisis of Syria, China, together with Russia, has vetoed three times against European and American-backed UN Security Council resolutions that threatened sanctions against the Assad regime if it did not immediately halt its military crackdown against rebels. At the same time we can observe the obvious correlation with their alleged principles: Countries adhered to the principle of sovereignty are usually reluctant to intervene in a domestic crisis, whereas countries often attempts to intervene are more emphasizing the ideas of human rights. The principal purpose of this dissertation is to identify the roles of these principles in the policy-making for multilateral intervention. Here I will only examine the two important international actors, the EU and China. The principle of sovereignty is a defining pillar of the UN system and international law. We can trace the principle back to the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. The principle of sovereignty emphasizes a state’s freedom and independence from external interference regardless of their size, material power and domestic political system, thereby could restrain most powerful states from imposing their own interests or values on less powerful states in the name of altruistic concerns. 1 Hence, 1 See Article 2(4) of UN Charter: “All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.” 7 sovereignty and the concomitant principle of non-interference in states’ domestic affairs, is especially championed by developing countries which had been vulnerable to intervention. In the Post-Cold War era, however, the conventional interpretation of sovereignty has been challenged by the increasing interventionist practices in fragile states. For instance, the intervention powers could reinterpret the sovereignty of target states by deciding who can represent the people, as the American invasion in Iraq showed (Delcourt 2006). Nevertheless, China remains the stubborn defender of state sovereignty for two reasons. First, it has an unpleasant
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