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14-Muharrem EKŞİ
Karadeniz Araştırmaları XIV/55 - Güz 2017 - s.189-208 Makale gönderim tarihi: 15.08.2017 Yayına kabul tarihi: 06.09.2017 TURKEY’S CULTURAL DIPLOMACY AND SOFT POWER ∗ POLICY TOWARD THE BALKANS ∗∗ Muharrem EKŞİ ABSTRACT This article examines Turkey’s Balkan policy in 2000s within the framework of cultural diplomacy and soft power. Turkey followed a security-oriented policy due to the conflicting dynamics of the region in 1990s while it chose a cultural diplomacy based soft power diplo- macy due to the relative stability in the region in 2000s. In this con- text, the main research question of this paper was determined to be “what is the changing aspect of Turkey’s Balkan policy in 2000s?” The fundamental argument within the framework of this question is that Turkey’s Balkan policy during the AK Party reign is that the country mainly followed a strategy to increase cultural-social effectiveness in the region through a soft power policy on the basis of the public- cultural diplomacy. In this framework, the other two arguments of the study are as follows: Firstly, Turkey opted to develop its relations with the Balkans on the societal and cultural levels. The reason is the historical and cultural ties are the most significant ties of Turkey with the region. Turkey desired to revive these ties through cultural di- plomacy. Secondly, Turkey followed a policy of being a soft power in the region. Therefore, Turkey opted to implement the instruments of the public and cultural diplomacy. The Yunus Emre Institute, TİKA, TRT and Anatolian Agency were introduced in 2000s as the instru- ments that generate the soft power of Turkey in the region. -
International Investment Bank Transition Country Strategy
INTERNATIONAL INVESTMENT BANK TRANSITION COUNTRY STRATEGY Moscow, August 2015 Introduction This Transition Country Strategy for Hungary (hereinafter – the Strategy or the Country Strategy) is aimed at restoring the key elements of cooperation between the International Investment Bank (hereinafter – the IIB, the Bank) and Hungary, taking into account the renewal of the country’s membership in the Bank under the resolution adopted at the 102nd Meeting of the IIB Council (20-21 November 2014, Sofia). The Country Strategy for Hungary is drawn up based on the Bank’s Corporate Development Strategy for 2013-2017 approved at the 97th Meeting of the IIB Council, and the IIB Business Plan for 2013-2017. The implementation of the Strategy should ensure the exploitation of the IIB’s full potential as a multilateral development bank to contribute towards Hungary’s social and economic development, prosperity of its people and stronger trade and economic ties between the member states of the Bank. The Strategy has been elaborated in full accordance with the IIB’s mission and objectives and has taken on board the best practices in the field of strategic planning adopted by multilateral banks for development. Macroeconomic environment In 2013, Hungarian GDP growth became balanced and this trend continued in the recent quarters. Latest data confirm that Hungary is on the right track as the structure of GDP became stable and sustainable. This is proven by the better and better growth dynamics of all sectors. It is important to stress out that this dynamic growth rate has been achieved in parallel with favorable internal and external balance path. -
2016-2017 CCKF Annual Report
2016-2017 INTRODUCTION The Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation for International Scholarly Exchange (the Foundation) was established in 1989 in memory of the outstanding achievements of the late President of the Republic of China, Chiang Ching- kuo (1910-1988). The Foundation’s mission is to promote the study of Chinese culture and society, as well as enhance international scholarly exchange. Its principal work is to award grants and fellowships to institutions and individuals conducting Sinological and Taiwan-related research, thereby adding new life to Chinese cultural traditions while also assuming responsibility for the further development of human civilization. Operational funds supporting the Foundation’s activities derive from interest generated from an endowment donated by both the public and private sectors. As of June 1, 2017, the size of this endowment totaled NT$3.62 billion. The Foundation is governed by its Board of Directors (consisting of between 15 and 21 Board Members), as well as 3 Supervisors. Our central headquarters is located in Taipei, Taiwan, with a regional office near Washington D.C. in McLean, Virginia. In addition, the Foundation currently maintains four overseas centers: the Chiang Ching-kuo International Sinological Center at Charles University in Prague (CCK-ISC); the Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation Inter-University Center for Sinology at Harvard University (CCK-IUC); the Chinese University of Hong Kong – Chiang Ching-kuo Foundation Asia-Pacific Centre for Chinese Studies (CCK-APC); and the European Research Center on Contemporary Taiwan – A CCK Foundation Overseas Center at Eberhard Karls Universität Tübingen (CCKF-ERCCT). There are also review committees for the five regions covering the geographic scope of the Foundation’s operations: Domestic, American, European, Asia-Pacific and Developing. -
รายงานการศึกษาส่วนบุคคล (Individual Study) เรื่อง รูปแบบ
รายงานการศึกษาส่วนบุคคล (Individual Study) เรื่อง รูปแบบและการด าเนินการขององค์กรที่ท าหน้าที่ ส่งเสริม soft power diplomacy กรณีศึกษาของ Yunus Emre Institute ของประเทศตุรกี จัดท าโดย ชาครีย์นรทิพย์ เสวิกุล รหัส 11025 รายงานนี้เป็นส่วนหนึ่งของการฝึกอบรม หลักสูตรนักบริหารการทูต รุ่นที่ 11 ปี 2562 สถาบันการต่างประเทศเทวะวงศ์วโรปการ กระทรวงการต่างประเทศ ลิขสิทธิ์ของกระทรวงการต่างประเทศ รายงานการศึกษาส่วนบุคคล (Individual Study) เรื่อง รูปแบบและการดาเนินการขององค์กรที่ท าหน้าที่ส่งเสริม soft power diplomacy กรณีศึกษาของ Yunus Emre Institute ของประเทศตุรกี จัดท าโดย ชาครีย์นรทิพย์ เสวิกุล รหัส 11025 หลักสูตรนักบริหารการทูต รุ่นที่ 11 ปี 2562 สถาบันการต่างประเทศเทวะวงศ์วโรปการ กระทรวงการต่างประเทศ รายงานนี้เป็นความคิดเห็นเฉพาะบุคคลของผู้ศึกษา เอกสารรายงานการศึกษาส่วนบุคคลนี้ อนุมัติให้เป็นส่วนหนึ่งของการฝึกอบรม หลักสูตรนักบริหารการทูตของกระทรวงการต่างประเทศ ลงชื่อ (เอกอัครราชทูต ดร. อภิชาติ ชินวรรโณ) อาจารย์ที่ปรึกษา ลงชื่อ (รองศาสตราจารย์ ดร. กฤตินี ณัฏฐวุฒิสิทธิ์) อาจารย์ที่ปรึกษา ลงชื่อ (ผู้ช่วยศาสตราจารย์ ดร. ภัทเรก ศรโชติ) อาจารย์ที่ปรึกษา ง บทสรุปส าหรับผู้บริหาร Soft power ถือเป็นมิติหนึ่งของการด าเนินนโยบายทางการทูตซึ่งมีความส าคัญมากขึ้น นับตั้งแต่ภายหลังสงครามโลกครั้งที่สอง โดย Joseph Samuel Nye ศาสตราจารย์มหาวิทยาลัย ฮาร์วาร์ด ผู้ถือได้ว่าเป็นผู้ที่พัฒนาและให้นิยามที่ชัดเจนของมัน และท าให้มันเข้าสู่กระแสความนึกคิด และการตระหนักรู้ของสังคมและผู้บริหารประเทศอย่างเป็นทางการ ได้ให้ค าจ ากัดความว่า soft power คือ อ านาจที่ท าให้ประเทศอื่น ๆ ยินดีปฏิบัติตามความต้องการของเรา (co–op) โดยที่เรา ไม่จ าเป็นต้องบังคับ (coerce) หรือหาสิ่งอื่นใดมาแลกเปลี่ยน -
Hungary and the Holocaust Confrontation with the Past
UNITED STATES HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM CENTER FOR ADVANCED HOLOCAUST STUDIES Hungary and the Holocaust Confrontation with the Past Symposium Proceedings W A S H I N G T O N , D. C. Hungary and the Holocaust Confrontation with the Past Symposium Proceedings CENTER FOR ADVANCED HOLOCAUST STUDIES UNITED STATES HOLOCAUST MEMORIAL MUSEUM 2001 The assertions, opinions, and conclusions in this occasional paper are those of the authors. They do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council or of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. Third printing, March 2004 Copyright © 2001 by Rabbi Laszlo Berkowits, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2001 by Randolph L. Braham, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2001 by Tim Cole, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2001 by István Deák, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2001 by Eva Hevesi Ehrlich, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2001 by Charles Fenyvesi; Copyright © 2001 by Paul Hanebrink, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2001 by Albert Lichtmann, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum; Copyright © 2001 by George S. Pick, assigned to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum In Charles Fenyvesi's contribution “The World that Was Lost,” four stanzas from Czeslaw Milosz's poem “Dedication” are reprinted with the permission of the author. Contents -
Eurasian Journal of Social Sciences, 4(4), 2016, 1-13 DOI: 10.15604/Ejss.2016.04.04.001
Eurasian Journal of Social Sciences, 4(4), 2016, 1-13 DOI: 10.15604/ejss.2016.04.04.001 EURASIAN JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES www.eurasianpublications.com EFFECT OF TURKISH PUBLIC DIPLOMACY ACTIVITIES ON RELATIONS BETWEEN TURKEY AND GEORGIA Sinem Celik Karadeniz Technical University, Turkey E-mail: [email protected] Abstract The aim of this article is to analyze the impact power of Turkish public diplomacy performed towards Georgia to empower the relation between both countries. Within the scope of this article, after public diplomacy term was discussed in many aspects, some of the important activities of the actors of Turkish public diplomacy have also been mentioned. When these activities are examined, it has been observed that non-governmental organizations failed to show the desired level of asset compared to government agencies in Georgia. Besides, when Turkish public diplomacy activities are examined as a whole, it has been remarked that these activities play an effective role to gain the sympathy of the Georgian. However, it has been concluded that the impacts of these activities on Turkey- Georgia relations are limited especially due to the Russian influence on relations with each of these two countries. Keywords: Turkish Public Diplomacy, Georgia, Russia, Interstate Relations 1. Introduction Public diplomacy is one of the important concepts outstanding in the 21th century when the ability to influence foreign public has a vital importance. In recent year it is observed that some countries have speeded up their public diplomacy activities towards other countries and their citizens. States aim to relate their national ideals to foreign public opinion and to get their support. -
Challenges to Understanding Turkish Diaspora Politics
FEBRUARY 2021 Whose Long Arm? Challenges Policy Brief to Understanding Turkish Diaspora Politics In October 2019, Turkey intervened in Turkish communities in European countries northern Syria, yet the effects were felt and intimidation of Gülen supporters. across Europe. As Turkey dispersed Kurdish militias and dismantled their fledgling This Clingendael policy brief seeks to explain administration, Kurdish protests against the these visible manifestations of Turkish Turkish offensive drew thousands of people politics in European cities. Why does Turkish onto European streets. In Rotterdam, they politics lead to unrest in Rotterdam and led to small but violent skirmishes, resulting Berlin and what institutional mechanisms in the detention of two dozen protesters facilitate this? The brief highlights various after clashes between Kurdish and Turkish drivers, institutional manifestations and protestors.1 In Berlin, the car of a Turkish historical changes, but also points out that diplomat was set on fire in a suspected there are a number of uncertainties and arson attack. In Nuremberg Kurdish questions about the motivations for, and protesters attacked a Turkish-owned shop modus operandi of, Turkey’s influence in and in Cologne a Turkish-German man was European societies. These questions are all stabbed, causing serious injuries. the more relevant as European policy-makers & Kars Bruijne* de Houtkamp Christopher increasingly seek to take measures in order October 2019 was not the first time that to curb this. Turkish politics spilled out into the streets of European cities. In March 2017, the Dutch The main argument developed in this brief is police clashed with Dutch-Turkish citizens on that effective policy ‘at home’ (in Europe) will the streets of Rotterdam. -
The Role of the Social and Solidarity Economy in Reducing Social Exclusion BUDAPEST CONFERENCE REPORT
The Role of the Social and Solidarity Economy in Reducing Social Exclusion BUDAPEST CONFERENCE REPORT 1–2 JUNE 2017 Department of Trade, Investment and Innovation (TII) Vienna International Centre, P.O. Box 300, 1400 Vienna, Austria Email: [email protected] www.unido.org 1 © UNIDO 2017. All rights reserved. This document has been produced without formal United Nations editing. The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this document do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) con- cerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries, or its economic system or degree of development. Designations such as “de- veloped”, “industrialized” or “developing” are intended for statistical convenience and do not necessarily express a judgement about the stage reached by a particular country or area in the development process. Mention of firm names or commercial products does not constitute an endorsement by UNIDO. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was prepared by Olga Memedovic, Theresa Rueth and Brigitt Roveti, of the Business Environment, Cluster and Innovation Division (BCI) in the UNIDO Department of Trade, Investment and Innovation (TII) and edited by Georgina Wilde. The report has bene- fited from the contributions of keynote speakers and panellists during the Budapest Conference on the Role of the Social and Solidarity Economy in Reducing Social Exclusion, organized by UNIDO and the Ministry for National Economy of Hungary, held on 1–2 June 2017. The organization of the Conference benefitted from the support of H.E. -
Verbale N.05/2015
Il Presidente Pag. 1 di 28 VERBALE n. 05/2015 Seduta del Consiglio di Dipartimento di Studi sull’Asia e sull’Africa Mediterranea in data 22 aprile 2015 Il presente verbale è approvato nella seduta del n.11/2015 del 30 settembre 2015. Il Consiglio di Dipartimento, convocato per mercoledì 22 aprile 2015 a partire dalle ore 14.00, presso la Sala A di Palazzo Vendramin, prevede il seguente calendario e ordine del giorno: I Comunicazioni II Approvazione verbali sedute precedenti III Didattica 1. Comunicazioni e ratifica provvedimenti didattica 2. Tutorato specialistico 2014/2015 e 2015/2016 3. Programmazione didattica 2014/2015: provvedimenti 4. Programmazione didattica 2015/2016: provvedimenti 5. Dottorato 31° ciclo 6. Visiting professor 2015/2016: provvedimenti e proposte di Dipartimento 7. Corso estivo di lingua armena in collaborazione con Padus Araxes IV Ricerca 1. Comunicazioni e ratifica provvedimenti ricerca 2. SUA-RD: Terza Missione 2013 e quadri in scadenza al 30 aprile 3. Premi alla ricerca: candidature del Dipartimento 4. Collane editoriali di Dipartimento e convenzione con Edizioni Ca’ Foscari V Convenzioni – progetti – accordi internazionali 1. Comunicazioni accordi internazionali 2. Accordo di Ateneo con l’Università di Hokkaido – ref. P. Heinrich 3. Erasmus + Key Action 2 Cooperation and Exchange of Good Practices – bando Strategic Partnership in Heigher Edication: partner nel Progetto “Corpus-based online Turkish vocabulary profile project – TÜRKÖZ” – ref. M. Kappler 4. HERA JRP – Uses of the Past 2015: partner nel Progetto “Conjuring the Past: Cultural Diversity, Invisible Histories, and Geographicities across South Asia (COPA)” – ref. S. Pellò 5. Erasmus + Key Action Joint Master Degree - Progetto Crossing the Mediterranean: towards investment and integration: comunicazioni e provvedimenti 6. -
Performing Arts Advocacy in Australia
Performing arts advocacy in Australia John Daley About the author A discussion paper commissioned by the Australian John Daley is one of Australia’s leading policy thinkers. He was Chief Executive Major Performing Arts Group of the Grattan Institute for its rst 11 years, and led it to become the leading This discussion paper was commissioned by the Australian Major Performing domestic policy think tank in Australia, publishing extensively on government Arts Group as its last substantial project. The members of AMPAG were given priorities, institutional reform, budget policy, and tax reform. the opportunity to comment on a draft of the discussion paper, but the author is responsible for its contents, and all remaining errors or omissions. He has 30 years’ experience spanning academic, government and corporate roles at the University of Melbourne, the University of Oxford, the Victorian This discussion paper was written by John Daley in his personal capacity. Bel Department of Premier and Cabinet, consulting rm McKinsey and Co, and Matthews and Bethwyn Serow provided research assistance for some aspects of ANZ Bank. the discussion paper. John is currently the Chair of the Australian National Academy of Music, which The author thanks for their extremely helpful contributions numerous members is one of the Arts8 performance training and education institutions that receive of Australia’s arts and culture community, in organisations, peak bodies, funds from the Commonwealth government. He is also a Director of the Myer government agencies, universities, and their personal capacity. Foundation. Previously, he was the Deputy Chair of the Malthouse Theatre, Deputy Chair of the Next Wave Festival, and the Chair of the Strategy and The paper is based on information available in April 2021. -
The Chemical Industry in Hungary
Global Outlook The Chemical Industry in Hungary Jun Yow Yong Univ. of Pannonia, Hungary Jiří Jaromír Klemeš Restructuring and investment underpin Brno Univ. of Technology Ferenc Friedler export growth in Hungary’s chemical industry. Petar Sabev Varbanov With continued investment in research and Pázmámy Péter Catholic Univ. development projects, the country is on track to Csaba Deák Corvinus Univ. of Budapest become a net exporter of chemical products. ocated in a relatively small geographic region a market economy, and then after 1990, to prepare for EU in Central-Eastern Europe, landlocked Hungary membership (2). The main purpose of Hungary’s develop- L(Figure 1) shares a common history with the Czech ment policy was to increase integration with the EU and the Republic, Poland, and Slovakia. All four countries belonged production of high-value-added products. The policy was to the Eastern Block, as members of the Council for Mutual centered on the EU market and development funds, as well Economic Assistance (COMECON), established in 1949 as relatively lower production costs, and emphasized R&D under Moscow’s control. With COMECON’s demise in for high-tech industrial sectors. 1991, the four formed the Visegrád Group (V4), a cultural The country has an export-oriented economy driven by and political alliance to advance their European integration, automobile, chemical, and pharmaceutical production. In and further military, economic, and energy cooperation (1). 2014, Hungary exported $99 billion in goods and imported They all joined the European Union (EU) in 2004. $92 billion, and had a trade surplus of $7.5 billion. Of its Hungary began to reform its economy more than three total exports, 78% headed to EU member states, while 75% decades ago, first to move its economic system closer to of imports came from them. -
The Political Economy of Illiberalism
The Political Economy of Illiberalism: A Relational Class Analysis of the Tensions between Capitalism and Democracy in Hungary Gabor Scheiring Abstract Using the strategic case of Hungary the article presents a relational political economy of illiberalism. Reorienting the scholarship on democracy and capitalism the article focuses on how the post-socialist dependent capitalism institutionalised in Hungary affected the chance of reaching democratic consolidation. Using a mixed method process tracing framework, analysing macro-social data on the erosion of the social base of democratic legitimacy, presenting a quantitative content analysis of policy elite members’ biographies as well as three case studies the article analyses two interrelated dimensions of the exhaustion of dependent development. First, the study analyses how the collapse of the social structures of legitimation in the liberal transition regime led to the rightward turn of the working middle class as a necessary but not sufficient condition of the illiberal break-through. Second, the article demonstrates how the polarisation of the economic elite and the growing frustration of the national capitalist class contributed to the illiberal breakthrough. The results demonstrate the different class composition of left and right wing governments as well as how the national bourgeoisie uses the illiberal state to further its own accelerated capital accumulation. The most important theoretical implication of the article is that the social theory of illiberalism has to account both for the tensions among the working middle class and among the economic elites as interrelated processes. Ultimately the paper contributes to re-evaluating the relationship between capitalism and democracy pointing out structural tensions conducive to illiberalism.