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MASTER'S THESIS M-1297 BASTOS, Alexander J. ANGOLA, PORTUGUESE WEST AFRICA: A CONSIDERATION OF THE DYNAMICS OF WAGE EMPLOYMENT. American University, M.A., 1968 Sociology, industrial and labor relations University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan © ALEXANDER J. BASTOS 1968 All Rights Reserved X ANGOLA, PORTUGUESE WEST AFRICA; A CONSIDERATION OF THE DYNAMICS OF WAGE EMPLOYMENT BY ALEXANDER J. BASTOS Submitted to the Faculty of the School of International Service of the American University In Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Signatures of Committee: Chairman '/f Date : > /J'y ^ ^ De a]/" of the School Date : (S-J. JUL 2 7 1967 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES ................................... i LIST OF M A P S ...........................................11 INTRODUCTION ........................................ 1 Chapter I. BACKGROUND ................................. 4 II. CHARACTER AND STRUCTURE OF THE LABOR FORCE 14 III. SPECIAL CHARACTERISTICS ................... 21 _ IV. RECRUITMENT................................. 2 7 Rural Urban V. PRODUCTIVITY ................................. 33 VI. W A G E S .......................................... 37 Unskilled Workers Skilled and Semi-skilled Workers VII. WORKING CONDITIONS .......................... 50 VIII. HEALTH FACILITIES.............................54 IX. LABOR RELATIONS ............................. 5 7 Labor Unions Business Associations Bargaining and Grievance Procedures X. CONCLUSION .......... ................... 6 7 APPENDIX A SUBJECT LIST OF MAJOR LABOR LEGIS LATION ..................................69 APPENDIX B RELEVANT INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGAN IZATION CONVENTIONS APPROVED BY PORTUGAL ............................... 72 APPENDIX C EXCERPTS FROM THE RURAL LABOR CODE OF 1962 73 BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................ 85 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Estimated Distribution of Wage Labor in Angola, 1964 ........................... 16 2. Distribution of Wage Labor in Angola by Category and District, 1964 .... 18a 3. Average Monthly Wage of Unskilled Workers, 1958-1965 39 4. Average Salary by District for Skilled W o r k e r s ......................................45 5. Comparison of Insurance Firm Salaries in 1966 with 1959 Minimum Wages .... 49 11 LIST OF MAPS Map No. Page 1. Map of Angola 2 . Labor Migratory Movements and Centers of Economic Activity .............. 24a INTRODUCTION In 1967 the majority of Angola's labor force was engaged in subsistence activities such as farming or herding. Not more than an estimated 17 percent of the population actively participated in the wage econ omy, primarily as unskilled workers employed by private enterprises.^ Skilled workers were few and concentrated in the larger cities. In the wage sector Europeans occupied most positions and were involved at all levels of employment. They were favored with a better educational background and filled the majority of skilled and semi-skilled jobs in government and private enterprise. Africans were involved in the wage sector only to a limited extent and then primarily in unskilled positions in agricultural and extractive industries. Jobs were becoming increasingly available to Africans, however, as more completed their education and the need for trained personnel in an 'expanding economy increased. The need for a cadre of skilled technical and professional personnel for economic Mendes, Afonso, "Sucinta Panoramic^ Do Salariato Em Angola" in Trabalho, p. 20. Also subsequent reports __ of The Angolan Institute of Labor and Social Welfare. 2 development led the government to expand the educational system; between 1960 and 1964, attendance at vocational and academic secondary schools increased by over 93 2 percent. Moreover, significant steps had been taken toward increased employment of Africans in government services, often to the point of hiring unqualified personnel. This hiring policy, resulting from political motivations to display an interracial society, arose from the 1961 rebellion and was instituted to allay future disturbances by Africans. As cadres of trained Africans increased, Europeans in urban areas, particu larly unskilled immigrants, were feeling the pressures of competition from better qualified African workers. After the uprising in 1961, the policies of government and employers toward labor altered consid erably. Inequities present in labor laws and practices, which were recognized to have contributed to the upris ing were modified or eliminated and certain recruitment procedures which had been-prevalent were specifically prohibited. Considerable reforms were put into effect with the promulgation of the Rural Labor Code of 1962 and by^ the establishment of the Institute of Labor and Social Welfare of Angola (Institute de Trabalho, ^Angola Secretaria Provincial De Educacao, Sintese das Actividades Dos Serviyos 1964-1965, pp. 70, 79. Previdencia e Ac^ao Social de Angola— ITPASA) the same year.^ The latter, through its Labor Inspectorate, provided the first effective policing body for labor affairs. Ironically, another major impetus for im provement of the labor condition of Africans was the economic boom created by the wartime economy Angola experienced following 1961. While physical working conditions improved, there was still little communication between employers and employees. The labor unions were usually accessible only to the predominately European skilled labor force and served primarily as social welfare institutions. They were associations of skilled, and infrequently, semi-skilled persons, usually organized on a trade basis, formed with government authorization and under government supervision. Their primary function was the provision of social services. Strikes were illegal. The semi-skilled and unskilled workers had no channels of formal communication with employers or the Labor Institute. Furthermore, linguistic and cultural bar riers served to limit their personal contacts with employers. Associations of unskilled Africans based on employment were not permitted. ^See Appendix, Table 1 for listing of recent labor legislation. CHAPTER I BACKGROUND Until well into the twentieth century, Portu guese policy was dictated by the shortage of an avail able African labor force. Absence of technological innovations and dependence on labor intensive pro duction led to a demand for a cheap and dependable labor force. The resistance of Africans to leave their traditional environment of their own accord, coupled with their fear of involvement with the European gen erated by the slave trade, led the authorities to assume the necessity of forced labor.^ Forced labor was fur- thur rationalized as a necessary step in the cultural evolution and europeanization of the Africans. A brief move toward the improvement of labor conditions was made with the implementation of the Native Labor Code of 187 8, the first detailed labor code applicable to Portuguese Africa. It enabled Africans to decide for themselves whether or not they wanted to work, as "no one can be forced to contract his services, except individuals who are judged vagrants International Labor Organization, Report of the Commis sion to Examine the Complaint Filed by the Government of Ghana Concerning the Observance by the Government of Por tugal of the Abolition of Forced Labor Convention (#l05), 1957, p. 295. (and) who continue to be obligated to work according to 2 terms fixed in the Code." The 1878 code proved too progressive for its time and the vagrancy clause was interpreted in such a way as to include all Africans engaged in the subsistance economy as vagrants liable to obligatory labor. In a period of reversion during the late 1890's the liberal policy and principles of the Code were criticized in Portugal as impractical and idealistic and in 1898 a committee was established to 3 evaluate the labor situation in Portuguese Africa. The committee, led by Antonio Enes, provided the framework for arguments in favor of forced labor. Portugal was in a period of financial crisis and threatened with the loss of her colonies to Britain and Germany; a radical revision of her economic policy, particularly in the colonies, was thought to be neces sary. The committee urged legislation which would oblige the Africans to work; enforced workwas again termed necessary for economic development as well as^. for the intellectual and moral development of the African. And, in addition, "The so essential capital lent for its development requires labor for development 2 Silva, Cunha, Joaquim Moreira, O Trabalho Indigena, p. 143. ^I.L.O., opus cit., p. 105. abundant, cheap and resistant labor" was required for the 4 significant rubber boom in northern Angola. All the principles set forth by the committee were adapted and promulgated in the decree of 9 November 1899-- which in substance remained unchanged well into the twentieth century. According to section one of the decree: "all natives of the Portuguese overseas provinces shall be subject to the moral and legal obligations of attempting to obtain through work the means of subsistance which they lack and to improve their social condition. They have full liberty to choose the method of fulfilling this obligation, but if they fail to fulfill it the public authorities may force them to do so. " 5 The code was reenacted in substantially the same form in decrees of May 27, 1911 and October 4, 1914. Subsequent legislation was aimed not so much at liberalizing the code as at both eliminating major abuses and ending