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Phonological Variation and the Construction of Regional Identities in New Zealand English

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Phonological Variation and the Construction of Regional Identities in New Zealand English Phonological variation and the construction of regional identities in New Zealand English by Sharon Marsden A thesis submitted to Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Victoria University of Wellington 2013 i Abstract This thesis addresses the ongoing evolution of New Zealand English phonology. In particular it explores the links between phonological variation and the social identities of speakers. The thesis investigates the possible emergence of regional dialects in the ongoing development of the variety. The investigation contributes to theories of dialect development, especially in relation to linguistic varieties described as “postcolonial” English. Since the onset of linguistic research on New Zealand English, scholars have highlighted the remarkable geographical uniformity of the variety. However, recent research concerning the development of postcolonial Englishes suggests that regional diversity is inevitable, but that its occurrence is tied to the construction of sociocultural identities. In this thesis I apply a holistic approach to investigating phonological variation and the construction of regional identities in modern New Zealand English. My aim in this thesis is twofold: firstly, to investigate current trends in 21st century New Zealand English phonology and secondly, to gain insights into the linguistic, social and cultural processes associated with the birth of new regional dialects. I view the ongoing evolution of Englishes as involving a composite of wide-ranging factors from the linguistic, historical, social, cultural and ideological domains. In order to address the full complexities of the issues I track variation and change in one influential and important dimension of English phonological systems: rhoticity. I explore the social life of this variable throughout the history of the English language since the 17th century and investigate in detail its manifestation in the speech of 21st century New Zealand teenagers. I consider evidence for contemporary regional diversification by comparing variation in rhoticity in two distinct New Zealand locations; a small rural community in the lower North Island and a small rural community further north in the central North Island. I take a social constructionist approach, paying close attention to local contexts and speakers‟ constructions of their local identities. Quantitative and qualitative approaches to the analysis of the data are utilised. Observations of general trends in rhoticity in modern New Zealand English are enhanced through the examination of the social meanings underlying individual linguistic behaviour. The findings demonstrate the historical and inherent variability of /r/ and reveal changes underway in modern New Zealand English rhoticity. The findings suggest that change involving linking /r/ is associated with a combination of social identity and attitudinal issues. The analysis of non-pre-vocalic /r/ demonstrates the value of exploring innovative features ii during their onset of use. The findings suggest that the onset of increasing non-pre-vocalic /r/ use in modern New Zealand English may be involved in the utilisation of globally accessible phonological features in the construction of both locally and globally relevant identities. The thesis identifies geographical mobility, transience and changing ethnolinguistic diversity as key factors in ongoing dialect developments in New Zealand English. It concludes that the emergence of ethnically-based identities may hold significance for the emergence of localised identities. The absence of distinctive regional linguistic varieties reflects the absence of recognised regional identities, but the thesis provides tentative evidence that evolving identity constructions in 21st century New Zealand may fuel regional diversification. iii Acknowledgments This thesis has been a process of discovery far beyond what I anticipated at the outset. I am fortunate that my thesis experience has been so immensely enriching, not only in terms of the knowledge that I have gained about language, but also in the knowledge I have gained about people. I wish to express my heartfelt gratitude to the people who have helped make this thesis possible. I give my humble thanks: ‒ to the New Zealand teenagers who allowed me into their lives and whose stories are the core of this thesis. ‒ to Laurie Bauer, for his unwavering faith in my abilities. His enthusiasm for my project matched my own and enthused me all the more. Our stimulating discussions are embedded in this thesis. ‒ to Paul Warren, for his unnerving ability to identify the wood between the trees at a glance and point a way through. His insights contributed considerable direction to my journey. ‒ to Janet Holmes, for her unwavering guidance and support academically and professionally, but foremost, as a friend and role model. ‒ to Meredith Marra, for being there when it counts in so many different ways. ‒ to John Macalister, for making a difference with his kindness, generosity and support. I also wish to thank all LALS staff members who have provided me with many rewarding opportunities to gain new and valuable skills as a teacher, researcher and writer. I have benefited immensely from these experiences. Many other individuals I have had the good fortune to meet while at Victoria University have provided kindness and support in certain special ways that I will not forget. On a personal level, I thank my Mum and Dad for always believing in me and for teaching me to believe in myself. Finally, my biggest thank you must go to my two remarkable boys, Jake and Floyd, for supporting me in my determination to achieve my goals, for having the patience to put up with their Mum‟s weird fascination with sounds, but most of all, for their kindness, courage and empathy as individuals. iv v Contents List of tables…………………………………………………………………………..…… ix List of figures……………………………………………………………………...………. x Preliminaries……………………………………………………………………………… xi Chapter 1: Introduction………………………………………………………….………. 1 1.1 Motivation.………………………………………………………………………..……. 1 1.2 Aims……………………………………………………………………………………. 4 1.3 Structure………………………………………………………………..………………. 5 Chapter 2: Dialect development – convergence and divergence………………………. 7 2.1 Dialectology: background……………………………………………………………… 7 2.2 Dialectology: methods………………………………………………………………..... 8 2.3 Dialectology: aims…………………………………………………………………...… 11 2.4 Dialectology: findings………………………………………………………...……...… 12 2.5 Dialectology and sociolinguistics……………………………………………..……..… 14 2.6 Sociolinguistic sources of dialect development……………………………………...… 17 2.6.1 Language acquisition……………………………………………………...........… 17 2.6.2 Contact, accommodation and diffusion…………………………………………... 17 2.6.3 Evaluation and social meaning…………………………………………………… 19 2.7 Social and linguistic processes of new-dialect development………………………...… 22 2.7.1 Dialect mixing…………………………………………………………..……...… 22 2.7.2 Linguistic accommodation……………………………………………...……...… 23 2.7.3 Dialect levelling………………………………………………………………….. 23 2.7.4 Interdialect features…………………………………………………………….… 24 2.7.5 Reallocation…………………………………………………………………….… 24 2.7.6 Focusing………………………………………………………………...……...… 24 2.7.7 Inherited change………………………………………………...……...… …… 25 2.7.8 Founder effect……………………………………………………………………. 25 2.7.9 The role of children.……………………………………….…………………….. 26 2.7.10 Additional theoretical considerations…………………………………………... 26 2.8 Contemporary dialectology…………………………………………………………….. 30 2.9 Regional diversification in NZE?………………………………...…………..……...… 33 2.9.1 NZE as an autonomous national variety………………..……………………...… 33 2.9.2 The dynamics of MNZE phonology……………….……………………………...34 vi 2.9.2.1 Vowels……………………………………………………………………... 34 2.9.2.2 Consonants………………………………………………………………… 36 2.9.2.3 Regional variation………………………………………………………….. 38 2.9.3 The emergence of regional dialects……………….…………………………….... 41 2.10 Chapter summary……………………………………………………………………... 44 Chapter 3: Methodology…………………….………………………………………….… 47 3.1 Sample design……………………………………………………………………..….... 47 3.1.1 Quantitative versus qualitative?………………………………………………..… 47 3.1.2 Geographical locations…………………………………………………………... 48 3.1.3 School-based adolescent spoken data……………………………………………. 51 3.1.4 Sample size……………………………………………………….…….………… 58 3.2 Fieldwork……………………………………………………………………..……...… 59 3.2.1 Fieldwork in town N…………………………………………………………...… 59 3.2.2 Fieldwork in town C……………………………………………………………… 62 3.2.3 Methods of data collection……………………………………………...……...… 63 3.3 The data set and the methods of data analysis ……………………………………….... 69 3.4 Analytical approach for the investigation of MNZE phonological variation ……….… 76 3.5 Chapter summary …………………………………………………………...….........… 80 Chapter 4: A sociolinguistic history of rhoticity………………………………………... 81 4.1 Describing rhoticity in phonological systems………………………………………….. 81 4.2 Rhoticity: historical variation and change…………………………………………….. 88 4.2.1 The nature of the evidence………………..……………………………………… 88 4.2.2 Orthoepists‟ descriptions of /r/: 1600-1800s……………….…………………….. 90 4.2.3 Early phoneticians‟ descriptions of /r/: 1600-1900s……………….…………….. 95 4.2.4 Interpreting the historical evidence……………….……………………………… 102 4.3 Rhoticity: variation and change in contemporary English varieties……………….….. 108 4.3.1 The fluidity of /r/……………….……………………………………………….... 109 4.3.2 The consequences of “/r/-loss” in 21st century Englishes………………………... 111 4.3.3 Decreasing rhoticity……………….……………………………………………... 112 4.3.4 Increasing
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