Proc Soc Antiq Scot 141 (2011), 145–158 Dál Riatic migration to Scotland from Ulster | 145

‘. . . and they won land among the Picts by friendly treaty or the sword’: How a re-examination of early historical sources and an analysis of early medieval settlement in north Co. Antrim confirms the validity of traditional accounts of Dál Riatic migration to Scotland from Ulster

Cormac McSparron* and Brian Williams†

Abstract Much recent scholarship has been critical of the concept of a Dál Riatic migration to, or colonisation of, Argyll. Scepticism of the accuracy of the early medieval accounts of this population movement, arguing that these are late amendments to early sources, coupled with an apparent lack of archaeological evidence for such a migration have led to its rejection. It is argued here, however, that this rejection has been based on too narrow a reading of historical sources and that there are several early accounts which, while differing in detail, agree on one point of substance, that the origin of Scottish Dál Riata lies in Ireland. Also, the use of archaeological evidence to suggest no migration to Argyll by the Dál Riata is flawed, misunderstanding the nature of early migrations and how they might be archaeologically identified, and it is proposed that there is actually quite a lot of evidence for migration to Argyll by the Dál Riata, in the form of settlement and artefactural evidence, but that it is to be found in Ireland through the mechanism of counterstream migration, rather than in Scotland.

The question of the origins of Scottish Dál the actual events they recount, the product Riata has taxed historians for centuries. of pseudohistorical speculation connected Traditionally two main origin traditions of with the dynastic intrigues of the 10th to 13th the Dál Riata in Scotland, both of which have century (Campbell 2001). However, even a number of variants, have existed. Each of when all the later, reworked and rewritten these traditions take as their starting point accounts have been peeled away, there the concept of a migration from Antrim to remains a solid body of early material which Scotland. In recent years, the Irish origin of is compatible with the concept of a settlement Scottish Dál Riata has been questioned. The of Scottish Dál Riata, from Ireland, in the mid- medieval narratives of this migration have, 1st millennium ad. Archaeological evidence, rightly, been subjected to scrutiny and many or rather its absence, has also been invoked have been dismissed as being much later than as an argument against migration from Antrim

* centre for Archaeological Fieldwork, School of Geography, Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Queen’s University , Belfast BT7 INN † Environment Agency, 33 Hill Street, Belfast BT1 2LA 146 | society of antiquaries of scotland, 2011 to Argyll, with the converse argument, that must have had a Gaelic informant (Dumville there was settlement of Antrim from Argyll, 2002: 185) and he was personally acquainted being proposed by Campbell (ibid) based on with Adomnán, Abbott of Iona and biographer the distribution of some artefact types. It is of Colm Cille (Colgrave & Mynors 1969: suggested here, however, that this is based 255n). In time, this tradition accrued various on an incomplete understanding of how extra dimensions with later documents migrations functioned in early societies and it detailing an origin of the Dál Riata in Munster is proposed that the presence of a new class of (Gwynn 1912) but the essential migratory monuments – Fortified Outcrops – which are core of the story remained unchanged. found within a narrow area of north Antrim, A second origin tradition, the ‘descendants and similar in many respects to Scottish duns, of Erc’ tradition, while accepting the name of are evidence of an influence on the settlement the kingdom as Dál Riata, and by implication pattern of Co. Antrim caused by Dál Riatic the existence of the eponymous ancestor, migration to Scotland. promotes the sons of Erc, specifically Fergus, One tradition of Irish migration to Argyll, as the main actors in the Dál Riatic settlement the ‘Reuda Tradition’, recounted at an early in Scotland. This story is recounted in stage by Bede, attributes this migration to a numerous texts, including the Annals of leader from which the Dál Riata took their Ulster, Annals of Tighernach, Senchus Fer name: ‘They came from Ireland under their nAlban and the Tripartite life of St Patrick, leader Reuda and won lands among the Picts which collectively recount the story of the either by friendly treaty or by the sword. personage of the king of Irish Dál Riata, These they still possess. They are still called Fergus Mac Erc, and his success at taking and Dalreudini after this leader’ (Colgrave & holding land in Britain late in the 5th century Mynors 1969: 19). It is suggested that Bede ad (Bannerman 1974: 74–5).

No Key rth Dunshammer C h a Fortified Outcrop Doonmore n Possible Fortified Outcrop n e Baronial boundary Cary Drumadoon l ? Baronial name Cary Land above 500 feet Dunluce County boundary Lower River

Dunshammer Sites mentioned in text Lower Dunluce Upper 5 km

Illus 1 Fortified Outcrops in north Co. Antrim Dál Riatic migration to Scotland from Ulster | 147

This traditional view of the movement Early Irish and Scottish histories and of the Dál Riata from Antrim into Scotland geneaologies were, as with modern history, has, in recent years, been challenged by competing narratives written within a Ewen Campbell (2001). He postulates that political context. There were certainly the historical sources implying an Irish origin competing narratives even with the earliest for Dál Riata reflect the political concerns accounts of the Dál Riatic migration. The of Ireland and Scotland in the 10th to 13th ‘Reuda tradition’ can be demonstrated to centuries and are an invented origin myth have been in circulation at an early stage. for certain lineages in competition for the Bede, that early promulgator of the ‘Reuda Scottish kingship (Campbell 2001: 288). tradition’, was writing in the early 8th Campbell suggests that there is a lack of century. Also Adomnán, while not directly archaeological evidence for a migration to discussing colonisation of Scotland, in an Argyll from Ireland. He proposes that what aside, implies that the tradition of a leader little archaeological evidence for migration called Reuda is an ancient one. In his Vita there is, points in the other direction and that Sancta Columbae Tripartita Adomnán (as a Dál Riatic colonisation of Scotland did not we have seen above, a contemporary and happen but that instead there was a Gaelic- acquaintance of Bede) refers to a prophecy speaking kingdom of Dál Riata in Argyll made by Colm Cille about a peasant who emerging in the early centuries ad and that lived amongst the ‘people of the Korkureti’. it extended its influence into Ireland, creating This tribal name is essentially the same as Irish Dál Riata, rather than the other way Dál Riata, Korku being a synonym for Dál around. There is some merit in Campbell’s and reti a 7th-century form of the genitive of analysis; he takes a long-standing tradition, Riata (Dumville 2002: 186). Adomnán, by subjects it to scrutiny, and comes to different using the 7th-century form of the name reti in conclusions about the nature and sequence the tribal name ‘Korkureti’, indicates that in of events. He correctly emphasises, as have the 7th century a certain Riata (Reuda) was writers since Kelleher (1963), the difficulty remembered as a person of significance, after of using early medieval texts, noting that whom a tribal grouping was named. many references to a Dál Riatic settlement The most satisfying and complete accounts in Scotland, including some of the most of the alternative ‘sons of Erc’ tradition of explicit, are late (Campbell 2001: 288). There colonisation of Scotland are, as Campbell has are, however, key aspects of Campbell’s noted, problematic. He correctly points out that historiographic analysis and archaeological the entry in the Annals of Tighernach stating reasoning which weaken his argument to the ‘Fergus Mor, macErc, with the nation of Dal point of making it untenable. Riada, took (or held) part of Britain, and died Central to an analysis of Campbell’s there’ was composed in the 10th century and thesis is the dating of the various elements therefore cannot be relied upon as an account of the accounts of Dál Riatic settlement in of late 5th- or 6th-century events (Campbell Scotland; and while some variants of the 2001: 208). He also notes difficulties with the traditions of Dál Riatic migration story can Senchus Fer nAlban suggesting, in general be demonstrated to be late, there still appear agreement with Bannerman (1974: 130–2), to be core elements which can be shown that it likewise had been subject to 10th- to have existed in, at least, the 7th and 8th century rewriting (ibid). However, there are centuries. several much earlier, if rather more laconic, 148 | society of antiquaries of scotland, 2011

KEY

Fortified Outcrop Possible Fortified Outcrop N Rath ort Promontory Fort h Ch Bi-vallate Rath a n Raised Rath Cary n ? e Crannog l Cashel Baronial boundary Dunluce Baronial name Cary Lower Land above 500 feet

County boundary

River Glenarm Lower Dunluce Upper 5 km

Illus 2 early medieval secular settlement in north Co. Antrim

references to the ‘sons of Erc’ tradition which Senchus is a bilingual piece which is based demonstrate that it is one of great antiquity, on one, or more, earlier works in Latin, some and is not simply the product of 10th-century as early as the 7th century, which have been pseudo-historians. subject to piecemeal translation and revisions The earliest reference to Erc in the context in the 10th century, essentially changing a of Scotland is a brief reference in the Tiugraind 7th-century geneaeological document into a Bhécáin, a poem about Columb Cille which, 10th-century political document of the Cenél while only existing as a 16th-century copy, nGabráin (Dumville 2002: 205). Dumville, can be solidly dated on linguistic grounds to in his subtle examination of the Senchus Fer the 7th century (Kelly 1975: 66). In it, Columb nAlban, has also found within the document Cille’s journey is described as: ‘the course in indications of what may have been erased by which the hero ran reaches the darkness of the the 10th-century reworking of the piece. He place of Erc’ (Kelly 1975), a clear reference notes the assertion in the Senchus that ‘Fergus to Columb Cille leaving Ireland and going to mór mac Eirc is another name for mac Nisse Scotland. mór’ (ibid), an assertion taken uncritically Also, while the Senchus Fer nAlban has by Bannerman (1974). This is an interesting been correctly identified as having been subject statement and may be an attempt to obscure to much re-writing (Bannerman 1974: 130–2 an earlier variant of the ‘sons of Erc’ tradition and Campbell 2001), there do appear to be which significantly predates the 10th century. elements within it which can be demonstrated There is an individual, Domangart mac Nisse, as earlier in origin and it may be possible to who was an early 6th-century king of the Dál identify hints of an early version of the ‘sons Riata. His death is recorded in the annals of of Erc’ tradition. Dumville has shown that the Tighernach and Clonmacnoise who refer to Dál Riatic migration to Scotland from Ulster | 149 him, in both instances, as King of Scotland. refers to an incident between Patrick’s sister The death of ‘Domangart mac Nisse Reti’ is or cousin and ‘Mac Nisse’ and the subsequent also recorded in the Annals of Ulster for 506 prayer by Patrick that the Mac Nisse’s hand (MacAirt & MacNiocaill 1983), however, in may be cut off (Stokes: 163). this account he is confused with (or possibly Next, the Tripartite Life mentions that deliberately merged with) his near namesake, Patrick receives a good welcome in Dál Riata Mac Nisse, the Bishop of Connor. All of from the 12 sons of Erc and a meeting is these annals can be demonstrated to have recorded between Fergus – ‘the Great, son of been of the 10th century or later (Dumville Erc’ – and St Patrick, at which Fergus offers 2002: 192), although much of their content land to Patrick ‘if my brother respects me is based on earlier manuscripts. What makes in dividing his land, I would give it to thee’ Domangart mac Nisse interesting, however, (Stokes 1887: 183), upon which the church at is the addition of reti, a 7th-century genitive Armoy is later constructed. Patrick prophesied form of riata (ibid: 186) in his death entry that Fergus would eclipse his brother and in the Annals of Ulster, indicating that a 7th- become king of Dál Riata ‘. . . thou that shalt century text was the ultimate source for this be king. The kings in this country and over entry. In the Senchus Fer nAlban, Domangart Fortrenn shall be from thee for ever. And this is a son of Fergus mac Erc, the patronymic was fulfilled in Aedan son of Gabran, who mac Nisse being explained by Fergus and took Scotland by force’ (ibid). Bannerman mac Nisse being the same person, an assertion notes that Fortrenn was initially a name given queried by Dumville (2002: 205). to one of the provinces of Pictland, which was Another text which discusses ‘mac Nisse’, later used to mean all Pictland (Bannerman Fergus mór and the success of Fergus’ line in 1974: 86). The enigmatic reference to a brother Scotland is the Tripartite Life of St Patrick. from whom Fergus might need permission to In the Tripartite Life of St Patrick there are dispose of land to the church is not completely a number of paragraphs dealing with St congruent with the Fergus mór of the later Patrick’s activities in Dál Riata. annals and the Senchus Fer nAlban. Three main incidents are recorded. The actual date of the composition of this First there is Patrick’s crossing into Dál piece of the Tripartite Life of St Patrick is a Riata and his meeting with a king, Doro of complex question. Bannerman indicates that Carn Sétni, where the assembled party heard this episode in the Tripartite Life of St Patrick cries from the earth and opened a tomb to find is mid-9th century or later, although with a a baby beside the dead body of his mother. The knowledge of earlier traditions (Bannerman baby was named Olcan by an accompanying 1974: 86). Bieler (1942: 36) goes further, druid and was baptized by Patrick. He was suggesting that the Tripartite Life of St Patrick mentioned as later being Bishop of Airthir is compiled at the very end of the 9th or in Maigh (Armoy) in Dál Riata (Stokes 1887: the 10th century. This is late enough to fit 161–2). in with Campbell’s theory, however there is After this there is a record of St Patrick compelling evidence, not just the hanging praying and reading Psalms with Mac Nisse statement about a more senior brother to of Connor (this time it actually does seem Fergus, that this section of the Tripartite Life to be the bishop). The original Latin in the of St Patrick, dealing with Patrick’s work in Tripartite Life is described as ‘hopelessly Dál Riata, is based upon an earlier work or corrupt’ by Stokes but he suggests that it works. 150 | society of antiquaries of scotland, 2011

Rock

Outer Gateway

Limit of

Limit of Excavation Excavation The “Outer Ward”

B2

H2

Pavement G Inner Gateway A

470 ‘ Rock

H1 Building

475’ C The “Mound” H3

0 feet 20 485’ 480’ 485’ 480’ 475’ 0 metres 6 Declilvity

3a.

100m

D

EXTERNALONE ST EXTERNAL FACADE 104 REVETMENT12 1 EXTERNAL BANK Quarrying REVETMENT12 ONE 1 ST 106 REVETMENT 1047 BANK 1018

1018 EXTERNALONE ST

BAULK FACADE 104 1076

BANK PAVED PASSAGE II 1018 WEST ERRAIN AREA EXTERNAL OF SOUT REVETMENT12 1 1077 1024

C TH II HEAR

1070 BANK

Collapse into Cary River valley

0 feet 20

0 metres 6

3b.

Illus 3 (3a) Plan of Doonmore, Co. Antrim (after Childe 1938) showing stone bank and excavated internal features and (3b) Plan of Drumadoon, Co. Antrim (after McSparron & Williams 2009) showing stone-faced bank and excavated internal features Dál Riatic migration to Scotland from Ulster | 151

There is a list of very brief jottings in the genitive or plural form of filius (son), ‘filii’, Book of Armagh, which are called the Notulae. being of uncertain meaning. The final phrase, The Notulae are a highly abbreviated list of ‘eps (cop) Ném iTelich Ceniuil Oingoso(so)’, one line entries, which appear to be a set of refers to the consecration of a bishop, Nem. notes referring to the content of an earlier work The significance of the Notulae lies in (Bieler 1979: 50–1). The Book of Armagh was the similarity they have to the Tripartite compiled about 807 and Bieler states that the Life. They show that the tradition of St linguistic style of the Notulae dates them to Patrick meeting Fergus Mór is not entirely an the mid- to late 8th century. invention of the 10th century or later. Rather, They conform closely in places to the these traditions of Fergus, and possibly Mac order of the events in the Tripartite Life of St Nise too, are much older. The Notulae are mid- Patrick. Three phrases, across two entries, are to late 8th century; but, as they themselves of interest to the study of Dál Riata and have are probably based on an earlier work, they direct parallels in the Tripartite Life. relate to traditions which must be 8th century or earlier, several centuries earlier, at least, Doro Carn Sétni. Xii than the medieval genealogists proposed by (maicc) Eirc. Fergus Mór (macc) Nise Campbell. Xii Olcan filii . . . eps(cop) Ném iTelich Ceniuil Oingos(so) In summary, it is possible to extract from these documents a series of early statements The first phrase, ‘Doro Carn Sétni’, refers upon which further inference can be based. to the story of the discovery and naming of It seems that there was, in the 8th century, Bishop Olcan when Patrick meets Doro at evidenced by Bede, a tradition of the taking of Carn Sétni. The second phrase, ‘(maicc) Eirc. land in Scotland by a leader, ‘Reuda’, and his Fergus Mór M(acc) Nise’, in the context of people. It can be shown from a story collected coming shortly after the finding of Olcan, by Adomnán in the 8th century, but using must refer to the meeting of Patrick and 7th-century language, that by the 7th century Fergus Mór in the Tripartite Life: but what at least, the Dál Riata were named after this of the ‘(macc) Nise’? Dumville rejects the eponymous ancestor. possibility that the ‘(macc) Nise’ in the It also seems that while there is clear Notulae could be either a patronymic or the evidence of re-writing of documents like the alias of Fergus, as suggested in the Senchus Senchus Fer nAlban, in the 10th century and Fer nAlban, suggesting instead that it is a later, as well as the compilation of annalistic reference, once more, to Bishop Macc Nise sources at this time, there also seems to be of Connor (Dumville 2002: 189), however, evidence that aspects of this ‘sons of Erc’ in the context of the very brief Notulae and story, recounted in these sources, are earlier given the above noted tendency to confuse and reflect a Dál Riatic past quite compatible these two characters, is it possible that this with the concept of a Dál Riatic migration. may actually mean Fergus’ brother, mac There are also indications of the shadowy Nisse, whose presence was obscured in the presence of an earlier story, the story of a 10th-century rewriting of the Senchus Fer brother of Fergus Mór, mac Nisse, who may nAlban, possibly the unmentioned brother have been very important in the early history from whom Fergus must seek approval to of Scottish Dál Riata but whose role and give land to Patrick? The third phrase, ‘Olcan descendants have been obscured from history filii . . .’, presumably refers to St Olcan, the in favour of other Dál Riatic lines. Perhaps 152 | society of antiquaries of scotland, 2011 most crucially, there is evidence, from a 7th- the 8th century (Campbell 2001: 287), that century poem about the life of Columb Cille, what evidence there is indicates population that Scottish Dál Riata was being referred to movement from Argyll to Antrim, rather than as the ‘land of Erc’ at this early date. in the other direction. There are a numerous possible models Both Alcock and (especially) Campbell are which could serve as explanations of these taking a very traditional view of migration, statements. It has been suggested by some making the assumption that there is a direct writers that the movement of Reuda was an link between a migration event and the finding earlier migration, with the ‘sons of Erc’ making of material culture from the origin region in the crossing some centuries after (Duncan the destination region. This, however, does 1992; Werner 2007) It is also possible that not seem to be the case. It may be that modern what we see in the brief 7th- and 8th-century migration may lead to a transplantation of accounts of Erc and Reuda are actually the material culture, settlement type, institutions competing origin traditions of rival scions of and cultural values but this is not the case the Dál Riata, with the supposed descendants for all, or possibly even most, migrations in of Erc and his sons emerging victorious, only earlier times undertaken by different types of to go through a similar paring of the family societies. tree, with the occlusion of mac Nisse, by the David Anthony has examined the 10th century. However, whatever way the mechanisms of migration and its archaeo- different strands of the origin story are mixed logical signature in detail (1990). He suggests up, there is one constant: Ireland. Each of that it is impossible for archaeologists these origin stories, over many centuries, from to correctly identify migrations from an at least the 7th century, is consistent in their examination of the archaeological evidence assertion that the Dál Riata came from Ireland alone, without an understanding of how to Scotland. Given that the earliest 7th-century migration works (Anthony 1990: 897). He documentary references to Erc and Reuda has established that migrations are caused by could be as little as three generations after the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors between homeland events being described, it is perhaps better to and place of migration. They are mediated by weigh up the evidence carefully before being a number of factors, such as the difficulty in overly dismissive of these sources. travelling between homeland and destination A key question, which has been addressed or technical advancements which may by a number writers including Campbell facilitate travel. He notes that information (2001) and Alcock (1970), is the material flow is vital in establishing a stream of cultural evidence of Irish settlement in migration with migrants who, for example, Argyll. Both of these writers correctly note have families settled in an area or are hearing the absence of significant material culture or stories of an area, being much more likely to settlement evidence of clearly Irish origin in migrate there. Anthony identifies the role of Argyll, and Campbell (although not Alcock) scouts (1990: 903) who provide information cites this as evidence to suggest that there was on an area before the commencement of no Dál Riatic colonisation or migration from a larger scale migration and then, most Ireland. He goes further and suggests, citing importantly, a counterstream of migration, the example of Type G penannular brooches, migrants returning from the colonized area which are apparent in Scotland from the 7th back to their homeland or the homeland of century but which only appear in Ireland in their ancestors. Dál Riatic migration to Scotland from Ulster | 153

The concept of counterstream or return these monuments have been excavated the migration (Anthony 1990: 904) is a powerful rest have not been surveyed in detail, although one: which may go a long way to explaining they have been visited, measured and the contradictions in the archaeological and described by archaeologists from the Northern historical evidence regarding Argyll and Ireland Environment Agency and recorded in Antrim’s interaction in the early medieval the Northern Ireland Sites and Monuments period. It suggests that migration is very Record. rarely a one-way process and that there will be An examination of early medieval settle- continual movement of persons and goods, not ment sites in the north Antrim area recorded just potentially to the new lands, but back to the in the Northern Ireland Sites and Monuments homeland also. In the case of a migration of a Record suggests that there are probably small group of warrior-aristocrats and soldiers eight (and possibly as many as 14) sites of from Ireland to Argyll, the archaeological this type (illus 1 and Table 1). It appears to signature of Irish material culture in Scotland be significant that they are all located within might be very small, effectively swamped by the boundaries of the current Barony of native material. The visible physical evidence Cary. There are by contrast, counting only for this migration is more likely to be seen in surviving, upstanding, secular sites and not Antrim. including souterrains (which frequently have One area which has not been discussed church associations), one crannog, three before in detail, but which may indicate cashels, five raised raths and 10 single-vallate evidence for counterstream migration is raths in the Barony (illus 2), fewer than in any settlement. There are a number of early of the adjacent areas. medieval settlements in northern Co. Antrim, Several of these Fortified Outcrop within the boundaries of the kingdom of Dál sites have been excavated. Gordon Childe Riata, which seem, in many ways, to be similar excavated at Doonmore, Co. Antrim (Childe to early medieval settlements in Argyll. These 1938) (illus 3a). His excavations revealed the settlements are different to the more common presence of footings of buildings, paved areas ‘rath and cashel’ early medieval settlement and hearths within a stone bank, surmounted types known from Ireland and are collectively by a palisade, located on a rocky outcrop called Fortified Outcrops in this paper. The rising 20m above the surrounding farmland. definition of a Fortified Outcrop used here is a The stone bank enclosed an area measuring defended settlement site of early medieval date, 12.4m × 17m. It was accompanied by a much constructed on top of a pre-existing natural larger enclosure, which Childe called the eminence, enclosed by either a stone wall or ‘Outer Ward’, which was a terrace beneath the an earthen wall with a stone façade. These main enclosure, partially defined by surviving sites are small with their long axis typically stone walls. Childe believed the site to be a less than 20m. Few sites are perfectly circular Norman fort. More recently, excavations and are generally oval or sub-circular shape, at Drumadoon, Co. Antrim (McSparron & their form, at least partly, being determined by Williams 2009), located 2km south-west of the shape of the existing mound upon which Doonmore, have revealed a similar occupation they were constructed. Although constructed site, located on top of a gravel rise, enclosed on natural vantage points, they are not present by a stone-faced earthen bank, overlooking the in genuinely upland areas, all being found at Cary river valley (illus 3b). These excavations or below 150m (500ft). Although several of have shown it to be a multi-phase structure, 154 | society of antiquaries of scotland, 2011 reference Irish grid D0312045010 D1724042630 D0838037450 D1206440834 D1672040420 D0993038300 D1017038630 D1215033700 C9979042680 D0810040620 D1262040740 D1309041190 D1472040660 D2440034220 20m occupiable 5m × ×

Dimensions 13.1m 21.2m 10.8m 35m – only end occ. 12.5m 16m base, 10m diam. top 14.5m 16m 40m – 16m × × × 5m at summit × × × × × × × 20m 17m 8m 20m In excess of 14m 18m 14.5m 14m 17.5m Uncertain 25m diam. 16m 14m diam. 12.5m

Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Cary Barony

Parish Balintoy c ary Culfeightrin Ramoan Ramoan Culfeightrin Ramoan Ramoan Armoy Balintoy Ramoan Culfeightrin Culfeightrin Culfeightrin Culfeightrin

(Dunshammer) Townland (site name) Townland Balintoy Demesne Cross (Doonmore) Cloghanmurry Townparks, Ballycastle Townparks, Drumadoon Broom More Broom More Breen Lisbellangroagh More Carnsampson Ballycastle Bonamargy Ballynaglough Ballycleagh

Site type Fortified Outcrop Fortified Outcrop Fortified Outcrop Fortified Outcrop Fortified Outcrop Fortified Outcrop Fortified Outcrop Fortified Outcrop Poss. Fortified Outcrop Poss. Fortified Outcrop Poss. Fortified Outcrop Poss. Fortified Outcrop Poss. Fortified Outcrop Poss.Fortified Outcrop 004:015 005:007 008:007 009:001 009:042 008:020 008:021 014:034 003:017 008:110 009:002 009:004 009:007 015:016 1 Table Antrim Fortified Outcrops in Co. no monuments NI sites and

Dál Riatic migration to Scotland from Ulster | 155 constructed and initially occupied sometime countryside, is reminiscent of the location between the 8th and 10th centuries AD, most of many of the monuments grouped together likely in the 9th century, with, after a period under the classification of duns in Argyll. of abandonment, a later phase of reoccupation Likewise their size and general morphology in the later half of the 13th or 14th century. is closely comparable with certain aspects of The size, shape, internal architecture and Argyll settlement. topographical situation of these two sites In recent decades, this dun classification is very similar, although only part of the has been called into question by Scottish Drumadoon site had survived, at least half writers with the realisation that a number of had collapsed through subsidence into the monument types had been subsumed into river valley. The enclosed surviving area at a catch-all type (Harding 1982: 218–19). Drumadoon measured 14m east/west by 5m Several different schemes for subdividing north/south, meaning that the structure could, the dun class have been proposed. Some potentially, have been roofed. It seems likely of the more recent have emphasised how that Doonmore, like Drumadoon, was initially architectural features – such as the use of constructed between the 8th to 10th centuries dry stone for construction or the presence ad and re-occupied in the later Middle of intramural galleries – may have persisted Ages. Another early medieval settlement of for very long periods of time and may not similar situation and date, Dunshammer, is of themselves be appropriate for developing located approximately 14km north-west of a typology of building types (ibid). Instead, Drumadoon and 14km west-north-west of size of enclosure has been focused upon as Doonmore and was built upon a rock stack a method of dividing the traditional dun overlooking the sea. It was excavated by classification with an arbitrary 2 375m being J. Wilfred Jackson, of Manchester Museum, in taken as a limit for the area of the now the 1930s. He did not publish his account and redefined dun class and with larger enclosures the location of most of the archive is unknown, described as forts (RCAHMS 1971). In although the artefacts from the excavation are addition, it has been noted that the smaller in the care of the Ulster Museum. Jackson duns are frequently more symmetrical than found both early medieval and later medieval their larger counterparts (Maxwell 1969) coarse pottery as well as animal and fish bones and it has been suggested that many of these and broken quern stones. This is a similar structures may have been roofed. Harding artefact assemblage to both Drumadoon and (1982) has proposed a further subdivision of Doonmore. It seems probable that this also is the dun class into smaller, more circular, dun an early medieval settlement site which, like houses, which may be roofed and larger, oval, Doonmore and Drumadoon, was later reused dun enclosures, which are unroofed but may in the 13th century. contain roofed structures within them. By extrapolation from the three excavated The dating of these monuments is quite sites, it seems likely that the Fortified Outcrops complex, there are relatively few excavated of the Barony of Cary are in origin early examples of a numerous site type and it is medieval, probably dating to between the 8th indeed likely that many have late prehistoric and 10th centuries. origins (Harding 1997: 132) but what is The siting of these settlements on natural important for our discussion is the fact that eminences, mounds of gravel and rock there is convincing evidence for construction, stacks, with good views of the surrounding use and re-use of many of these monuments 156 | society of antiquaries of scotland, 2011 in the early medieval period (Alcock 2003: A traditional view of migration might look 186–7) at the evidence for the presence of dun-type It has been suggested that the nature of early structures in Irish Dál Riata and assume that medieval settlement in Argyll was ‘landscapes this was evidence for Dál Riatic colonisation of small stone-walled enclosed settlements and of Antrim from Argyll, as Campbell has crannogs interspersed with a smaller number suggested for other aspects of material culture of larger, Nuclear Forts, which represent the (Campbell 2001), however Anthony (1990) residences of the upper echelons of Dalriatic has demonstrated that this is too simplistic an society’ (Armit 2008: 2). The term Nuclear assertion to be accepted. Also, if Drumadoon, Fort was first used by Stevenson (1949), who with its 8th- to 10th-century date range for defined it as a central enclosure located on a initial occupation, can be utilized as the dating hill with ‘outworks loping out from the central ‘type site’ for the Fortified Outcrops of north area’ (ibid: 186–7). It has been established Antrim, and this seems reasonable given that these forts began their lives as smaller the similarity of artefacts found there and at single enclosures or dúns, which were added Dunshammer and Doonmore, then they seem to with the construction of further enclosing too late to represent migration from Argyll walls (Alcock 1987: 239). Alcock suggested giving rise to Irish Dál Riata. that the location of the sites on hills, with a Rather, it is more likely that the presence of central elevated portion and numerous lower dun-type structures in Irish Dál Riata, modified terraces, was specifically selected to reflect a slightly to take account of local conditions, hierarchical organisation of space. such as the use of stone-faced earthen banks in The Fortified Outcrops of north Antrim, some cases, reflects counterstream migration, with the possible exception of the more the bringing of ideas and material culture developed Doonmore with its central back home. If the migration of the Dál Riata enclosure and outwork, seem to conform to Argyll was one of a small group of warrior- quite closely to the definition of the dun aristocrats and soldiers, as speculated by Lane enclosure with internal areas less than the and Campbell (2000), without necessarily 375m2 threshold – with some possibly small a large population shift, it is likely that they enough to be dun houses. They also seem to would have taken and utilized the settlement conform to the pattern of settlement in Argyll architecture, settlement patterns and material suggested by Armit (2008). Alcock noted the culture of the community in which they found similarity between Doonmore, Co. Antrim, themselves, rather than building anew. We and Nuclear Forts in Scotland (ibid). In the know already that the Dál Riata certainly barony of Cary, in north Antrim, although adopted the settlement architecture typical of there are raths, and cashels, they are few in early medieval Scotland, for in 736, the Picts number, much fewer than in adjacent areas of are described as laying waste Dál Riata and Co. Antrim (illus 2). Instead there is one large seizing Dunadd (MacAirt & MacNiocaill Fortified Outcrop, with an outer enclosure, 1983: 148–9), implying that at that time the Doonmore, which may be the Irish analogue Dál Riata were occupying Dunadd, a Nuclear for a Nuclear Fort, a crannog at the nearby Fort. The likely direction of ‘cultural influence’ Lough na Crannagh and then several other in such a scenario would be, as suggested smaller enclosures such as Drumadoon and by Campbell, east to west, but not through Dunshammer, similar in many ways to dun settlement of Antrim from Argyll but rather enclosures and dun houses. the returning counterstream of settlement of Dál Riatic migration to Scotland from Ulster | 157

Argyll from Antrim. This would explain the and the duns of Argyll. This would have mixed nature of the settlement evidence from influenced settlement architecture in Irish Dál the Barony of Cary, the – possibly earlier – Riata, leading to the erection of the Fortified settlement evidence in the form of typical Outcrops, an Irish variant of the dun, in north Irish raths and cashels, the later settlements Antrim. influenced by Scottish forms and patterns, conforming more to an Argyll template. The mechanism for this influence is likely to be the Acknowledgements symbolism of aristocracy and kingship. Once We are indebted to Dr Finbar McCormick of the School the king of Dál Riata and his nobles occupy of Geography, Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Nuclear Forts and duns in Scotland, the Queen’s University Belfast, for helpful reading appropriate type of dwelling for a Dál Riatic suggestions concerning the Tripartite Life of St Patrick notable in Ireland will also change away from and to Colm Donnelly of the School of Geography, the rath and the cashel towards sites that Archaeology and Palaeoecology for access to his resemble those of their kin in Scottish Dál unpublished paper ‘Towards an archaeology of Dalriada’ delivered at the Ardrishaig conference Riata. (Donnelly 2000), which discusses many of the themes The dating of the emergence of Fortified raised in this poaper. Thanks are also owed to Sarah Outcrop sites in Irish Dál Riata, based as Gormley of the School of Geography, Archaeology it is on only one site so far, is intriguingly and Palaeoecology, Queen’s University Belfast for compatible with the dating of the emergence helpful comments on the text and to the reviewers of the Type G brooch, used as evidence of who made numerous helpful suggestions which have improved this paper in many ways. Scottish migration to Ireland by Campbell 2001. Could it be that along with the adoption of Scottish residential symbols of aristocracy references and kingship, high-status jewellery was also making its way to Ireland by the same route? Alcock, L 1970 ‘Was there an Irish Sea Culture- While there have been intrigues, both province in the Dark Ages?’, in Moore, D (ed) within the Dál Riata and the wider Scottish The Irish Sea Province in Archaeology and and Irish medieval worlds, which have led History, 55–65. Cardiff. Alcock, L 1987 Economy, society and warfare to a proliferation of origin myths for Scottish among the Britons and Saxons. Cardiff: Dál Riata, there is, at the core of all versions University of Wales Press. of the story, a basic concept of a migration Alcock, L 2003 Kings and warriors, craftsmen from Antrim to Argyll. This migration was not and priests in Northern Britain. Edinburgh: necessarily large, it may have been simply a Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. warband, and it need have left few physical Anthony, D W 1990 Migration in Archaeology: traces in Scotland. But it would have led these the baby and the bathwater, American migrants into new lands with new customs, Anthropologist 92(4): 895–914. material culture, concepts and ideas which the Armit, I 2008 Irish Scottish Connections in the ad settlers would have absorbed and introduced, 1st millennium : an evaluation of the links between souterrain ware and Hebridean through counterstream migration (Anthony ceramics, Proceedings of the Royal Irish 1990) to Irish Dál Riata. Perhaps foremost Academy 108C: 1–18. amongst the adoptions of the Scottish Dál Bannerman, J 1974 Studies in the History of Riata would have been the Scottish type of Dalriada. Edinburgh and London: Scottish high status residence, places such as Dunadd, Academic Press. 158 | society of antiquaries of scotland, 2011

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