Money in Politics
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HARD, SOFT and DARK MONEY Introduction Early Political Scandals
HARD, SOFT AND DARK MONEY Introduction Early political scandals involved money used for bribery or buying votes. Modern day scandals involve the appearances of corruption depending where gifts and campaign money came from. The U.S. Supreme Court has made a number of controversial decisions expanding the amounts of money in politics by characterizing political donations and expenditures to be exercises of freedom of speech. Among other results, those decisions have created a large and growing category of election related donations and contributions called “dark money.” Important Terms Defined Terms relating to money in politics that are used in this paper have definitions more exactly set out by law. These terms are fully addressed in the MIP paper Definitions for Money in Politics, Disclosure Requirements for PACs The relationships of PACs to their disclosure requirements are shown in the chart below. May Funding Disclosure Donations coordinate Corporations Sources required limited with can donate candidate Political parties PAC’s Super Pac’s 527’s 501(c)’s Dark Money Twenty-nine types of corporations are listed in §501(c) of the Internal Revenue Code (IRC) as qualified for nonprofit status. Social Welfare Organizations under §501(c) (4), Labor Unions under §501(c)(5), and Trade Associations under §501(c)(6) of the Internal Revenue Code are not required to report from whom they get their donations. Hence these donations are referred to as dark money. Since social welfare or business interests often intersect with political issues, these groups are allowed to use funds to influence elections, but there is otherwise no dollar limit on how much that can be, and they only need to report the majority of their expenditures in general terms. -
Mystery Money
MYSTERY MONEY How a loophole could allow foreign money to flow into super PACs through secretive shell companies ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This report was written by Research Director Michael Beckel and Research Associate Amisa Ratliff. Design by Communications Associate Sydney Richards. Cover image credit: bioraven/Shutterstock.com ABOUT ISSUE ONE Issue One is the leading crosspartisan political reform group in Washington. We unite Republicans, Democrats, and independents in the movement to increase transparency, strengthen ethics and accountability, and reduce the influence of big money in politics. Issue One’s ReFormers Caucus of more than 200 former members of Congress, governors, and Cabinet officials is the largest bipartisan coalition of its kind ever assembled to advocate for solutions to fix our broken political system. Issue One 1401 K Street NW, Ste. 350 Washington, D.C. 20005 © 2020 Issue One MEDIA CONTACT Michael Beckel [email protected] | 202-888-6770 issueone.org | facebook.com/issueonereform | @issueonereform [ 2 — Mystery Money ] Issue One MYSTERY MONEY BY MICHAEL BECKEL & AMISA RATLIFF INTRODUCTION oney laundering schemes to illegally funnel foreign money into super PACs M through shell companies threaten the integrity of our political system. Since the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision in 2010 paved the way for the super PAC era, there has been a proliferation of corporate super PAC donors — including scores of opaque and obscure companies that allow the people behind them to remain hidden. Such secretive entities provide especially ideal cover for foreigners wishing to evade the existing prohibition on their involvement in U.S. elections. A new Issue One analysis shows why this loophole needs to be closed. -
Parting the Dark Money Sea: Exposing Politically Active Tax- Exempt Groups Through FEC-IRS Hybrid Enforcement
William & Mary Law Review Volume 57 (2015-2016) Issue 1 Article 7 10-2015 Parting the Dark Money Sea: Exposing Politically Active Tax- Exempt Groups Through FEC-IRS Hybrid Enforcement Carrie E. Miller Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr Part of the Election Law Commons, and the Tax Law Commons Repository Citation Carrie E. Miller, Parting the Dark Money Sea: Exposing Politically Active Tax-Exempt Groups Through FEC-IRS Hybrid Enforcement, 57 Wm. & Mary L. Rev. 341 (2015), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr/vol57/iss1/7 Copyright c 2015 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmlr PARTING THE DARK MONEY SEA: EXPOSING POLITICALLY ACTIVE TAX-EXEMPT GROUPS THROUGH FEC-IRS HYBRID ENFORCEMENT TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ....................................... 343 I. TAX LAW AND ELECTION LAW FOUNDATIONS ............. 346 A. Internal Revenue Code Provisions ................... 347 1. Section 501(c)(4) Social Welfare Organizations ...... 347 2. Section 527 Political Organizations ............... 349 B. Campaign Finance Doctrinal Framework ............ 350 1. Statutory Basis and Underlying Values ............ 350 2. Evolving Case Law ............................. 351 II. ESCALATING POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF TAX -E XEMPT SOCIAL WELFARE ORGANIZATIONS : WHERE TAX LAW AND ELECTION LAW INTERSECT ........................... 354 A. IRS Treatment of Political Activity .................. 355 1. Conflicting Threshold Standards ................. 355 2. Vague Definitional Problem ...................... 357 B. Section 501(c)(4) Organizations Have Emerged as the Preferred Campaign Finance Vehicle ................ 359 1. Increased Independent Expenditures .............. 360 2. Relaxed Reporting Provisions .................... 363 3. The Coordination Problem ....................... 367 C. Deregulation’s Impact on Values that Support Campaign Finance Restrictions ................... -
Fighting Dark Money
Your Citizen Tool Kit: Fighting Dark Money Help Bring Transparency to Campaign Giving and Spending Table of Contents: Issue Brief 3 A Model of Success 8 Progress Report 12 Additional Readings 25 Other Helpful Organizations 27 !2 Brought to you by: ReclaimTheAmericanDream.org Issue Brief: Fighting Dark Money How Dark Money Haunts U.S. Elections In modern American politics, the first omen that “dark money” was corrupting American democracy were revelations that bundles of cash and checks were being delivered in brown paper bags and suitcases to President Richard Nixon’s re-election campaign in 1972. In a few short weeks, CREEP, as the Committee for the Re-Election of the President was called, hauled in roughly $20 million – $100 million in today’s dollars – half of it from a handful of super donors. That river of money all moved in secret, rushed to campaign operatives to beat the imminent deadline for disclosure of campaign contributions set by the new Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971. After the secret Nixon slush fund was exposed, Congress tightened campaign laws again in 1974, setting spending limits and providing public funding for presidential campaigns. Disclosure as the Disinfectant for Tainted Money But the foundation stone of campaign reform, then as now, was disclosure – transparent openness about the sources of political money. Full disclosure was the disinfectant prescribed in the Nixon era to kill the epidemic of tainted money and to cleanse the nation’s political system. In the decades since then, disclosure has been the one campaign reform that has won general endorsement from conservatives as well as liberals and moderates. -
Dark Money Matters
Dark Money Matters Dark money—that is, election-related spending whose donors are kept secret from voters—continues to play a major and troubling role in U.S. elections, thanks to a series of U.S. Supreme Court decisions and weak rules and enforcement by the Federal Election Commission (FEC). Most Dark Money Spending Is Never Reported In the years since Citizens United, at least $800 million in dark money has been reported to the FEC. But even that number is an underestimate. FEC data omits a huge chunk of secret funds, because most dark money spending is never “Most dark money is reported to the FEC. Candidate-focused ads that stop short of expressly telling spent outside FEC viewers to vote for or against a candidate are only reported to the FEC if they reporting windows.” air within 30 days of a primary or 60 days of the general election. Most dark money is spent outside of these FEC reporting windows. For example, Karl Rove’s dark money group One Nation spent $40 million on advertising during the 2016 election cycle supporting vulnerable Republican Senators. Yet, because most of that spending was for ads outside of FEC reporting windows, One Nation reported spending only $3.4 million to the FEC. One Nation Spending, 2016 Election Cycle 3.4 million, 8% Spending Reported to the FEC Spending not Reported to the FEC 36.6 million, 92% CAMPAIGNLEGALCENTER.ORG What’s more, recent election cycles have seen the rise of what might be called “grey money,” where groups that don’t disclose their donors make “The actual sources of pass-through contributions to entities that do, like super PACs. -
Status of Ballot Measure 2— Alaskans for Better Elections
STATUS OF BALLOT MEASURE 2— ALASKANS FOR BETTER ELECTIONS - January 8: Alaskans for Better Elections turns in 41,068 Signatures from 40 of 40 House Districts. - February 19: Better Elections is the first ballot initiative to reach minimum certification requirements (~29,000 signatures verified by AK DOE, from 30 of 40 House Districts). - February 19: Scott Kendall, Legal Counsel and Chief Advisor to the Campaign, delivered oral arguments to the Alaska Supreme Court after an appeal to a lower court ruling in favor of the initiative was filed by the State of Alaska. The sole issue in the case is whether or not Ballot Measure 2 is constitutional under the Alaska Constitution’s single-subject rule. - March 9: The Alaska Division of Elections announces official Certification. - June 12: the Alaska Supreme Court affirms that Ballot Measure 2 will appear on the November ballot. - Read more about the constitutionality of all the components in Ballot Measure 2 here. SUMMARY Ballot Measure 2 seeks to give more choice, more voice, and more power to every Alaska voter by improving the way we elect our representatives. More Choice—Over 62% of Alaskans choose not to identify with either major political party, but yet their ability to vote for the candidate of their choice is restricted by the current partisan primary system. More Voice—Our current first-past-the-post elections allow a candidate in a race with three or more candidates to win without receiving the support of a majority of voters (50%+1). Voters are therefore discouraged from voting for more independent, community-oriented candidates that they may prefer for fear of helping elect the candidate they like the least. -
Private Equity Buyouts in Healthcare: Who Wins, Who Loses? Eileen Appelbaum and Rosemary Batt Working Paper No
Private Equity Buyouts in Healthcare: Who Wins, Who Loses? Eileen Appelbaum* and Rosemary Batt† Working Paper No. 118 March 15, 2020 ABSTRACT Private equity firms have become major players in the healthcare industry. How has this happened and what are the results? What is private equity’s ‘value proposition’ to the industry and to the American people -- at a time when healthcare is under constant pressure to cut costs and prices? How can PE firms use their classic leveraged buyout model to ‘save healthcare’ while delivering ‘outsized returns’ to investors? In this paper, we bring together a wide range of sources and empirical evidence to answer these questions. Given the complexity of the sector, we focus on four segments where private equity firms have been particularly active: hospitals, outpatient care (urgent care and ambulatory surgery centers), physician staffing and emergency * Co-Director and Senior Economist, Center for Economic and Policy Research. [email protected] † Alice H. Cook Professor of Women and Work, HR Studies and Intl. & Comparative Labor ILR School, Cornell University. [email protected]. We thank Andrea Beaty, Aimee La France, and Kellie Franzblau for able research assistance. room services (surprise medical billing), and revenue cycle management (medical debt collecting). In each of these segments, private equity has taken the lead in consolidating small providers, loading them with debt, and rolling them up into large powerhouses with substantial market power before exiting with handsome returns. https://doi.org/10.36687/inetwp118 JEL Codes: I11 G23 G34 Keywords: Private Equity, Leveraged Buyouts, health care industry, financial engineering, surprise medical billing revenue cycle management, urgent care, ambulatory care. -
Ballot Measure Two: Elections an Initiative Petition Is the Process That What Is a People, Instead of the Legislature, May Use to Ballot Introduce and Enact a Law
Ballot Measure Two: Elections An initiative petition is the process that What is a people, instead of the legislature, may use to Ballot introduce and enact a law. An initiative petition becomes state law if a Measure majority of voters vote Yes. Article 11 of the Alaska Constitution allows for (Initiative) initiatives An Act Replacing the Political Party The Primary with an Open Primary Initiative System and Ranked-Choice General Election, and Requiring Additional (Act) Title Campaign Finance Disclosures The initiative deals with 1. Primary Elections three 2. General Elections major 3. Campaign financing and disclosures topics: ➢The full text of the proposed law is 25 pages long and has 74 sections. ➢Sections 2-72 are primarily changes (amendments) to existing state election laws ➢The initiative is very detailed, similar to legislation introduced in the legislature ➢This initiative requires changes to multiple state laws in order to be implemented, including a number of ancillary changes to state election laws OFFICIAL ELECTION PAM PHLET State of Alaska The full text can be found in the Official Election Pamphlet – The Division of Elections celebrates the history of strong women of Alaska and women’s suffrage! Starting on page 139 or online at: https://www.elections.alaska.gov/petitions/19AKBE/19AKBE- TheBill.pdf Region II — Municipality of PAAnGcEh 1orage, Matanuska-Susitna Borough 2020 REGION II VOTE Novem ber 3, 20 20 An Act Replacing the Political Party Primary with an Open Primary System and Ranked-Choice General Election, and Requiring Additional Campaign Finance Disclosures This act would get rid of the party primary system, and political parties would no longer select their candidates to appear on the general election ballot. -
H.R. 1 / S. 1 Disclosure Provisions: How the for the People Act Would Fix American Democracy's Dark Money Problem Campaign Legal Center March 2021 Introduction
H.R. 1 / S. 1 Disclosure Provisions: How the For the People Act Would Fix American Democracy's Dark Money Problem Campaign Legal Center March 2021 Introduction In the 2020 election alone, more than $1 billion was spent by so-called “dark money” entities that kept their donors hidden from the public.1 The fifteen highest-spending dark money groups accounted for nearly $645 million of that total.2 Because these dark money groups do not publicly disclose their donors, voters cannot know what those secret donors might be getting in return from elected officials. As described in this report, the solution is H.R. 1 / S. 1, the For the People Act, which shines a spotlight on dark money, and which is carefully crafted to address the real- world practices that wealthy special interests have used to keep their political donations hidden from the public. First, H.R. 1 / S. 1 makes clear what political spending is subject to disclosure. In 2020, major dark money groups, both Democrat and Republican, spent tens of millions of dollars on TV and digital ads that were carefully worded or timed to evade existing law. The bill addresses these practices by requiring disclosure when a group spends over $10,000 on ads that promote, support, attack, or oppose a candidate’s election. Second, the bill clarifies who must be disclosed when that spending is reported. Wealthy donors have anonymously poured hundreds of millions of dollars into elections by claiming none of their donations were “earmarked” for a particular ad, or by passing money through an intermediary. -
1 Money, Politics, and the Crippling of the FEC: a Symposium on the Federal Election Commission's Arguable Inability to Effectiv
Money, Politics, and the Crippling of the FEC: A symposium on the Federal Election Commission's arguable inability to effectively regulate money in American elections. Trevor Potter1 Thank you, Professor Popper, for that kind introduction. And thank you Michael Cabrera, Ross Handler, and your colleagues at the Washington College of Law at American University and the Administrative Law Review for organizing this timely and important symposium. I say timely because we currently have a malfunctioning FEC, with one vacant commissionership and five commissioners whose terms have expired, all at the start of a new presidency, so this is an ideal time to step back and look at the FEC and talk about how to enable it to function again. I say important because the FEC was perhaps the keystone of the Watergate reforms, and it retains a central place in our federal campaign finance system. It has the potential to faithfully and fairly enforce the campaign finance laws, bringing certainty to the field. So long as the FEC exists, but fails in these roles, it leaves a vacuum or a black hole (in the physics use of that phrase) at the heart of our system. It “preempts” and “occupies” enough of the field in a legal sense that others—the courts, the Department of Justice, other agencies—cannot step in and do the job the FEC is not doing. So its ability to function successfully is important to our campaign finance system—we effectively have no laws if the FEC is not enforcing them. As an FEC Commissioner between 1991 and 1995, I speak from personal experience in saying that it is not true that the FEC is “unable” to regulate money in elections. -
25-Page Complaint
BEFORE THE FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION CAMPAIGN LEGAL CENTER 1411 K Street NW, Suite 1400 Washington, DC 20005 (202) 736-2200 SANDHYA BATHIJA 1411 K Street NW, Suite 1400 Washington, DC 20005 (202) 736-2200 v. MUR No. ________ NATIONAL RIFLE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA POLITICAL VICTORY FUND Mary Rose Adkins, Treasurer 11250 Waples Mill Road Fairfax, VA 22030 NATIONAL RIFLE ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA INSTITUTE FOR LEGISLATIVE ACTION Mary Rose Adkins, Treasurer 11250 Waples Mill Road Fairfax, VA 22030 COMPLAINT 1. This complaint is filed pursuant to 52 U.S.C. § 30109(a)(1) and is based on information and belief that the National Rifle Association of America Political Victory Fund (“NRA-PVF”) (ID: C00053553) and the National Rifle Association of America Institute for Legislative Action (“NRA-ILA”) (ID: C90013301) have violated the Federal Election Campaign Act (“FECA”), 52 U.S.C. § 30101, et seq. 2. During the 2010 and 2012 election cycles, both the NRA-PVF and the NRA-ILA contracted with a political consulting firm called OnMessage, Inc. (“OnMessage”). In 2013, OnMessage officials formed an additional political consulting firm, Starboard Strategic, Inc. (“Starboard”). Beginning in the 2014 election cycle, both the NRA-PVF and the NRA-ILA stopped contracting with OnMessage, and began contracting with Starboard for independent expenditures supporting senatorial candidates—Thom Tillis, Tom Cotton, and Cory Gardner—whose campaign committees were simultaneously paying OnMessage. In the 2016 cycle, both the NRA-PVF and the NRA-ILA paid Starboard for independent expenditures supporting Ron Johnson, whose authorized campaign committee was simultaneously paying OnMessage. In reports to the Commission, the NRA-ILA and NRA-PVF consistently listed Starboard’s address as that of OnMessage and the NRA-ILA and NRA-PVF are effectively Starboard’s only clients. -
Chapter 16: Combating Dark Money in California Politics
Chapter 16: Combating Dark Money in California Politics Patrick Ford Code Sections Affected Elections Code § 9084 (amended); Government Code §§ 84222, 84223 (new), §§ 82015, 82048.7, 84105, 88001 (amended). SB 27 (Correa); 2014 STAT. Ch. 16. (Effective May 14, 2014). TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................. 2 II. LEGAL BACKGROUND ...................................................................................... 2 A. The Political Reform Act of 1974 .............................................................. 3 B. FPPC Regulation of Nonprofit Organizations Under the Act ................... 3 C. The One-Bite Rule ...................................................................................... 4 D. FPPC v. ARL ............................................................................................. 5 III. CHAPTER 16 ...................................................................................................... 8 A. Reporting Requirements for Multipurpose Organizations ........................ 8 B. Reporting Requirements for Primarily Formed Committees ..................... 9 C. Publication of Top Ten Lists .................................................................... 10 IV. ANALYSIS ........................................................................................................ 10 A. The Rise of Dark Money .......................................................................... 10 1. Dark Money in Federal Elections