DOCSLIB.ORG

AAHP 458 Mickey Michaux African American History Project (AAHP) Interviewed by A.J

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
AAHP 458 Mickey Michaux African American History Project (AAHP) Interviewed by A.J Joel Buchanan Archive of African American History: http://ufdc.ufl.edu/ohfb Samuel Proctor Oral History Program College of Liberal Arts and Sciences Program Director: Dr. Paul Ortiz 241 Pugh Hall PO Box 115215 Gainesville, FL 32611 (352) 392-7168 https://oral.history.ufl.edu AAHP 458 Mickey Michaux African American History Project (AAHP) Interviewed by A.J. Donaldson on October 15, 2016 58 minutes | 27 pages For information on terms of use of this interview, please see the SPOHP Creative Commons license at http://ufdc.ufl.edu/AfricanAmericanOralHistory. AAHP 458 Interviewee: Mickey Michaux Interviewer: A.J. Donaldson Date: October 15, 2016 D: Today’s date is October the 15th, my name is A.J. Donaldson, graduate student at the University of Florida working on a PhD on Black Power in North Carolina. I am sitting here with Representative Michaux, just—all right, I just want to ask my first question which was: what got you interested in politics, especially in North Carolina? M: I got interested in politics through a very good friend of mine named Martin Luther King Jr. D: Oh okay! M: I brought Martin to Durham, North Carolina in 1956—October of 1956. I had a conversation with, well I knew his brother before then but I got ahold of him— Louis Austin, Louis Austin was editor of the Carolina Times. I was heading a trade week program, which was a Black Chamber of Commerce thing, that year and I had to get a final program, rally program, going. I went to Louis I said: “Well what if we invite”—and this was right at the end of the, near the end, of the Montgomery Bus Boycott situation—so I said “Louis, what if we invite Martin Luther King Jr. to Durham as the rally speaker.” He said “That’s a good idea.” We got on the phone at that point and call Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, got ahold of a lady who is the mother of a friend of mine who is Martin’s secretary. Ms. Proctor said: “Well he’s not in right now I’ll have him call you back as soon as he gets in.” I guess about maybe fifteen or twenty minutes later he called back, and we told him what the situation was, he said “I always wanted to come to Durham.” I said “well Martin I knew you brother when he was at Palmer, you AAHP 458; Michaux; Page 2 know Doc Brown had to call for your daddy to come get your brother. He said “I understand that.” Anyway, Martin came here in October of 1956. He stayed at the house with my parents, we fed him and whatnot, that’s when we got to be good friends. Every time he was in North Carolina he stayed with us. In fact, my brother went to Boston University probably as a result of Martin being in the house. But anyway, along about 19—I had started law school, about 1963, somewhere in that neighborhood, we were talking and he said “You know Mickey, we’re looking for economic power, we’re looking for social power, we’re looking for political power. The only way you’re going to get to do any of these things is that you’re gonna to have to have some political power. You’re gunna have to be sitting in the halls where decisions are made and all of the people come in and”—I said “Martin you’re right!” and we went on talking. He said “You know, you’d be a good politician.” I said “You’re out of your ever-loving mind.” But that was really the start of it and we talked, you know things just occurred, like I said every time he was in North Carolina he stayed at the house. So in 1964, my senior year—my last year—in law school, I was a four-year law school student because I worked full time. My classmate was Maynard Jackson— D: Oh! Maynard Jackson the Mayor of Atlanta? M: Atlanta, yeah. So anyway, Maynard—here again I was in charge of another program, the Law Day program et cetera in law school and this is another thing cause this has to do with Bobby Kennedy and the Kennedys. Anyway, Maynard and I got to be good friends and so I said “Maynard you know all these talks I’ve had with Martin, he always said—I think I’m gonna try something.” This was our AAHP 458; Michaux; Page 3 class that was graduating that year. So in [19]64 I filed to run for North Carolina State House. D: [Laughter] Okay, 1964 M: 1964 D: Which month, do you remember? M: It was in probably— D: I think it was Nov—probably October, okay I’m with you 1964 M: No but this was probably—I didn’t have but one class that semester and the primary I think was in May or something like that— D: Oh that’s right I’m with you, I’m with you M: So I probably filed in February or somewhere like that, but anyway. I went and filed and folks started coming around, and Maynard got involved in it. Just a lot of folks came up—anyway—I got in the primary that year, lost it by one hundred and twenty votes, but the bug sort of bit me by that time. I ran again in ’66, and this was—the Civil Rights Act was passed in ’64 and signed in ’64, I didn’t make it to the signing ceremony because I was studying for the BAR exam. Civil Rights Act of ’65 passed, the Voting Rights Act passed in ’65, I didn’t make that signing either because I was still studying for the BAR exam, but in ’65…I filed again…no it was ’66. It was ’64 and ’66, oh in ’65 I didn’t make it to the signing of the Voting Rights Act—all these times Martin was on my case about coming to all of those things. But anyway, I filed again in ’66, ran, and by that time they were beginning to change the rules in North Carolina. It used to be it was an open seat and you ran at large, not in districts, so in ’64 and ’66 I ran at large, came close again, AAHP 458; Michaux; Page 4 didn’t quite make it. In the mean time I got involved because I was catching hell from the State BAR Association because of my activities in the Civil Rights. They had a quota on Black folks who passed the BAR during that period of time, no more than two or three Blacks passed the BAR exam. D: And not only were you a part of a quota, but you were involved in the Civil Rights Movement and they’re telling you— M: Yeah, yeah, well I mean the first year I took the BAR exam which was ’64 I didn’t even know I was gonna be allowed to take it. I got called in to the executive secretary of the board law examiner’s office the Saturday before the BAR exam was being given and told they were going to allow me to take it. Didn’t pass it, figured something was up. ’66 same thing happened, but they got a little bit more lenient. I’m sorry—’64 I took it in ’64, I passed it in ’66 so…I thought I took that thing three times? But I passed it in ’66 and the only two Blacks who passed the BAR exam in ’66 were my brother and me. D: Hold on, wait a minute. [Laughter] In the state or North Carolina, the only two Blacks were you and your brother? M: Mhm, in that year 1966. Like I said before, they only allowed two to three a year— D: Yeah— M: Yeah, and we were the only two who passed it in 1966. D: Wow, okay. M: Yeah that was fifty years ago this year. Practicing law for fifty years, anyway, so finally got that and soon my relationship with Martin was—in ’68 I filed to run for AAHP 458; Michaux; Page 5 the State House again. This time though, actually it was still an at-large situation but you had to run for a seat because of what was happening with Black folks during that period of time, folks tried to change the rules. Instead of running at large you ran for a seat but it was an at-large seat. We had two seats, anyway that was the year that Martin got killed—’68. Now, Martin was supposed to have been in Durham we were supposed to be on the campaign trail here. That year Reggie Hawkins, who’s a Black dentist out of Charlotte was running for governor. Martin was gonna pick him up in Charlotte, do Greensboro and Winston-Salem, come to Durham and eat—he loved my mother’s cooking—we would eat and then we were going east. I was running for State House then at that time. Martin called me and said “Mickey I can’t make it I’ve got to go back to Memphis we’ve got problems there, call the office and let’s see if we can find a date that we can come because I want to do this thing with you and Reggie and catch all these places in between.” Well of course you know what happened at that point.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Civil Rights Activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, 1960-1963
    SUTTELL, BRIAN WILLIAM, Ph.D. Campus to Counter: Civil Rights Activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, 1960-1963. (2017) Directed by Dr. Charles C. Bolton. 296 pp. This work investigates civil rights activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, in the early 1960s, especially among students at Shaw University, Saint Augustine’s College (Saint Augustine’s University today), and North Carolina College at Durham (North Carolina Central University today). Their significance in challenging traditional practices in regard to race relations has been underrepresented in the historiography of the civil rights movement. Students from these three historically black schools played a crucial role in bringing about the end of segregation in public accommodations and the reduction of discriminatory hiring practices. While student activists often proceeded from campus to the lunch counters to participate in sit-in demonstrations, their actions also represented a counter to businesspersons and politicians who sought to preserve a segregationist view of Tar Heel hospitality. The research presented in this dissertation demonstrates the ways in which ideas of academic freedom gave additional ideological force to the civil rights movement and helped garner support from students and faculty from the “Research Triangle” schools comprised of North Carolina State College (North Carolina State University today), Duke University, and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Many students from both the “Protest Triangle” (my term for the activists at the three historically black schools) and “Research Triangle” schools viewed efforts by local and state politicians to thwart student participation in sit-ins and other forms of protest as a restriction of their academic freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • AHA Colloquium
    Cover.indd 1 13/10/20 12:51 AM Thank you to our generous sponsors: Platinum Gold Bronze Cover2.indd 1 19/10/20 9:42 PM 2021 Annual Meeting Program Program Editorial Staff Debbie Ann Doyle, Editor and Meetings Manager With assistance from Victor Medina Del Toro, Liz Townsend, and Laura Ansley Program Book 2021_FM.indd 1 26/10/20 8:59 PM 400 A Street SE Washington, DC 20003-3889 202-544-2422 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.historians.org Perspectives: historians.org/perspectives Facebook: facebook.com/AHAhistorians Twitter: @AHAHistorians 2020 Elected Officers President: Mary Lindemann, University of Miami Past President: John R. McNeill, Georgetown University President-elect: Jacqueline Jones, University of Texas at Austin Vice President, Professional Division: Rita Chin, University of Michigan (2023) Vice President, Research Division: Sophia Rosenfeld, University of Pennsylvania (2021) Vice President, Teaching Division: Laura McEnaney, Whittier College (2022) 2020 Elected Councilors Research Division: Melissa Bokovoy, University of New Mexico (2021) Christopher R. Boyer, Northern Arizona University (2022) Sara Georgini, Massachusetts Historical Society (2023) Teaching Division: Craig Perrier, Fairfax County Public Schools Mary Lindemann (2021) Professor of History Alexandra Hui, Mississippi State University (2022) University of Miami Shannon Bontrager, Georgia Highlands College (2023) President of the American Historical Association Professional Division: Mary Elliott, Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture (2021) Nerina Rustomji, St. John’s University (2022) Reginald K. Ellis, Florida A&M University (2023) At Large: Sarah Mellors, Missouri State University (2021) 2020 Appointed Officers Executive Director: James Grossman AHR Editor: Alex Lichtenstein, Indiana University, Bloomington Treasurer: William F.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Relations, Racial Injustice, and the 1958 North Carolina Kissing Case
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository Public Relations, Racial Injustice, and the 1958 North Carolina Kissing Case Denise Hill A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the School of Media and Journalism. Chapel Hill 2016 Approved by: Barbara Friedman Lois Boynton Trevy McDonald Earnest Perry Ronald Stephens © 2016 Denise Hill ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Denise Hill: Public Relations, Racial Injustice, and the 1958 North Carolina Kissing Case (Under the direction of Dr. Barbara Friedman) This dissertation examines how public relations was used by the Committee to Combat Racial Injustice (CCRI), the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), North Carolina Governor Luther Hodges, and the United States Information Agency (USIA) in regards to the 1958 kissing case. The kissing case occurred in Monroe, North Carolina when a group of children were playing, including two African American boys, age nine and eight, and a seven-year-old white girl. During the game, the nine-year-old boy and the girl exchanged a kiss. As a result, the police later arrested both boys and charged them with assaulting and molesting the girl. They were sentenced to a reformatory, with possible release for good behavior at age 21. The CCRI launched a public relations campaign to gain the boys’ freedom, and the NAACP implemented public relations tactics on the boys’ behalf. News of the kissing case spread overseas, drawing unwanted international attention to US racial problems at a time when the country was promoting worldwide democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Nathan Carter Newbold, White Liberals, Black Education, and the Making of the Jim Crow South Barry Malone University of South Carolina
    University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 1-1-2013 Divine Discontent: Nathan Carter Newbold, White Liberals, Black Education, and the Making of the Jim Crow South Barry Malone University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Malone, B.(2013). Divine Discontent: Nathan Carter Newbold, White Liberals, Black Education, and the Making of the Jim Crow South. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/1465 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DIVINE DISCONTENT: NATHAN CARTER NEWBOLD, WHITE LIBERALS, BLACK EDUCATION, AND THE MAKING OF THE JIM CROW SOUTH by Barry F. Malone Bachelor of Arts University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1993 Master of Arts North Carolina Central University, 2002 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2013 Accepted by: Valinda Littlefield, Advisor Bobby Donaldson, Committee Member Lawrence Glickman, Committee Member Todd Shaw, Committee Member Lacy Ford, Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies © Copyright by Barry F. Malone, 2013 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to the loving memory of my parents – Vernon and Susan Malone. The journey was long, but I heeded your advice “to run the race and keep the faith.” I kept my promise. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Throughout the writing of this dissertation many people helped me along the way.
    [Show full text]
  • Passioned, Radical Leader Who Incorporating Their Own
    Vol. 59 No. 11 March 13 - 19, 2019 CELEBRATING MARCH 14, 2018 25 Portland and Seattle Volume XL No. 24 CENTS BLACK MEN ARRESTED AT STARBUCKS WANT CHANGE IN U.S. RACIAL ATTITUDES - PG. 2 News ..............................3,8-10 A & E .....................................6-7 Opinion ...................................2 NRA Gives to Schools ......8 NATIONAL NEWSPAPER PUBLISHERS ASSOCIATION CHALLENGING PEOPLE TO SHAPE A BETTER FUTURE NOW Calendars ...........................4-5 Bids/Classifieds ....................11 THE SKANNER NEWS READERS POLL Should Portland Public Schools change the name of Jefferson High School? (451 responses) YES THE NATION’S ONLY BLACK DAILY 129 (29%) NO Reporting and Recording Black History 322 (71%) STUDENTS WALK OUT 75 Cents VOL. 47 NO. 28 FRIDAY, APRIL 20, 2018 Final Seventy-one percent of respondents to a The Skanner News poll favored keeping the name of Thomas Jefferson High School intact. CENTER192 FOCUSES ON YOUTH POLL RESULTS: YEARS OF THE 71 Percent of TO HELP SAVE THE PLANET The Skanner’s Readers Oppose BLACK PRESS Jefferson Name Change Alumni association circulating a petition OF AMERICA opposed to name change PHOTO BY SUSAN FRIED SUSAN BY PHOTO By Christen McCurdy Hundreds of students from Washington Middle School and Garfield High School joined students across the country in a walkout and 17 minutes of silence Of The Skanner News to show support for the lives lost at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Florida Feb. 14 and to let elected officials know that they want stricter gun control laws. he results of a poll by The Skanner News, which opened Feb. 22 and closed Tuesday, favor keeping the Oregon Introduces ‘Gun Violence Restraining Orders’ Tname of North Portland’s Thomas Jefferson High School.
    [Show full text]
  • NCCU School of Law Library Deborah Mayo Jefferies
    North Carolina Central Law Review Volume 36 Article 3 Number 2 Volume 36, Number 2 7-1-2014 A History of Struggle: NCCU School of Law Library Deborah Mayo Jefferies Follow this and additional works at: https://archives.law.nccu.edu/ncclr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Law and Race Commons, Legal Education Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Jefferies, Deborah Mayo (2014) "A History of Struggle: NCCU School of Law Library," North Carolina Central Law Review: Vol. 36 : No. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://archives.law.nccu.edu/ncclr/vol36/iss2/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by History and Scholarship Digital Archives. It has been accepted for inclusion in North Carolina Central Law Review by an authorized editor of History and Scholarship Digital Archives. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Jefferies: A History of Struggle: NCCU School of Law Library A HISTORY OF STRUGGLE: NCCU SCHOOL OF LAW LIBRARY DEBORAH MAYO JEFFERIES* TABLE OF CONTENTS THE BEGINNING: 1619 - 1929... ........................ 170 Societal Attitudes and Legislation ....................... 170 Professional Standardsfor Law Libraries ................. 172 THE "JIM CROW" OR SEGREGATION ERA: 1930 -1939 ........ 173 Societal Attitudes and Legislation .......................... 173 Professional Standardsfor Law Libraries ................... 174 THE "SEPARATE BUT NOT EQUAL" ERA: 1940 -1949......... 175 Societal Attitudes and Legislation .......................... 175 Professional Standardsfor
    [Show full text]
  • Image Credits, the Making of African American Identity: Vol. 3, 1917-1968
    THE MAKING OF AFRICAN AMERICAN IDENTITY: VOL. III, 1917-1968 PRIMARY SOURCE COLLECTION The Making of African American Identity: Vol. III, 1917-1968 __Image Credits__ ALABAMA DEPARTMENT OF ARCHIVES & HISTORY. Montgomery, Alabama. WEBSITE Reproduced by permission. See also Montgomery Advertiser. Photographs in Montgomery Advertiser, 6 December 1955: “Lone Negro Waits at Bus Stop.” Q3176. “5,000 at Meeting Outline Boycott; Bullet Clips Bus” Photo accompanying article “Negroes to Continue Boycott.” Q3175. Photograph of Rosa Parks, 1980s. Q5687. Bus boycott reenactment with Rosa Parks and Johnnie Carr, photograph, 1986. Q6880. ALGONQUIN PRESS. WEBSITE Permission request submitted. Brent Wade, photograph by Jerry Monroe. AMERICAN SOCIAL HISTORY PROJECT, Center for Media and Learning, Graduate Center of the City University of New York (CUNY). WEBSITE Reproduced by permission. Leslie Rogers, “People We Can Get Along Without,” cartoon, Chicago Defender, 9 July 1921. ART INSTITUTE OF CHICAGO. Chicago, Illinois. WEBSITE Reproduced by permission. Photography © The Art Institute of Chicago. Elizabeth Catlett. The Negro Woman, cuts 13-14, in series of 15 linoleum cuts, 1946-1947. Restricted gift of The Leadership Advisory Committee. Reproduction, The Art Institute of Chicago. —Special Houses, 1946, printed 1989. Linocut on cream wove paper. 2005.142.2. G27168. —And a Special Fear for My Loved Ones, 1946, printed 1989; linoleum cut on cream wove paper. 2005.142.3. G27169. ASSOCIATED PRESS. New York, New York. WEBSITE Reproduced by permission. Ruby Bridges, age 6, escorted by deputy federal marshals as she leaves Frantz Elementary School, New Orleans, Louisiana, 5 December 1960. AP Photo #601101076. Malcolm X displaying a newspaper heading at a Black Muslim rally, b&w photograph by Gordon Parks, 6 August 1963.
    [Show full text]
  • Academic Program Journal a Century of Black Life History and Culture
    Centennial Annual Meeting and Conference Academic Program Journal A Century of Black Life History and Culture September 23-27, 2015 Sheraton Hotel Downtown • Atlanta, Georgia www.asalh.org Association for the Study of African American Life and History 2016 Call for Papers Hallowed Grounds: Sites of African American Memory 101st Annual Conference and Meeting October 4 – 9, 2016 Richmond Marriott, 500 East Broad Street Richmond, VA 23219 The history of African American unfolds across the canvass of America, beginning before the arrival of the Mayflower and continuing to the present. From port cities where Africans disembarked from slave ships to the battle fields where their descendants fought for freedom, from the colleges and universities where they have pursued education, to places where they created communities during centuries of migration, the imprint of Americans of African descent is deeply embedded in the narrative of the American past, insert comma and the sites prompt us to remember. Over time, many of these sites of African American memory became hallowed grounds. One cannot tell the story of America without preserving and reflecting on the places where African Americans have made history. The Kingsley Plantation, DuSable’s home site, the numerous stops along the Underground Railroad, Seneca Village, Mother Bethel A.M.E. Church and Frederick Douglass’ home — to name just a few — are sites that keep alive the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in our consciousness. They retain and refresh the memories of our forbearers’ struggles for freedom, justice, and God’s grace and mercy. Similarly, the hallowed grounds of Mary McLeod Bethune’s home in Washington, 125th Street in Harlem, Beale Street in Memphis, and Sweet Auburn Avenue in Atlanta tell the story of our struggle for equal citizenship during the American century.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstract Cates, Madison Ward
    ABSTRACT CATES, MADISON WARD. “White Men Without Side-Arms:” Moderation, Manhood, and the Politics of Civil Rights in North Carolina, 1960-1965. (Under the direction of Dr. Katherine Mellen Charron). Much of the existing historiography on the Civil Rights Movement in North Carolina either focuses on grassroots activists at the community level or on debates about whether the state’s white citizens exhibited “progressive” views on race or not. This study seeks to bridge this gap by examining the relationships and political struggles between African American activists, white moderates, and arch-segregationists at the state level from 1960 to 1965. Throughout, broader ideas about gender, race, religion, and democracy are analyzed in order to move beyond oversimplified narratives that accentuate the bold, progressive outlooks of white moderates, reduce their segregationist opponents to caricatures, and diminish the role that African Americans played in challenging white political dominance. In particular, this paper explores how African-Americans leveraged the state’s “progressive mystique” to obtain greater concessions from white moderate politicians, especially Governor Terry Sanford. Yet, white moderates also confronted strident objections to any change from white supremacists. In order to mollify the demands of both groups, Sanford’s leadership exemplified a temperate realpolitik that opposed direct action campaigns and promoted racial harmony, quality public education, and robust economic development. It also reflected the ways in which events forced him to do in gendered terms. When black activists filled the streets and public facilities of North Carolina employing non-violent direct action as consistent with their dignity as men and citizens, Sanford and other white moderates responded by recasting southern manhood on ideas of law and order and Christian brotherhood.
    [Show full text]
  • The Struggle for Civil Rights, 1930–1959
    Published on NCpedia (https://www.ncpedia.org) Home > ANCHOR > Postwar North Carolina (1945-1975) > The Struggle for Civil Rights, 1930–1959 The Struggle for Civil Rights, 1930–1959 [1] Share it now! The Civil Rights Movement on the National Stage and in North Carolina Many African Americans emerged from World War II intent on rejecting second-class citizenship once and for all. The Civil Rights Movement took shape in the years that followed. The military was desegregated. Freedom rides, bus boycotts, and strikes challenged Jim Crow laws. In North Carolina, a Senate campaign turned ugly over the issue of race, and in Robeson County, the Lumbee challenged the Ku Klux Klan — and won. In this chapter we’ll examine the origins of the Civil Rights Movement and analyze the reasons for its early successes and failures. Although the Civil Rights Movement is often associated with courageous figures like Martin Luther King, Jr., Rosa Parks and Malcolm X, many others, including a number of North Carolinians, made critical and lasting contributions to the movement. These contributions included efforts by both activists and newspaper editors. Louis Austin was an African American newspaper editor in Durham, North Carolina. He purchased the Carolina Times in the 1927 and used his editorship of the Durham paper to press for the rights of African Americans. Ella Baker was also a prominent figure in the Civil Rights Movement, but has often been overlooked by historians because she worked largely behind the scenes. Baker grew up in Virginia and North Carolina and graduated as class valedictorian from Shaw University.
    [Show full text]
  • Volume 97 (2020) January
    Volume 97 (2020) January “The Long Black Freedom Struggle in Northampton County, North Carolina, 1930s to 1970s” by Jerry Gershenhorn and Anna Jones “Henry P. Cheatham: Revisiting His Life and Legacy” by Benjamin R. Justesen “A State of Shock”: The Desegregation of the Public Schools of Franklin County, North Carolina, 1965- 1968” by Maurice C. York April “Frank Porter Graham, World War II, and the Southport Petroleum Ruling, Making a New Case for Racial Justice” by Charles J. Holden “Creating North Carolina Populism, 1900-1960, Part 1: The Progressive Era Project, 1900-1930” by James L. Hunt “From the Telegraph to Doppler Radar: Communications, Technology, and the National Weather Service in North Carolina” by Thomas C. Jepsen July “Silicon Valley with a drawl”: Making North Carolina’s Research Triangle and Selling the High-Tech South” by Jordan R. Bauer “Creating North Carolina Populism, 1900-1960: Part 2: The Progressive Era Legacy, 1930-1960” by James L. Hunt “A Sincere Desire for the Honor of the Regiment”: The Mutiny of Buena Vista” by Brett Richard Bell “Christena Kells’s Heirloom: A North Carolina Example of Hairwork” by Adrienne Berney October “Shifting Sands: Congressman Charlie Rose, Tribal, Federal, and State Politics, and the History of Lumbee Recognition, 1956-2020” by Jeff Frederick “Rooted in Freedom: Raleigh, North Carolina’s Freedmen’s Village of Oberlin, an Antebellum Free Black Enclave” by M. Ruth Little Volume 96 (2019) January “Pursuing the “Unfinished Business of Democracy”: Willa B. Player and Liberal Arts Education at Bennett College in the Civil Rights Era” by Crystal R. Sanders “A White Crow: Raphael Lemkin’s Intellectual Interlude at Duke University, 1941-1942” by Ernest A.
    [Show full text]
  • The Old Black Corporate Bar: Durham's Wall Street, 1898-1971, 92 N.C
    NORTH CAROLINA LAW REVIEW Volume 92 Article 5 Number 6 North Carolina Issue 9-1-2014 The Old lB ack Corporate Bar: Durham's Wall Street, 1898-1971 Amos N. Jones Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/nclr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Amos N. Jones, The Old Black Corporate Bar: Durham's Wall Street, 1898-1971, 92 N.C. L. Rev. 1831 (2014). Available at: http://scholarship.law.unc.edu/nclr/vol92/iss6/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in North Carolina Law Review by an authorized administrator of Carolina Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE "OLD" BLACK CORPORATE BAR: DURHAM'S WALL STREET, 1898-1971* AMOS N. JONES" Over the last twenty years, eminent scholars such as David Wilkins have paid considerable attention to the "new black corporate bar" as a phenomenon worthy of treatment. This Article builds on that work by introducing a fascinating law- practice reality that developed in a unique setting in the early 1900s American South. What if Wall Street had been black? What if its elite feeder institutions had been black? What if the black bar were, in a corporate economy of scale, relatively sizable? These questions might make for fascinating counterfactuals, if not for the concrete reality that such a community-albeit small-actually existed, expanded, and prospered in midcentury Durham, North Carolina. Coining the term "old black corporatebar" to stand in distinction to the "new black corporate bar," the Article analyzes the world in which that exceptional and heretofore unexamined black bar germinated and influenced a relatively sophisticated legal landscape in a moderate, midsized southern city backdropped by a laissez-faire white leadership class that proved progressive for racialrelations.
    [Show full text]