DOCSLIB.ORG

Abstract Cates, Madison Ward

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Abstract Cates, Madison Ward ABSTRACT CATES, MADISON WARD. “White Men Without Side-Arms:” Moderation, Manhood, and the Politics of Civil Rights in North Carolina, 1960-1965. (Under the direction of Dr. Katherine Mellen Charron). Much of the existing historiography on the Civil Rights Movement in North Carolina either focuses on grassroots activists at the community level or on debates about whether the state’s white citizens exhibited “progressive” views on race or not. This study seeks to bridge this gap by examining the relationships and political struggles between African American activists, white moderates, and arch-segregationists at the state level from 1960 to 1965. Throughout, broader ideas about gender, race, religion, and democracy are analyzed in order to move beyond oversimplified narratives that accentuate the bold, progressive outlooks of white moderates, reduce their segregationist opponents to caricatures, and diminish the role that African Americans played in challenging white political dominance. In particular, this paper explores how African-Americans leveraged the state’s “progressive mystique” to obtain greater concessions from white moderate politicians, especially Governor Terry Sanford. Yet, white moderates also confronted strident objections to any change from white supremacists. In order to mollify the demands of both groups, Sanford’s leadership exemplified a temperate realpolitik that opposed direct action campaigns and promoted racial harmony, quality public education, and robust economic development. It also reflected the ways in which events forced him to do in gendered terms. When black activists filled the streets and public facilities of North Carolina employing non-violent direct action as consistent with their dignity as men and citizens, Sanford and other white moderates responded by recasting southern manhood on ideas of law and order and Christian brotherhood. This vision stood in stark contrast to arch- segregationists’ more traditional conception of masculinity that privileged the defense of white women and children and acted as a clarion call for massive resistance. By looking at these interactions through the lenses of race, gender, and politics, this work hopes to raise important questions about who determines the possibilities of social change, how masculinity has been constructed in the history of the American South, and how contingency can scrutinize narratives about North Carolina’s progressive reputation. © Copyright 2015 by Madison Ward Cates All Rights Reserved “White Men Without Side-Arms:” Moderation, Manhood, and the Politics of Civil Rights in North Carolina, 1960-1965 by Madison Ward Cates A thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty of North Carolina State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts History Raleigh, North Carolina 2015 APPROVED BY: _______________________________ ______________________________ Katherine Mellen Charron Matthew M. Booker Committee Chair ________________________________ Nicholas Robins ii DEDICATION Dedicated to all my family, immediate, extended, and otherwise, for all their love and support. iii BIOGRAPHY Madison Cates is a native of Hillsborough, North Carolina. Growing up in a town with numerous historical markers and sites most likely contributed to his early interests in studying the history of the United States. Madison graduated from Gardner-Webb University in May 2013 with a Bachelor of Arts in History. At this point, he plans to graduate with his Master of Arts this May and pursue his Ph.D. in History beginning next fall. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I am humbled by all the careful attention that so many people have given to aid my personal and academic development. First, I cannot express enough appreciation for the time and effort that my advisor Dr. Katherine Mellen Charron gave to helping me develop this project, editing and commenting on numerous drafts, and for making me stick to “the calendar,” which I desperately needed. I owe so much of my confidence and growth as a historian and a teacher to Dr. Charron. I am also very grateful for the great interest and attention the late Dr. Walter Jackson devoted to critiquing the last two chapters of this thesis over the course of the past two semesters. His passion for the craft of history and, more importantly, students and colleagues will be missed, but never forgotten. Dr. Matthew Booker provided me with an outstanding model of how scholars can produce incisive research while also inspiring students to learn by asking big, often unanswerable questions. I am further indebted to Dr. Booker for his thoughtful review of a portion of this work for a conference paper and willingness to serve on my committee. Although I had little training in Latin American History, Dr. Nicholas Robins’s course on “Latin American Revolutions in the Twentieth Century” piqued my interest and helped improve my research and writing skills. Dr. Susanna Lee and Dr. Megan Cherry read and offered invaluable feedback, whether for class, writing groups, or conferences, on drafts and abstracts of this work. Also, Dr. Lee graciously reviewed the second chapter as my writing sample, along with numerous drafts of personal statements as part of workshops on applying to Ph.D. programs. v The origins of this thesis came from a term paper I wrote for Dr. Timothy Vanderburg’s “History of the New South” class at Gardner-Webb University. Therefore, I can be nothing short of thankful for the friends, mentors, and professors who most shaped my undergraduate studies, including: Dr.Vanderburg, Dr. David K. Yelton, and Dr. Joseph S. Moore. Among so many other things they taught me, this cohort of professors and colleagues taught me about so much more than historical knowledge and skills. And most of all, I have to thank my wife Carly, my parents David and Nancy, my sister Claire, and all my extended family, who nurtured and encouraged my love for studying the past, but most of all, who keep me optimistic, humble, and, above all else, who remind me of what is most important. They have attended all my presentations over the past six years, and, I am sure, would be at my thesis defense if possible. Even more significantly, all of you encouraged my efforts, made me laugh when I needed it most, joyfully put up with my large book collections, and so much more than I have space to write about here. In athletics, coaches often say that winning a championship requires a team to possess both skill and luck. Although there is no comparison between athletics and writing this thesis, I am very fortunate to have such dedicated family, friends, professors, and mentors. I credit the skill to all those above, any errors or faults that remain are my own. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................................1 CHAPTER 1: Fighting for a New Day: Terry Sanford and Jim Crow North Carolina, 1896- 1961..........................................................................................................................................21 CHAPTER 2: The Tobacco Curtain: North Carolina and the Freedom Highways Campaign, 1961-1962 ................................................................................................................................65 CHAPTER 3: “The Only Weapon We Have Found:” Democracy, Moderation, and the Protest Movements of 1963-1965 ..........................................................................................109 CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................................162 REFERENCES ......................................................................................................................173 1 INTRODUCTION: “the Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom is not the white Citizen’s Counciler or the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to ‘order’ than to justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension to a positive peace which is the presence of justice; who constantly says: ‘I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I can’t agree with your methods of direct action;’ who paternalistically believes he can set the timetable for another man’s freedom.” 1 –Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” April 16, 1963 Unlike his idol, Martin Luther King Jr., no published record exists of what Jesse Jackson said or wrote in June 1963 while confined in a makeshift jail at Greensboro’s old polio hospital. Jackson’s “Letter from Greensboro Jail,” as it became known, developed out of an unscripted speech directed to a gathering of his fellow protestors and the police officers guarding the jail. A. Knighton Stanley, a local Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) activist, remembered the speech as both “equally poetic as Martin Luther King’s letter” and remarkable for its spontaneity and “national implications.” 2 William Thomas Jr., another local CORE leader, also described Jackson’s letter as a “dramatic” statement “indicting everybody,” which helped motivate local civil rights activists. 3 King’s “Letter,” considered one of the most important texts in American history, had a profound effect on Jackson, then a student and football player at historically-black North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University (NC A&T). Indeed, Jackson stood as one student leader in a series of large 1 Martin Luther King, Jr., “Letter From Birmingham Jail,” in The Autobiography
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Nalysts Disagree About How to Frame the Recent
    ml-l ii FROM THE CENTER O UT The Evolution of Party Politics: The March of the GOP Continues in North Carolina by Mebane Rash Whitman In March, the Center released the tenth edition of A Reactionary , Revolutionary, or Article II: A Guide to the N.C. Legislature. Article Evolutionary Election? II is a comprehensive guide to the 1995-96 General A nalystsdisagreeabout howtoframe therecent Assembly, containing profiles of each member, ef- electoral wins of the GOP in North Carolina. fectiveness rankings, demographic trends since Were the wins reactionary, that is, were voters 1975, and committee assignments. The latest edi- reacting in an angry anti-incumbent, anti-Democrat, tion reveals three major trends: (1) the significant anti-tax, anti-big government manner? Were the gains of the Republican Party, which now holds 92 wins revolutionary, a changing of the guard in terms of 170 seats in the legislature; (2) women have of which party governs the state-from Democrats, more power in the 1995-96 General Assembly be- whose party has governed the state for almost all of cause they secured plum committee chairs; and (3) the 20th century, to Republicans, who hope to gov- African-American legislators lost the speakership ern much of the 21st century? Or were they evolu- and powerful committee chairs, so their influence tionary, a single step in the long march of the has declined. Republican Party toward true competitiveness in a two-party state? The results of most elections are to some extent elections in North Carolina should not reactionary, but 1994 was not a run-of-the-mill be underestimated.
    [Show full text]
  • HON. JESSE HELMS ÷ Z 1921–2008
    im Line) HON. JESSE HELMS ÷z 1921–2008 VerDate Aug 31 2005 15:01 May 15, 2009 Jkt 043500 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6686 Sfmt 6686 H:\DOCS\HELMS\43500.TXT CRS2 PsN: SKAYNE VerDate Aug 31 2005 15:01 May 15, 2009 Jkt 043500 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6686 Sfmt 6686 H:\DOCS\HELMS\43500.TXT CRS2 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Jesse Helms LATE A SENATOR FROM NORTH CAROLINA MEMORIAL ADDRESSES AND OTHER TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES E PL UR UM IB N U U S VerDate Aug 31 2005 15:01 May 15, 2009 Jkt 043500 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\HELMS\43500.TXT CRS2 PsN: SKAYNE congress.#15 (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Courtesy U.S. Senate Historical Office Jesse Helms VerDate Aug 31 2005 15:01 May 15, 2009 Jkt 043500 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6688 H:\DOCS\HELMS\43500.TXT CRS2 PsN: SKAYNE 43500.002 (Trim Line) (Trim Line) S. DOC. 110–16 Memorial Addresses and Other Tributes HELD IN THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES TOGETHER WITH A MEMORIAL SERVICE IN HONOR OF JESSE HELMS Late a Senator from North Carolina One Hundred Tenth Congress Second Session ÷ U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2009 VerDate Aug 31 2005 15:01 May 15, 2009 Jkt 043500 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6686 H:\DOCS\HELMS\43500.TXT CRS2 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing VerDate Aug 31 2005 15:01 May 15, 2009 Jkt 043500 PO 00000 Frm 00006 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 H:\DOCS\HELMS\43500.TXT CRS2 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) CONTENTS Page Biography .................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Ch 5 NC Legislature.Indd
    The State Legislature The General Assembly is the oldest governmental body in North Carolina. According to tradition, a “legislative assembly of free holders” met for the first time around 1666. No documentary proof, however, exists proving that this assembly actually met. Provisions for a representative assembly in Proprietary North Carolina can be traced to the Concessions and Agreements, adopted in 1665, which called for an unicameral body composed of the governor, his council and twelve delegates selected annually to sit as a legislature. This system of representation prevailed until 1670, when Albemarle County was divided into three precincts. Berkeley Precinct, Carteret Precinct and Shaftsbury Precinct were apparently each allowed five representatives. Around 1682, four new precincts were created from the original three as the colony’s population grew and the frontier moved westward. The new precincts were usually allotted two representatives, although some were granted more. Beginning with the Assembly of 1723, several of the larger, more important towns were allowed to elect their own representatives. Edenton was the first town granted this privilege, followed by Bath, New Bern, Wilmington, Brunswick, Halifax, Campbellton (Fayetteville), Salisbury, Hillsborough and Tarborough. Around 1735 Albemarle and Bath Counties were dissolved and the precincts became counties. The unicameral legislature continued until around 1697, when a bicameral form was adopted. The governor or chief executive at the time, and his council constituted the upper house. The lower house, the House of Burgesses, was composed of representatives elected from the colony’s various precincts. The lower house could adopt its own rules of procedure and elect its own speaker and other officers.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Rights Activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, 1960-1963
    SUTTELL, BRIAN WILLIAM, Ph.D. Campus to Counter: Civil Rights Activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, 1960-1963. (2017) Directed by Dr. Charles C. Bolton. 296 pp. This work investigates civil rights activism in Raleigh and Durham, North Carolina, in the early 1960s, especially among students at Shaw University, Saint Augustine’s College (Saint Augustine’s University today), and North Carolina College at Durham (North Carolina Central University today). Their significance in challenging traditional practices in regard to race relations has been underrepresented in the historiography of the civil rights movement. Students from these three historically black schools played a crucial role in bringing about the end of segregation in public accommodations and the reduction of discriminatory hiring practices. While student activists often proceeded from campus to the lunch counters to participate in sit-in demonstrations, their actions also represented a counter to businesspersons and politicians who sought to preserve a segregationist view of Tar Heel hospitality. The research presented in this dissertation demonstrates the ways in which ideas of academic freedom gave additional ideological force to the civil rights movement and helped garner support from students and faculty from the “Research Triangle” schools comprised of North Carolina State College (North Carolina State University today), Duke University, and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Many students from both the “Protest Triangle” (my term for the activists at the three historically black schools) and “Research Triangle” schools viewed efforts by local and state politicians to thwart student participation in sit-ins and other forms of protest as a restriction of their academic freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • PUBLIC LAW 92-520-OCT. 21, 1972 1019 Public Law 92
    86 STAT.] PUBLIC LAW 92-520-OCT. 21, 1972 1019 Public Law 92-520 AN ACT October 21, 1972 To amend the Public Buildings Act of 1959, as amended, to provide for the [S.3943] construction of a civic center in the District of Columbia, and for other purposes. Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of ATnerica in Congress assembled^ That this Act may Dwight D. Eisen­ hower Memorial be cited as the "Dwight D. Eisenhower Memorial Bicentennial Civic Bicentennial Civic Center Act." Center Act. SEC. 2. The Congress hereby finds and declares that— (1) it is essential to the social and economic development of the District of Columbia to establish major centers of commercial and economic activity within the city; (2) such a center of activity would result from the development of a civic center located in the downtown area of the District of Columbia; (3) a civic center would (A) attract large numbers of visitors to the downtown area and result in increased business activity in the area surrounding the center; (B) enable national organiza­ tions to hold their conventions and other meetings in the District of Columbia and thereby encourage citizens from the entire Nation to visit their Capital City; (C) provide a new source of revenue for the District of Columbia as a consequence of its operations and the expanded commercial activities resulting therefrom; and (D) provide expanded employment opportunities for residents of the District of Columbia; (4) it is fitting that said civic center be established as a memo­ rial to the late President, Dwight D.
    [Show full text]
  • Race and Recreation in Charlotte, North Carolina, 1927-1973
    ‘PUBLIC ORDER IS EVEN MORE IMPORTANT THAN THE RIGHTS OF NEGROES’: RACE AND RECREATION IN CHARLOTTE, NORTH CAROLINA, 1927-1973 by Michael Worth Ervin A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of North Carolina at Charlotte in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Charlotte 2015 Approved by: ______________________________ Dr. Sonya Ramsey ______________________________ Dr. Cheryl Hicks ______________________________ Dr. David Goldfield ii ©2015 Michael Worth Ervin ALL RIGHTS RESERVED iii ABSTRACT MICHAEL WORTH ERVIN. “Public order is even more important than the rights of negroes:” race and recreation in Charlotte, North Carolina 1927-1973. (Under the direction of DR. SONYA RAMSEY) In July 1960, Charlotte’s Park and Recreation Commission enacted an official policy of desegregation in the city’s parks, playgrounds, swimming pools, and recreation centers. This development, which resulted in the first integrated municipal swimming pool in the state of North Carolina, seemed to embody the progressive business-centric ethos of Charlotte’s white elite. While token desegregation was lauded by commentators as evidence of Charlotte’s progressive race relations, the reality was far more complex. During the majority of the twentieth century, the Commission utilized a series of putatively moderate methods to suppress black dissent and muffle white reaction in the city. Even after de jure segregation crumbled, de facto segregation remained largely intact. This form of exclusion was buttressed by discriminatory public policies that redistributed black tax dollars to white communities, spatial segregation that insulated middle-and upper-class white neighborhoods from African Americans, and police harassment that fractured militant Black Power organizations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Colorblind Turn in Indian Country: Lumbee Indians, Civil Rights, and Tribal State Formation
    The Colorblind Turn in Indian Country: Lumbee Indians, Civil Rights, and Tribal State Formation by Harold Walker Elliott A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the University of Michigan 2019 Doctoral Committee: Professor Philip Deloria, Co-Chair, Harvard University Professor Matthew Lassiter, Co-Chair Associate Professor Matthew Countryman Professor Barbra Meek Professor Tiya Miles, Harvard University Harold Walker Elliott [email protected] ORCID iD 0000-0001-5387-3188 © Harold Walker Elliott 2019 DEDICATION To my father and mother, Hal and Lisa Elliott And for Lessie Sweatt McCloud, her ancestors, and her descendants ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is the culmination of eight years of graduate study and nearly a decade of research, writing, and editing. The result is deeply imperfect. Its faults come from my many shortcomings as an author. For anything this project does accomplish, I owe credit to the many people who have helped me along the way. Completing this project would have been impossible without the love, support, and inspiration of my parents, Hal and Lisa Elliott. During my upbringing, they instilled the values that guided me through the moral choices that a project like this one entails. My mother and her family have always been the driving forces behind my research into Lumbee and American Indian history. My father, a reluctant physician, passed down his fondness for history and dream of writing it. In the many difficult moments over the past eight years, my parents steadied me with long hugs or reassuringly familiar, South Carolina-accented voices on the phone.
    [Show full text]
  • REEL INDEX (Charlotte Observers Clippings Microfilm)
    1 CHARLOTTE OBSERVER CLIPPINGS FILE REEL INDEX REEL 1 (BOX 1) Babies – Jan. 1958 – Dec. 1970 Ballots - Election – July 1958 – Nov. 1970 Bank Robberies (General [& some U.S.]) – Apr. 1952 – Dec. 1969 (list of people committing robbery, time to be served, etc. from Apr. 1952 - July 1957 – then clippings start with Aug. 1958) Bank Robberies Charlotte – Aug. 1958 – Nov. 1969 Bank Robberies, N. C. – May 1956 – Dec. 1969 Bank Robberies, S. C. – July 1958 – Dec. 1969 Banking – Dec. 1956 – Dec. 1969 Elections, Primary & Regular Data – May 1958 – Dec. 1969 Elections North Carolina – May 1952 – Dec. 1970 (repeat of subject card with 1960) Election Presidential – Oct. 1956 – Dec. 1970 Elections Charlotte Municipal – Apr. 1943 – Nov. 1969 Elections Mecklenburg County – Feb. 1958 – Nov. 1969 Elections Mecklenburg State House of Representatives – Apr. 1960 – Dec. 1969 Elections - Mecklenburg State Senator – Feb. 1957 – Dec. 1969 Elections, Mecklenburg Precincts & Registrars – Oct. 1948 – Nov. 1969 Duke Power Co. – Oct. 1956 – Dec. 1969 REEL 2 (BOX 2) Charlotte Area Fund – Aug. 1963 – Dec. 1969 Charlotte City Council – Oct. 1944 – Dec. 1969 Duke Power Co. – Feb. 1963 (one clipping only – no subject announcement) Vietnam Negotiations – May 1967 – Dec. 1969 Park and Recreation Commission – Aug. 1942 – Dec. 1969 Charlotte City Parks – Apr. 1956 – Dec. 1969 Freedom Park – Aug. 1944 – May 1968 Charlotte Public Library Park - Mar. 1956 - May 1968 (now known as Arequipa Park - Nov. 1971) REEL 3 (BOX 3) Schools, Charlotte Mecklenburg School Systems – Dec. 1947 – Dec. 1969 Charlotte Police Dept. – Jan. 1950 – Dec. 1969 Charlotte Mecklenburg Board of Education (Sessions Laws) 1959 (Merger of City and County Systems) (Reprint of H.
    [Show full text]
  • Gender Inequality in the 21St Century
    Stalled 78th Annual meeting Revolutions? Gender inequality in the 21st century March 25-28, 2015 Astor Crowne Plaza new orleans, Louisiana, USa Annual meeting program SSS 2 ANNUAL MEETING PROGRAM PRESIDENTS OF THE SOUTHERN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY 1936 E.T. Krueger, Vanderbilt University 1979 Clifton D. Bryant, Virginia Polytechnic Institute 1937 Wilson Gee, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill & State University 1938 Rupert B. Vance, North Carolina-Chapel Hill 1980 M. Elaine Burgess, University of North Carolina- 1939 E.W. Gregory, University of Alabama Greensboro 1940 Fred C. Frey, Louisiana State University 1981 Irving L. Webber, University of Alabama 1941 B.O. Williams, University of Georgia 1982 Charles B. Nam, Florida State University 1942 William E. Cole, University of Tennessee-Knoxville 1983 Joseph H. Fichter, Loyola University-New Orleans 1943 Katharine Jocher, University of North Carolina- 1984 George A. Hillery, Jr., Virginia Polytechnic Institute Chapel Hill & State Univ. 1944 Katharine Jocher, University of North Carolina- 1985 Everett K. Wilson, University of North Carolina- Chapel Hill Chapel Hill 1945 Howard Beers, University of Kentucky 1986 Jeffrey K. Hadden, University of Virginia 1946 Charles S. Johnson, Fisk University 1987 Abbott L. Ferriss, Emory University 1947 T. Lynn Smith, Louisiana State University 1988 Ida Harper Simpson, Duke University 1948 Coyle E. Moore, Florida State University 1989 John Shelton Reed, University of North Carolina- 1949 Wayland J. Hayes, Vanderbilt University Chapel Hill 1950 Lee M. Brooks, University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill 1990 Lewis M. Killian, University of West Florida 1951 H.C. Brearley, George Peabody College for Teachers 1991 Joel Smith, Duke University 1952 Rudolf Heberle, Louisiana State University 1992 Ronald L.
    [Show full text]
  • LSTA Grant Lesson Plan Writing Cohort Submitted by Rebecca Griffith, Isaac Bear Early College High School
    William Madison Randall Library LSTA Grant Lesson Plan Writing Cohort Submitted by Rebecca Griffith, Isaac Bear Early College High School Overview Abstract Examine the work performed by the women and teenagers of the Women’s Good Will Committee of High Point, North Carolina as they labor to bridge race relations in their community. Explore primary source documents using close reading strategies. Discover how the work of the High Point Women’s Good Will Committee serves as a positive model for other groups to replicate. Extrapolate and apply the work of the High Point Women’s Good Will Committee to a current societal ill and seek areas in which adults and students can cooperatively find solutions to these problems. Standards AH2.H.4 – Analyze how conflict and compromise have shaped politics, economics and culture in the United States. AH2.H.5 – Understand how tensions between freedom, equality and power have shaped the political, economic and social development of the United States. AH2.H.7 – Understand the impact of war on American politics, economics, society and culture. Objectives AH2.H.4.1 – Analyze the political issues and conflicts that impacted the United States since Reconstruction and the compromises that resulted (e.g., Populism, Progressivism, working conditions and labor unrest, New Deal, Wilmington Race Riots, Eugenics, Civil Rights Movement, Anti-War protests, Watergate, etc.). AH2.H.4.3 – Analyze the social and religious conflicts, movements and reforms that impacted the United States since Reconstruction in terms of participants, strategies, opposition, and results (e.g., Prohibition, Social Darwinism, Eugenics, civil rights, anti-war protest, etc.).
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Baha'i Faith and North Carolina(Reduced).Pages
    A History of the Bahá’í Faith in North Carolina by Steven M. Kolins Presented at the first Summer Seminar in the history of the Bahá’í Faith in North Carolina August 3-5, 2018 at the Efland Bahá’í Center, 119 Maple St., Efland, NC, 27243 Sponsored by the Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Orange County, NC Acknowledgement and preface i Transient Bahá’ís in or from North Carolina 1 Early Teaching trips to North Carolina 4 Towards the first Bahá’ís in North Carolina 6 Greensboro - One assembly, plus 9 1954; Pioneers with local contacts 13 1955; Conferences and fundraising 14 1956; Doubling and Challenge 16 1957; Raleigh Spiritual Assembly and activities 18 1958; Triangle and Triad and local tv 21 1959; Kinney and Blackwell and Bullock 24 1960; And the first trip to Frogmore, SC 24 1961; Jean Norris, wedding of Jurney and Mansoori 26 1962; Durham Local Spiritual Assembly 28 1963; Jubilee Year, Holy Year 30 1964; Shifting patterns and color lines 31 1965; National news reaching locally 32 1966; Pilgrimage of Triangle firsts and over at A&T 34 1967; Here and there - wider engagement 35 1968; With a booth, impending growth 36 1969; Comings and goings and a wedding 37 Appendix 1 - The Bahá’í Faith in Raleigh, NC, 1953-1970 i Appendix 2 - Raleigh Baha'i Community Timeline 1957-2007 vii Appendix 3 - Chosen Events in Winston-Salem done Oct. 2016 ix Acknowledgement and preface Any project depends on many things coming together. Bahá’u’lláh says: “…the doings of men are all dependent upon Thy good pleasure, and are conditioned by Thy behest.” A work of history depends on a spirit moving upon the lives of people, lives then being led, and then those lives being commented on by scholars and reporters.
    [Show full text]
  • High School Audience Discussion Guide
    Mike Wiley – The Playwright and Actor Actor and playwright Mike Wiley has spent the last decade fulfilling his mission to bring educational theatre to young audiences. In the early days of his career, Wiley found few theatrical resources to shine light on key events and fig- ures in black history. To bring these often ignored stories to life, Wiley started his own production company. Through his work, he has introduced countless students to the sto- ries and legacies of Emmett Till, the Tuskegee Airmen, Henry “Box” Brown and more. Mike Wiley has a Masters of Fine Arts from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Wiley has also appeared on the Discovery Channel, The Learning Channel and the National Geographic Channel and was recently profiled in Our State magazine. Timothy B. Tyson – The Author Tim Tyson, noted author and historian, was born and raised in North Carolina. He received his Ph.D. from Duke University in 1994 and currently serves there as a Senior Research Scholar at the Center for Documentary Studies and also holds positions in the Duke Divinity School and the Department of History. His memoir Blood Done Sign My Name won the Southern Book Award, was a finalist for the National Book Critics Award and received the Louisville Grawemeyer Award in Religion from the Louisville Presbyterian Theological Seminary. The book has also been selected for the reading programs of a number of communities and colleges (including The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Villanova University and The University of Iowa). A movie based on the book is sched- uled for release in the coming months.
    [Show full text]