The Irish Left Over 50 Years
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
"Third Way" Republicanism in the Formation of the Irish Republic Kenneth Lee Shonk, Jr
Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Dissertations (2009 -) Dissertations, Theses, and Professional Projects "Irish Blood, English Heart": Gender, Modernity, and "Third Way" Republicanism in the Formation of the Irish Republic Kenneth Lee Shonk, Jr. Marquette University Recommended Citation Shonk, Jr., Kenneth Lee, ""Irish Blood, English Heart": Gender, Modernity, and "Third Way" Republicanism in the Formation of the Irish Republic" (2010). Dissertations (2009 -). Paper 53. http://epublications.marquette.edu/dissertations_mu/53 “IRISH BLOOD, ENGLISH HEART”: GENDER, MODERNITY, AND “THIRD-WAY” REPUBLICANISM IN THE FORMATION OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC By Kenneth L. Shonk, Jr., B.A., M.A., M.A.T. A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, Marquette University, in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Milwaukee, Wisconsin May 2010 ABSTRACT “IRISH BLOOD, ENGLISH HEART”: GENDER, MODERNITY, AND “THIRD-WAY” REPUBLICANISM IN THE FORMATION OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC Kenneth L. Shonk, Jr., B.A., M.A., M.A.T. Marquette University, 2010 Led by noted Irish statesman Eamon de Valera, a cadre of former members of the militaristic republican organization Sinn Féin split to form Fianna Fáil with the intent to reconstitute Irish republicanism so as to fit within the democratic frameworks of the Irish Free State. Beginning with its formation in 1926, up through the passage of a republican constitution in 1937 that was recognized by Great Britain the following year, Fianna Fáil had successfully rescued the seemingly moribund republican movement from complete marginalization. Using gendered language to forge a nexus between primordial cultural nationalism and modernity, Fianna Fáil’s nationalist project was tantamount to efforts anti- hegemonic as well as hegemonic. -
The Irish Party System Sistemul Partidelor Politice În Irlanda
The Irish Party System Sistemul Partidelor Politice în Irlanda Assistant Lecturer Javier Ruiz MARTÍNEZ Fco. Javier Ruiz Martínez: Assistant Lecturer of Polics and Public Administration. Department of Politics and Sociology, University Carlos III Madrid (Spain). Since September 2001. Lecturer of “European Union” and “Spanish Politics”. University Studies Abroad Consortium (Madrid). Ph.D. Thesis "Modernisation, Changes and Development in the Irish Party System, 1958-96", (European joint Ph.D. degree). Interests and activities: Steering Committee member of the Spanish National Association of Political Scientists and Sociologists; Steering committee member of the European Federation of Centres and Associations of Irish Studies, EFACIS; Member of the Political Science Association of Ireland; Founder of the Spanish-American Association of the University of Limerick (Éire) in 1992; User level in the command of Microsoft Office applications, graphics (Harvard Graphics), databases (Open Access) SPSSWIN and Internet applications. Abstract: The Irish Party System has been considered a unique case among the European party systems. Its singularity is based in the freezing of its actors. Since 1932 the three main parties has always gotten the same position in every election. How to explain this and which consequences produce these peculiarities are briefly explained in this article. Rezumat: Sistemul Irlandez al Partidelor Politice a fost considerat un caz unic între sistemele partidelor politice europene. Singularitatea sa este bazată pe menţinerea aceloraşi actori. Din 1932, primele trei partide politice ca importanţă au câştigat aceeaşi poziţie la fiecare scrutin electoral. Cum se explică acest lucru şi ce consecinţe produc aceste aspecte, se descrie pe larg în acest articol. At the end of the 1950s the term ‘system’ began to be used in Political Science coming from the natural and physical Sciences. -
Terrorist Speech and the Future of Free Expression
TERRORIST SPEECH AND THE FUTURE OF FREE EXPRESSION Laura K. Donohue* Introduction.......................................................................................... 234 I. State as Sovereign in Relation to Terrorist Speech ...................... 239 A. Persuasive Speech ............................................................ 239 1. Sedition and Incitement in the American Context ..... 239 a. Life Before Brandenburg................................. 240 b. Brandenburg and Beyond................................ 248 2. United Kingdom: Offences Against the State and Public Order ....................................................................... 250 a. Treason............................................................. 251 b. Unlawful Assembly ......................................... 254 c. Sedition ............................................................ 262 d. Monuments and Flags...................................... 268 B. Knowledge-Based Speech ................................................ 271 1. Prior Restraint in the American Context .................... 272 a. Invention Secrecy Act...................................... 274 b. Atomic Energy Act .......................................... 279 c. Information Relating to Explosives and Weapons of Mass Destruction............................................ 280 2. Strictures in the United Kingdom............................... 287 a. Informal Restrictions........................................ 287 b. Formal Strictures: The Export Control Act ..... 292 II. State in -
Survey: English
The Economic and Social Research Institute 4 Burlington Road Dublin 4 Ph. 6671525 IRISH ELECTION SURVEY, SUMMER 2002 Interviewer’s Name ____________________ Interviewer’s Number Constituency Code Area Code Respondent Code Date of Interview: Day Month Time Interview Began (24hr clock) Introduction (Ask for named respondent) Good morning/afternoon/evening. I am from the Economic and Social Research Institute in Dublin. We have been commissioned by a team of researchers from Trinity College Dublin and University College Dublin to carry out a survey into the way people voted in the recent general election. You have been selected at random from the Electoral Register to participate in the survey. The interview will take about 60 minutes to complete and all information provided will be treated in the strictest confidence by the Economic and Social Research Institute. It will not be possible for anyone to identify your individual views or attitudes from the analysis undertaken on the data. __________________________________________________________________________________ SECTION A A1 First, I’d like to ask you a general question. What do you think has been the single most important issue facing Ireland over the last five years? ________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ________________________________________________________________________________________________________ A2 How good or bad a job do you think the Fianna Fail/Progressive Democrat government did over the past five years in terms of _______________________ [the Main issue mentioned at A1 above]. Did they do a: Very Good Job......... 1 Good Job ......... 2 Bad Job ..... 3 Very Bad Job…… 4 Don’t know ..... 5 A3.1a Looking back on the recent general election campaign in May of this year, could you tell me if a candidate called to your home? Yes ...... -
Ethnicising Ulster's Protestants
Ethnicising Ulster’s Protestants Tolerance, Peoplehood, and Class in Ulster-Scots Ethnopedagogy Peter Robert Gardner Jesus College, The University of Cambridge This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Contents Figures and Tables iv Abbreviations and Short Forms v Acknowledgements vi Word Limit and Plagiarism Statement vii Abstract viii Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.1 Research Questions, Methods and Chapter Overview 5 1.2 Tolerance, Peoplehood, Dignity 7 Chapter Two: Protestantism, Unionism and Consociational Ideology 11 2.1 Shifting Peoplehoods 12 2.1.1 From British Rule to Unionist Rule 12 2.1.2 From Multiplicity toward Britishness 15 2.1.3 Defeatism and the Cultural Turn 18 2.2 Consociationalism, Normativity, Power 21 2.3 Ulster-Scots 26 2.3.1 Ethnic Peoplehood 26 2.3.2 Who are the Ulster-Scots? 30 2.3.3 “Revival” 35 2.4 Conclusion 38 Chapter Three: Communal Segregation and Educational Peace-Building 39 3.1 The Current State of Segregation 39 3.2 Segregated Education 45 3.3 Education and Peace-Building 55 3.4 Conclusion: De-segregating the Mind 63 Chapter Four: Methods 65 4.1 Research Design and Methods 65 4.1.1 Educational Materials 66 4.1.2 Interviews 67 4.1.3. Primary School Survey 69 4.2 Analysis 70 4.2.1 Euphemism, “Telling” and Reading Silences 72 4.2.2 Reflexivity, Stickiness and Power Dynamics 75 4.3 Conclusion 78 Chapter Five: The Development of Ulster-Scots Education 79 5.1 Processes of Peoplehood-Building 79 5.2 Three Phases of Development 81 5.2.1 Phase One: Grass-Roots Education, Elite Lobbying -
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present
Fianna Fáil: Past and Present Alan Byrne Fianna Fáil were the dominant political prompted what is usually referred to as party in Ireland from their first term in gov- a civil-war but as Kieran Allen argues in ernment in the 1930s up until their disas- an earlier issue of this journal, the Free trous 2011 election. The party managed to State in effect mounted a successful counter- enjoy large support from the working class, revolution which was thoroughly opposed to as well as court close links with the rich- the working class movement.3 The defeat est people in Irish society. Often described signalled the end of the aspirations of the as more of a ‘national movement’ than a Irish revolution and the stagnation of the party, their popular support base has now state economically. Emigration was par- plummeted. As this article goes to print, ticularly high in this period, and the state the party (officially in opposition but en- was thoroughly conservative. The Catholic abling a Fine Gael government) is polling Church fostered strong links with Cumann at 26% approval.1 How did a party which na nGaedheal, often denouncing republicans emerged from the losing side of the civil war in its sermons. come to dominate Irish political life so thor- There were distinctive class elements to oughly? This article aims to trace the his- both the pro and anti-treaty sides. The tory of the party, analyse their unique brand Cumann na nGaedheal government drew its of populist politics as well as their relation- base from large farmers, who could rely on ship with Irish capitalism and the working exports to Britain. -
Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered. -
Introduction to the Cahir Healy Papers Adobe
INTRODUCTION CAHIR HEALY PAPERS November 2007 Cahir Healy Papers (D2991) Table of Contents Summary .................................................................................................................2 Cahir Healy's early years .........................................................................................3 The Gaelic League and Sinn Fein ...........................................................................4 The 'republican' courts.............................................................................................6 The Treaty and partition...........................................................................................7 Internment on the 'Argenta'......................................................................................8 The Boundary Commission......................................................................................9 Divisions among the nationalists............................................................................10 The National League .............................................................................................11 The wilderness years, 1935-1945..........................................................................12 Internment in Brixton..............................................................................................13 The Anti-Partition League ......................................................................................14 Physical force and abstentionism ..........................................................................16 -
February 2004
Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Northern Ireland Quarterly Report February 2004 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Devolution Monitoring Programme Northern Ireland report 18 February 2004 • Assembly election ends in triumph for DUP, SF • Result means continued suspension of devolution • Review of Belfast agreement opens amid low expectations • Ministers continue business-as-usual decision-making 2 Contents 1. Summary Robin Wilson ..............................................4 2. The ‘peace process’ Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson ..................5 2.1 The post-election scene ......................................................................................5 2.2 The review...........................................................................................................5 2.3 Prospects ...........................................................................................................13 3. Devolved government Robin Wilson ............................................16 3.1 Does it matter? .................................................................................................16 3.2 Programme for Government ..........................................................................16 3.3 Community relations .......................................................................................17 4. The assembly Rick Wilford & Robin Wilson ................20 5. The media Robin Wilson ............................................21 -
Introduction: Parties and Policy Making in Ireland
Introduction: Parties and policy making in Ireland C o n t i n u i t y One of the most remarkable aspects of post-Treaty Ireland was how well the political institutions established by the British colonial administration survived. This is not altogether surprising when one considers that the Irish struggle for independence ended in ‘a compromise with the former coloniser which denied true emancipation’. 1 Many members of the new elite ‘found nothing better to do with their freedom than to duplicate the British system’ while ‘a new use was found for the Irish language as a kind of green spray-paint to be coated over the remaining British pillar boxes, systems and titles, in order to conceal the ever-growing similarity with the British way of life’. 2 Kevin O’Higgins ’ s conviction that they ‘were probably the most conservative-minded revolutionaries that ever put through a successful revolution’ 3 gives some idea of the limitations and parameters within which the Free State would take shape. The survival of the British civil service, based in Dublin Castle, provides a striking example of the basic continuity that followed the Treaty. ‘Independence’, Basil Chubb notes, ‘did not much aff ect the well-established and powerful departments’ and for the former British civil service ‘life went on much as before’. 4 Under the Treaty, the position of former colonial administration employees was protected and most managed to exchange political masters with equanimity. A small number (about one hundred) voluntarily transferred to Belfast to serve the Northern Ireland administration. The transition from colonial power to a native administration did not, therefore, impinge greatly on the civil service. -
Clark (Eds.) Radical Or Redundant? Minor Parties in Irish Political Life Dublin: History Press, 2012
To the left of Labour: The Workers’ Party and Democratic Left in L. Weeks and A. Clark (eds.) Radical or redundant? Minor Parties in Irish political life Dublin: History Press, 2012. 173-187. To the Left of Labour: the Workers’ Party and Democratic Left, 1982–97 Kevin Rafter Introduction Over the last 90 years new parties have repeatedly attempted to break into the national political arena in Ireland so as to challenge the longtime dominance of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour. The new entrants have periodically challenged the established order in terms of shaping policy agendas, winning seats and participating in multi- party governmental arrangements. A limited number of small parties have achieved these three outcomes – impact on policy, Dáil representation and governmental involvement – including Clann na Poblachta, Clann na Talmhan, the Progressive Democrats, Democratic Left and the Green Party. Others, including the Workers’ Party, while not experiencing a period in power, have both impacted on policy formation and enjoyed national electoral success. All these new entrants, however, share one common trait – namely, a poor record in sustaining their challenge to the big three parties. It has been pointed out that smaller parties can ‘add a richness and depth that has an impact on democracy and representation’ (Copus et al, 2009: 4). In an Irish context, however, despite this democratic value, these parties have failed to sustain a lasting political and electoral presence. Ireland’s so-called ‘two and a half party system’ was defined – until the general election in 2011 – by Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Labour repeatedly filling the same pecking order in terms of votes and seats. -
Constitution and Government
Date Printed: 04/21/2009 JTS Box Number: lFES 65 Tab Number: 20 Document Title: Ireland Constitution and Government Document Date: 1995 Document Country: Ireland Document Language: English lFES ID: CE00864 Constitution and Government The President, Mrs. Mary {?obinson, addressing a joint session.oj the houus ofthe Oireachtas. " Ireland is a parliamentary demo~racy. The CONSTITUTION Houses of the Oireachtas and the National Parliamem (in the·Irish language, Government. It also defines the structure Oireachras) consists of the President (an The Constitution ofireland is the basic and powers of the courts, sets out the rUachraran) and two Houses: a House of law of the State, It was adopted by fundamental rights of citizens and contain; Representatives (Diil Eireann) and a plebiscite in 1937. It is the successor of the a number of directive principles of social Senate (Seanad Eireann). The sole and Constitution of Diil Eireann (I 919) and policy for the general guidance of me exclusive power of making laws for the the Constitution of the Irish Free State Oireachtas. The Constitution may be State is vested in Parliament. The functions (I922). The Constitution states that all amended only by referendum. and powers of the President, Diil and legislative, executive and judicial powers of Seanad derive from the Constitution of Government derive from the people. It sets The Consrimtion outlines what are Ireland (Bunreacht na hEireann) and law. out the form of government and defines considered the fundamental rights of the the powers of the President, the two citizen. The definition of rights in the Fact Sheet 2/95 Issued by the Department of Foreign Affairs, Dublin.