Composition of the Tuidang Movement
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Local Church – Reform Through Labour – Police – Black Lists – Medical Bail and Parole 8 January 2010
Country Advice China China – CHN35881 – Fujian – Christians – Local Church – Reform through Labour – Police – Black lists – Medical bail and parole 8 January 2010 Questions 1 Please advise on the current treatment of Local Church members (Shouters) in Fujian province. Contrasting information was found in the sources consulted regarding the treatment of Local Church members in Fujian province. The following reports indicate improvements in the treatment of the Local Church within some parts of Fujian province: In February 2009 an elder of the Local Church in Melbourne advised that while the Local Church is viewed as illegal in Fujian province, the arrest of members has decreased. The Elder provided the following advice on the treatment of the Local Church in Fujian province: As we understand it, the local churches in China are viewed differently in each province. Certain provinces allow the local churches to register with the authorities and once they have done so, they are allowed to worship. However, in other provinces, including Fujian province, the local churches are regarded as illegal gatherings, however as we understand from some members who come from this province, there is not much arrests as before. There is now more dialogue between members of the local church and the authorities.1 A November 2008 report by the Country Research Section of the Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC), China’s Protestants and Catholics, also reports on the increased tolerance of the Local Church by government authorities in some areas of Fujian. The report states that some Local Churches now operate legally in Fuzhou and several rural counties in Fujian. -
Knowledge Control and Social Contestation in China's
Science in Movements This book analyzes and compares the origins, evolutionary patterns and consequences of different science and technology controversies in China, including hydropower resistance, disputes surrounding genetically modified organisms and the nuclear power debate. The examination combines social movement theories, communication studies, and science and technology studies. Taking a multidisciplinary approach, the book provides an insight into the interwoven relationship between social and political controls and knowledge monopoly, and looks into a central issue neglected by previous science communication studies: why have different con- troversies shown divergent patterns despite similar social and political contexts? It is revealed that the media environment, political opportunity structures, knowledge-control regimes and activists’ strategies have jointly triggered, nur- tured and sustained these controversies and led to the development of different patterns. Based on these observations, the author also discusses the significance of science communication studies in promoting China’ssocialtransformation and further explores the feasible approach to a more generic framework to understand science controversies across the world. The book will be of value to academics of science communication, science and technology studies, political science studies and sociology, as well as general readers interested in China’s science controversies and social movements. Hepeng Jia is a professor of communication at Soochow University, Suzhou, China. He has worked as a leading science journalist for 20 years and is also a pioneering researcher in the field of science journalism and communication in China. Chinese Perspectives on Journalism and Communication Series Editor: Wenshan Jia is a professor of communication at Shandong University and Chapman University. With the increasing impact of China on global affairs, Chinese perspectives on journalism and communication are on the growing global demand. -
Country Advice China China – CHN37025 – Falun Gong – Organisational Structure – Relationship to Buddhism 20 July 2010
Country Advice China China – CHN37025 – Falun Gong – Organisational structure – Relationship to Buddhism 20 July 2010 1. What is known about the organisational hierarchy of Falun Dafa, if there is one? Are there connections to the Buddhist Association in different areas? Do local groups have presidents or chairmen, who meet with Master Li? Several sources located indicate that Falun Dafa has a fairly loose, informal organisational structure. Moreover, Falun Gong adherents stress that the organisation does not have any organisational hierarchy. Most sources agree, however, that the web of local Falun Dafa organisations in a number of countries and their connections to each other via interpersonal networks and web-based interactions, demonstrate at least some level of informal organisation. Li Hongzhi, the founder of Falun Dafa, is often referred by Falun Gong practitioners as “Master Li”.1 No information was located to indicate that Master Li has been directly involved in establishing the various local Falun Dafa Associations in Australia, or that he meets with the associations‟ representatives. No representative would use such a title as “Chairmen” or “Presidents” due to the deliberate avoidance of any practitioner hierarchy (as outlined in the information set out below). The Australian Falun Dafa Information Centre‟s list of contacts (http://www.falunau.org/sites&contacts.htm) for various practice sites throughout the country lists only names and numbers; there are no titles differentiating the contacts. A number of previous research responses provide information on the organisational structure of Falun Gong within Australia: Research Response CHN33686 of September 2008 includes information supplied to the Tribunal by Ms Sealand Gregory, the Australian Falun Dafa Information Centre‟s contact person for general enquiries on practice sites around Sydney. -
Political Reelism: a Rhetorical Criticism of Reflection and Interpretation in Political Films
POLITICAL REELISM: A RHETORICAL CRITICISM OF REFLECTION AND INTERPRETATION IN POLITICAL FILMS Jennifer Lee Walton A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY May 2006 Committee: John J. Makay, Advisor Richard Gebhardt Graduate Faculty Representative John T. Warren Alberto Gonzalez ii ABSTRACT John J. Makay, Advisor The purpose of this study is to discuss how political campaigns and politicians have been depicted in films, and how the films function rhetorically through the use of core values. By interpreting real life, political films entertain us, perhaps satirically poking fun at familiar people and events. However, the filmmakers complete this form of entertainment through the careful integration of American values or through the absence of, or attack on those values. This study provides a rhetorical criticism of movies about national politics, with a primary focus on the value judgments, political consciousness and political implications surrounding the films Mr. Smith Goes to Washington (1939), The Candidate (1972), The Contender (2000), Wag the Dog (1997), Power (1986), and Primary Colors (1998). iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to thank everyone who made this endeavor possible. First and foremost, I thank Doctor John J. Makay; my committee chair, for believing in me from the start, always encouraging me to do my best, and assuring me that I could do it. I could not have done it without you. I wish to thank my committee members, Doctors John Warren and Alberto Gonzalez, for all of your support and advice over the past months. -
Ebook Download the Plays, Screenplays and Films of David
THE PLAYS, SCREENPLAYS AND FILMS OF DAVID MAMET PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Steven Price | 192 pages | 01 Oct 2008 | MacMillan Education UK | 9780230555358 | English | London, United Kingdom The Plays, Screenplays and Films of David Mamet PDF Book It engages with his work in film as well as in the theatre, offering a synoptic overview of, and critical commentary on, the scholarly criticism of each play, screenplay or film. You get savvy industry tips and strategies for getting your screenplay noticed! Mamet is reluctant to be specific about Postman and the problems he had writing it, explaining. He shrugs off the whispers floating up and down the Great White Way about him selling out and going Hollywood. Contemporary playwright David Mamet's thought-provoking plays and screenplays such as Wag the Dog , Glengarry Glen Ross for which he won the Pulitzer Prize , and Oleanna have enjoyed popular and critical success in the past two decades. The Winslow Boy, Mamet's revisitation of Terence Rattigan's classic play, tells of a thirteen-year-old boy accused of stealing a five-shilling postal order and the tug of war for truth that ensues between his middle-class family and the Royal Navy. House of Games is a psychological thriller in which a young woman psychiatrist falls prey to an elaborate and ingenious con game by one of her patients who entraps her in a series of criminal escapades. Paul Newman plays Frank Calvin, an alcoholic and disgraced Boston lawyer who finds a shot at redemption with a malpractice case. I Just Kept Writing. The impressive number of essays , novels , screenplays , and films that Mamet has produced They might be composed and awesome on the battlefield, but there is a price, and that is their humanity. -
The Falun Gong in China: a Sociological Perspective*
The Falun Gong in China: A Sociological Perspective* Cheris Shun-ching Chan ABSTRACT This article offers a sociological perspective on the rise of and crackdown on the falun gong in relation to the social, cultural and political context of China. I specify from a sociological perspective that the falun gong is categorically not a sect but a cult-like new religious movement. Its popularity, I suggest, is related to the unresolved secular problems, normative breakdown and ideological vacuum in China in the 1980s and 1990s. Before the crackdown, the falun gong represented a successful new religious movement, from a Euro-American perspective. However, most of its strengths as a movement have become adversarial to its survival in the specific historical and political condition of China. The phenomenal growth and overseas expansion of the falun gong (FLG; also known as the falun dafa) surprised the Chinese leadership. On the other hand, the heavy-handed crackdown launched by the Chinese government on this group startled world-wide observers. This article attempts to understand the rise and fall of the FLG from a sociological perspective. Applying theoretical insights from the sociology of new religious movements (NRM), it explores how the contemporary socio- cultural context of China contributed to the popularity of religious and quasi-religious qigong movements like the FLG and why the Chinese government launched a severe crackdown on this particular group. In the late 1980s there were already many religious and quasi-religious qigong groups in mainland China.1 A sociological analysis of the popular- ity of the FLG will contribute to an understanding of the “qigong fever” phenomenon in China. -
Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China
Teaching Asia’s Giants: China Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China Poster of Deng Xiaoping, By Bernard Z. Keo founder of the special economic zone in China in central Shenzhen, China. he 9th of September 1976: The story of Source: The World of Chinese Deng Xiaoping’s ascendancy to para- website at https://tinyurl.com/ yyqv6opv. mount leader starts, like many great sto- Tries, with a death. Nothing quite so dramatic as a murder or an assassination, just the quiet and unassuming death of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the wake of his passing, factions in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) competed to establish who would rule after the Great Helmsman. Pow- er, after all, abhors a vacuum. In the first corner was Hua Guofeng, an unassuming functionary who had skyrocketed to power under the late chairman’s patronage. In the second corner, the Gang of Four, consisting of Mao’s widow, Jiang September 21, 1977. The Qing, and her entourage of radical, leftist, Shanghai-based CCP officials. In the final corner, Deng funeral of Mao Zedong, Beijing, China. Source: © Xiaoping, the great survivor who had experi- Keystone Press/Alamy Stock enced three purges and returned from the wil- Photo. derness each time.1 Within a month of Mao’s death, the Gang of Four had been imprisoned, setting up a showdown between Hua and Deng. While Hua advocated the policy of the “Two Whatev- ers”—that the party should “resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave”—Deng advocated “seek- ing truth from facts.”2 At a time when China In 1978, some Beijing citizens was reexamining Mao’s legacy, Deng’s approach posted a large-character resonated more strongly with the party than Hua’s rigid dedication to Mao. -
Falun Gong in the United States: an Ethnographic Study Noah Porter University of South Florida
University of South Florida Scholar Commons Graduate Theses and Dissertations Graduate School 7-18-2003 Falun Gong in the United States: An Ethnographic Study Noah Porter University of South Florida Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd Part of the American Studies Commons Scholar Commons Citation Porter, Noah, "Falun Gong in the United States: An Ethnographic Study" (2003). Graduate Theses and Dissertations. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1451 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FALUN GONG IN THE UNITED STATES: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC STUDY by NOAH PORTER A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Anthropology College of Arts and Sciences University of South Florida Major Professor: S. Elizabeth Bird, Ph.D. Michael Angrosino, Ph.D. Kevin Yelvington, Ph.D. Date of Approval: July 18, 2003 Keywords: falungong, human rights, media, religion, China © Copyright 2003, Noah Porter TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES...................................................................................................................................iii LIST OF FIGURES................................................................................................................................. iv ABSTRACT........................................................................................................................................... -
Jiang Zemin and the Falun Gong Crackdown: a Bibliography Michael J
International Journal of Legal Information the Official Journal of the International Association of Law Libraries Volume 34 Article 9 Issue 3 Winter 2006 1-1-2006 A King Who Devours His People: Jiang Zemin and the Falun Gong Crackdown: A Bibliography Michael J. Greenlee University of Idaho College of Law Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/ijli The International Journal of Legal Information is produced by The nI ternational Association of Law Libraries. Recommended Citation Greenlee, Michael J. (2006) "A King Who Devours His People: Jiang Zemin and the Falun Gong Crackdown: A Bibliography," International Journal of Legal Information: Vol. 34: Iss. 3, Article 9. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/ijli/vol34/iss3/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Journal of Legal Information by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A King Who Devours His People+: Jiang Zemin and the Falun Gong Crackdown: A Bibliography MICHAEL J. GREENLEE∗ Introduction In July 1999, the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) began an official crackdown against the qigong cultivation1 group known as Falun Gong.2 Intended to quickly contain and eliminate what the PRC considers an evil or heretical cult (xiejiao), the suppression has instead created the longest sustained and, since the Tiananmen Square protests of June 1989, most widely known human rights protest conducted in the PRC. -
The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle: a Strategic and Historical Analysis
ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES The Tibetan Nonviolent Struggle: A Strategic and Historical Analysis Tenzin Dorjee ICNC MONOGRAPH SERIES Cover photos: (l) John Ackerly, 1987, (r) Invisible Tibet Blog SERIES EDITOR: Maciej Bartkowski John Ackerly’s photo of the first major demonstration in Lhasa in 1987 CONTACT: [email protected] became an emblem for the Tibet movement. The monk Jampa Tenzin, who is being lifted by fellow protesters, had just rushed into a burning VOLUME EDITORS: Hardy Merriman, Amber French, police station to rescue Tibetan detainees. With his arms charred by the Cassandra Balfour flames, he falls in and out of consciousness even as he leads the crowd CONTACT: [email protected] in chanting pro-independence slogans. The photographer John Ackerly Other volumes in this series: became a Tibet advocate and eventually President of the International Campaign for Tibet (1999 to 2009). To read more about John Ackerly’s The Power of Staying Put: Nonviolent Resistance experience in Tibet, see his book co-authored by Blake Kerr, Sky Burial: against Armed Groups in Colombia, Juan Masullo An Eyewitness Account of China’s Brutal Crackdown in Tibet. (2015) Invisible Tibet Blog’s photo was taken during the 2008 Tibetan uprising, The Maldives Democracy Experience (2008-13): when Tibetans across the three historical provinces of Tibet rose up From Authoritarianism to Democracy and Back, to protest Chinese rule. The protests began on March 10, 2008, a few Velezinee Aishath (2015) months ahead of the Beijing Olympic Games, and quickly became the largest, most sustained nonviolent movement Tibet has witnessed. Published by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict The designations used and material presented in this publication do P.O. -
1 Hate Speech and Fear Mongering Has No Place in the Public
Hate Speech and Fear Mongering Has No Place in the Public Domain. RE: https://youtu.be/10-L4aES4TAp The below comments address the You Tube video referenced just above. In 1999 or thereabout, the Chinese Communist Party (Party) created a set of lies and fabrications about Falun Gong in order to justify, legitimize and mobilize a violent suppression compaign (a douzheng in Party parlance) against the spiritual group. Depicting Falun Gong as they are inaccurately depicted in China to effectuate the eradication of the group is no different than treating as accurate Nazi depictions of members of another faith-based community, that is Judaism, depictions also manufactured to turn the German people against the Jews in order to annihilate them in Auschwitz and other concentration camps. This video operates in a historical vacuum. First, the Party routines targets specific groups as collective enemies of the Party and of all Chinese Society.1 Indeed, the Party has a decades-long history of launching such campaigns against particular groups, followed by their systematic suppression and ostracism from society as well as subjection to various acts of Party-sponsored violence without due process of law.2 Second, the process is always the same; and generally characterized by the following progression: (i) The decision to target any specific group as an enemy is always made by the Party.3 This practice extends from early suppression campaigns such as the Anti-Rightist campaign in 1957, which targeted at least 550,000 “rightists,” through the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 1970s, the crackdown on “Spiritual Pollution” in the 1980s, the Tiananmen Square crackdown of 1989, and the targeting of Falun Gong and other religious groups from the 1990s through today, in addition to other examples.4 1 The use of douzheng in this context of identifying collective enemies is crucial to the political ideology and praxis of the Chinese Communist Party. -
China – Australia – Pro-Democracy Groups – Falun Gong – Monitoring of Activist Groups
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: CHN32643 Country: China Date: 21 November 2007 Keywords: China – Australia – Pro-democracy groups – Falun Gong – Monitoring of activist groups This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide a succinct update regarding the PRC authorities’ known/suspected monitoring of pro-democracy and Falun Gong protest activities in Sydney. 2. Sources suggest that the PRC expects most to have economic motives, but that they may pursue those that they (actually) believe to be dissidents or similar. Do any reports suggest that attendance at protests, etc, is sufficient to arouse adverse attention? RESPONSE 1. Please provide a succinct update regarding the PRC authorities’ known/suspected monitoring of pro-democracy and Falun Gong protest activities in Sydney. DFAT have consistently noted that it is likely that activists who have participated in protest activities against the Chinese government, including members of pro-democracy, Falun Gong and Uighur nationalist organisations, will be monitored and questioned or detained on their return to China. This view is supported by Amnesty International, Chinese government defectors and some Australian academics.