Post-Election Continuity
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Indigenous Autonomy: Constructing a Place for Ethnic Minorities in Taiwan’S Emerging Civic Society
Indigenous Autonomy: Constructing a Place for Ethnic Minorities in Taiwan’s Emerging Civic Society Scott Simon, professeur agrégé Département de sociologie et anthropologie Université d’Ottawa, Canada Chercheur invité Institut d’Asie Orientale, ÉNS-LSH Lyon, France Paper prepared for the Fifth European Association of Taiwan Studies (EATS) Conference, Prague, Czech Republic, 18-20 April, 2008. Please do not cite or quote without the written permission of the author. E-mail: [email protected]. Abstract: For more than two decades, indigenous autonomy has been one of the main demands of Taiwan’s indigenous rights movement. Indigenous autonomy was incorporated into Chen Shui-bian’s campaign promises in 1999, and subsequently adopted as a policy goal in the 2000 DPP White Paper on Indigenous Policy. In 2005, the passage of the Basic Law on Indigenous Peoples made it seem as if this goal could soon be fulfilled. The Taroko Nation, recognized by the ROC in 2004, initially seemed poised to create Taiwan’s first indigenous autonomous region. Those goals, however, have been slowed down by the emergence of communities and individuals in their defined territory who refuse Taroko identity and have launched a competing drive for recognition as the Sediq Nation. Some Taroko people also resist the project of autonomy on the grounds that it merely empowers a small elite and does nothing to address their more immediate economic problems. These counter movements suggest that more is at stake in “autonomy” than indigenous rights. This paper thus looks at the creation of indigenous autonomy as part of an emerging civic society for an independent Taiwan. -
Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” the Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan
China Perspectives 2010/3 | 2010 Taiwan: The Consolidation of a Democratic and Distinct Society Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” The Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan Paul Jobin Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5302 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5302 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2010 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Paul Jobin, « Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2010/3 | 2010, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2013, consulté le 28 octobre 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5302 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5302 © All rights reserved Special Feature s e v Hazards and Protest in the i a t c n i e “Green Silicon Island” h p s c r The Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan e p PAUL JOBIN This paper presents the struggle of several actors, from environmental NGOs to labour activists, to make industrial hazards more socially visible. After an overview of the key issues in Taiwan’s environmental movement since the democratic transition of the mid-1980s, the second part focuses on labour NGOs, an original form of mobilisation pushing for reform of the compensation scheme for occupational hazards. The cases presented cover different industries—including nuclear, chemical, electronics, etc.—various pollutants, and their consequences on public health such as lung diseases diseases and cancers. n his inauguration address in 2000, the newly elected rior of work sites—be it a mine, an electronics factory, a nu - president Chen Shui-bian announced an ambitious proj - clear plant, a construction site, or the office of a Iect of converting Taiwan into a “Green Silicon Island” newspaper. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Taiwan Relations: New Faces, Familiar Policies David G. Brown, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies Kevin Scott, The Brookings Institution Leadership changes have occurred on both sides of the strait. As predicted, the 18th Party Congress saw Xi Jinping appointed as general secretary in Beijing. In Taipei, President Ma announced in September a complete reshuffle of his cross-strait and foreign policy team. In both cases, the personnel changes do not foreshadow any policy changes in the coming months. While Ma remains unwilling to address political issues in direct negotiations, some interesting Track 2 dialogues occurred. In October, Beijing gave visiting DPP politician Hsieh Chang-ting unusual high-level attention, and following his return Hsieh has tried, thus far unsuccessfully, to promote change in DPP policy. Against the backdrop of increasing tensions over the Diaoyu Islands, Ma is focused on asserting Taiwan’s interests primarily through his East China Sea Peace Initiative. 18th Party Congress and PRC policy The 18th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) saw the long-anticipated emergence of a new party leadership under General Secretary Xi Jinping. In the lead-up to the Congress, Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) Minister Wang Yi authored two important articles. The first, an article in the party theoretical journal Qiushi, addressed primarily to party members, was entitled “The Accomplishments and Theoretical Renewal in Cross-Strait Work during the Past Ten Years.” Wang noted that the goal was reunification, that the interests of all Chinese would be best served by peaceful reunification and that the “peaceful development” of cross-strait relations based on Hu Jintao’s Six Points would pave the way for peaceful reunification. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
SWP Comments 2008/C 06, April 2008, 4 Pages
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Great Expectations for Cross-Strait Relations SWP Comments Ma Ying-jeou wins presidential elections Sebastian Bersick / Gudrun Wacker In January 2008, Taiwan’s opposition party Kuomintang (KMT) won a two-thirds majority in the elections for the Legislative Yuan, the parliament in Taiwan. On March 22, the candidate of this party, Ma Ying-jeou, was elected president of Taiwan by a margin of almost 20 per cent. There is widespread hope that his inauguration on 20 May 2008 will be the beginning of a phase of improved relations with mainland China. It will not be easy for Ma, however, to fulfil the manifold and often contradictory expectations—of the Taiwanese population, his own party, Beijing and important international partners. He will only be able to make progress in the short run if Beijing is willing to use this window of opportunity for improving cross-Strait relations by reaching out to the new government. On 22 March 2008, KMT candidate Ma Ying- and put forward the question of Taiwan’s jeou (57) won the presidential election in accession to the United Nations (UN)—failed Taiwan by a wide margin of about 2.2 mil- to reach the necessary quorum of 50 per lion votes against his competitor, Frank cent, or 8.5 million voters: Only about 36 Hsieh (61), of the Democratic Progressive per cent of the eligible voters cast their vote Party (DPP). Ma received 58.45 per cent of for the referendum of the DPP and for that the votes, Hsieh only 41.55 per cent. -
ACROSS the TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017
VOLUME 5 2014–2015 ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG VOLUME FIVE July 28, 2014–July 14, 2015 JUNE 2018 Stimson cannot be held responsible for the content of any webpages belonging to other firms, organizations, or individuals that are referenced by hyperlinks. Such links are included in good faith to provide the user with additional information of potential interest. Stimson has no influence over their content, their correctness, their programming, or how frequently they are updated by their owners. Some hyperlinks might eventually become defunct. Copyright © 2018 Stimson All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from Stimson. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1211 Connecticut Avenue Northwest, 8th floor Washington, DC 20036 Telephone: 202.223.5956 www.stimson.org Preface Brian Finlay and Ellen Laipson It is our privilege to present this collection of Alan Romberg’s analytical work on the cross-Strait relationship between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan. Alan joined Stimson in 2000 to lead the East Asia Program after a long and prestigious career in the Department of State, during which he was an instrumental player in the development of the United States’ policy in Asia, particularly relating to the PRC and Taiwan. He brought his expertise to bear on his work at Stimson, where he wrote the seminal book on U.S. -
Democratic Progressive Party Mínjìndǎng 民进党
◀ Defense Industry Comprehensive index starts in volume 5, page 2667. Democratic Progressive Party Mínjìndǎng 民进党 The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of 4 Taiwan’s history has mainly been the record of Taiwan was established on 28 September 1986, Taiwanese seeking self-determination and self- when martial law was lifted in Taiwan, allow- r u l e . ing the formation of political parties. 5 Taiwan needs a complete change of govern- ment. 6 Taiwan’s independence movement is in ac- cordance with the prevailing tendencies in the he origins of the Democratic Progressive Party world. (DPP) can be traced to two main groups: po- litical prisoners jailed in Taiwan by the Kuom- Taiwan’s leader at that time, Chiang Kai-shek, had, intang (Nationalist Party in Taiwan) government, and of course, always maintained that Taiwan is a province exiled dissidents living in Japan and the United States of China. who were members of Taiwan independence move- In January 1970 Taiwanese dissidents in Japan, Europe, ments. Together the two groups were referred to as Dang and the United States formed the Taiwan Independence wai (Outside the [Kuomintang] Party) before they es- Alliance. The founding members included Tsai Tung- tablished the DPP. jung, Chang T s a n - hung, Wang Y u - te, and Huang Y u - j e n . The DPP’s ideology was formulated by the intellec- Growing impatient with Chiang’s authoritarian, one-party tual dissident Peng Ming-min, who drafted a number of rule in Taiwan, they practiced terrorism in an attempt to manifestos. Peng in 1961 became the young chairman of overthrow Chiang in the 1970s. -
Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations
Romberg, China Leadership Monitor, No. 21 Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations Alan D. Romberg With the nomination of Frank Hsieh Chang-ting as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) presidential candidate to oppose Kuomintang (KMT) candidate Ma Ying-jeou in Taiwan’s March 2008 presidential election, and with the PRC gearing up greater pressure on Taiwan’s participation in international organizations, this is an appropriate moment to think about how the election will affect cross-Strait relations. The policies adopted by the next Taipei administration will, of course, be decisive in determining the course of those relations over the next four or even eight years. However, the campaign itself will shape both the way the next administration approaches cross-Strait issues and the mindset of Mainland policymakers as they prepare to deal with the new Taiwan leadership. It will also condition U.S. attitudes toward the winner. Taiwan—Where the Candidates Stand on Cross-Strait Relations One of the striking things that emerges from conversations with senior leaders in the KMT and DPP is their common assertion that, for all of the barbed rhetoric and legislative battles that divide them, and for all of the attempts by the current Taipei administration to paint the KMT as a PRC collaborator, the mainstreams of their parties are not terribly far apart in crucial respects on cross-Strait issues. Both candidates advocate broader cross-Strait economic and cultural ties. Both seek to expand Taiwan’s “international space” in a capacity that does not subordinate it to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). -
ACROSS the TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017
VOLUME 6 2015–2017 ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG ACROSS THE TAIWAN STRAIT: from COOPERATION to CONFRONTATION? 2013–2017 Compendium of works from the China Leadership Monitor ALAN D. ROMBERG VOLUME SIX September 9, 2015–September 11, 2017 JUNE 2018 Stimson cannot be held responsible for the content of any webpages belonging to other firms, organizations, or individuals that are referenced by hyperlinks. Such links are included in good faith to provide the user with additional information of potential interest. Stimson has no influence over their content, their correctness, their programming, or how frequently they are updated by their owners. Some hyperlinks might eventually become defunct. Copyright © 2018 Stimson All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from Stimson. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1211 Connecticut Avenue Northwest, 8th floor Washington, DC 20036 Telephone: 202.223.5956 www.stimson.org Preface Brian Finlay and Ellen Laipson It is our privilege to present this collection of Alan Romberg’s analytical work on the cross-Strait relationship between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Taiwan. Alan joined Stimson in 2000 to lead the East Asia Program after a long and prestigious career in the Department of State, during which he was an instrumental player in the development of the United States’ policy in Asia, particularly relating to the PRC and Taiwan. He brought his expertise to bear on his work at Stimson, where he wrote the seminal book on U.S. -
Taiwan: Crisis Deferred, but Maybe Not for Long
Asia Pacific Bulletin Number 145 | January 19, 2012 Taiwan: Crisis Deferred, But Maybe Not For Long BY DENNY ROY Taiwan’s elections on January 14, which for the first time combined polls for the presidency and the legislature, displayed further positive evolution in Taiwan’s now well-established democracy. The results also precluded an immediate disruption in relations between Taiwan and the PRC, which is good news in Washington. In Beijing’s view, however, the goal is not Denny Roy, Senior Fellow at stability across the Taiwan Strait, but unification. Chinese impatience might weigh more heavily on President Ma Ying-jeou, and by extension on the United States, during Ma’s the East-West Center, second term. discusses the implications of Although the election awarded the presidency and a majority of the legislature to the the recent Taiwan election Kuomintang (KMT), it strengthened Taiwan’s two-party system. After a sound beating in results. “In the short-term, we the 2008 presidential election and the trial and imprisonment of former President Chen can expect a deepening of Shui-bian for corruption, the ability of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to remain a viable challenger to the KMT was questionable. In the intervening years, however, the DPP cross-Strait economic and rebounded impressively. DPP candidate Tsai Ing-wen was an intelligent candidate who social integration, persistence raised important policy issues. Her 45 percent of the vote improved on the 42 percent of the diplomatic truce, and garnered by DPP candidate Frank Hsieh in 2008. The DPP also gained 13 new seats in the legislature, although the gain was less than expected. -
Testimony Before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on Chinese Intelligence Services and Espionage Operations June 9, 2016 Mr
Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on Chinese Intelligence Services and Espionage Operations June 9, 2016 Mr. David Major Founder and President, CI Centre What intelligence collection operations with national security implications for the United States is China running outside of the United States, and how effective are these operations? 1. What types of intelligence collection operations targeting the United States does China run in foreign countries? Understanding and discussing Chinese intelligence collection operations requires a broad and in-depth explanation. The CI Centre has a three to five day, 8 hours a day seminar to explore this complicated issue. Accordingly, it is problematic to even begin to try to answer this question in a satisfactory manner in a short briefing. Since the establishment of the Peoples’ Republic of China (PRC) in October 1, 1949, Western intelligence and counterintelligence services have been working to answer this question. Only recently has a model emerged that begins to provide a satisfactory picture of PRC intelligence operations. The PRC conducts worldwide intelligence operations, both in the United States and outside China in a similar manner, but different than the USA and European model of intelligence collections. China has an extensive CYBER, SIGINT and IMINT collections capability that is land, sea and space based. The Western intelligence human intelligence models involve professional intelligence services who employ professional intelligence personnel who are centrally controlled and directed. The intelligence services establish collection needs and information requirements and dispatches the intelligence professionals under diplomatic cover to foreign countries to target this information.