Democratic Progressive Party Mínjìndǎng 民进党
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Indigenous Autonomy: Constructing a Place for Ethnic Minorities in Taiwan’S Emerging Civic Society
Indigenous Autonomy: Constructing a Place for Ethnic Minorities in Taiwan’s Emerging Civic Society Scott Simon, professeur agrégé Département de sociologie et anthropologie Université d’Ottawa, Canada Chercheur invité Institut d’Asie Orientale, ÉNS-LSH Lyon, France Paper prepared for the Fifth European Association of Taiwan Studies (EATS) Conference, Prague, Czech Republic, 18-20 April, 2008. Please do not cite or quote without the written permission of the author. E-mail: [email protected]. Abstract: For more than two decades, indigenous autonomy has been one of the main demands of Taiwan’s indigenous rights movement. Indigenous autonomy was incorporated into Chen Shui-bian’s campaign promises in 1999, and subsequently adopted as a policy goal in the 2000 DPP White Paper on Indigenous Policy. In 2005, the passage of the Basic Law on Indigenous Peoples made it seem as if this goal could soon be fulfilled. The Taroko Nation, recognized by the ROC in 2004, initially seemed poised to create Taiwan’s first indigenous autonomous region. Those goals, however, have been slowed down by the emergence of communities and individuals in their defined territory who refuse Taroko identity and have launched a competing drive for recognition as the Sediq Nation. Some Taroko people also resist the project of autonomy on the grounds that it merely empowers a small elite and does nothing to address their more immediate economic problems. These counter movements suggest that more is at stake in “autonomy” than indigenous rights. This paper thus looks at the creation of indigenous autonomy as part of an emerging civic society for an independent Taiwan. -
Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” the Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan
China Perspectives 2010/3 | 2010 Taiwan: The Consolidation of a Democratic and Distinct Society Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” The Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan Paul Jobin Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5302 DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5302 ISSN : 1996-4617 Éditeur Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Édition imprimée Date de publication : 15 septembre 2010 ISSN : 2070-3449 Référence électronique Paul Jobin, « Hazards and Protest in the “Green Silicon Island” », China Perspectives [En ligne], 2010/3 | 2010, mis en ligne le 01 septembre 2013, consulté le 28 octobre 2019. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/5302 ; DOI : 10.4000/chinaperspectives.5302 © All rights reserved Special Feature s e v Hazards and Protest in the i a t c n i e “Green Silicon Island” h p s c r The Struggle for Visibility of Industrial Hazards in Contemporary Taiwan e p PAUL JOBIN This paper presents the struggle of several actors, from environmental NGOs to labour activists, to make industrial hazards more socially visible. After an overview of the key issues in Taiwan’s environmental movement since the democratic transition of the mid-1980s, the second part focuses on labour NGOs, an original form of mobilisation pushing for reform of the compensation scheme for occupational hazards. The cases presented cover different industries—including nuclear, chemical, electronics, etc.—various pollutants, and their consequences on public health such as lung diseases diseases and cancers. n his inauguration address in 2000, the newly elected rior of work sites—be it a mine, an electronics factory, a nu - president Chen Shui-bian announced an ambitious proj - clear plant, a construction site, or the office of a Iect of converting Taiwan into a “Green Silicon Island” newspaper. -
The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan Independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2012 The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Dalei Jie University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian Studies Commons, and the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Jie, Dalei, "The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010)" (2012). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 524. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/524 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Rise and Fall of the Taiwan independence Policy: Power Shift, Domestic Constraints, and Sovereignty Assertiveness (1988-2010) Abstract How to explain the rise and fall of the Taiwan independence policy? As the Taiwan Strait is still the only conceivable scenario where a major power war can break out and Taiwan's words and deeds can significantly affect the prospect of a cross-strait military conflict, ot answer this question is not just a scholarly inquiry. I define the aiwanT independence policy as internal political moves by the Taiwanese government to establish Taiwan as a separate and sovereign political entity on the world stage. Although two existing prevailing explanations--electoral politics and shifting identity--have some merits, they are inadequate to explain policy change over the past twenty years. Instead, I argue that there is strategic rationale for Taiwan to assert a separate sovereignty. Sovereignty assertions are attempts to substitute normative power--the international consensus on the sanctity of sovereignty--for a shortfall in military- economic-diplomatic assets. -
Comparative Connections a Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Triannual E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Taiwan Relations: New Faces, Familiar Policies David G. Brown, Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies Kevin Scott, The Brookings Institution Leadership changes have occurred on both sides of the strait. As predicted, the 18th Party Congress saw Xi Jinping appointed as general secretary in Beijing. In Taipei, President Ma announced in September a complete reshuffle of his cross-strait and foreign policy team. In both cases, the personnel changes do not foreshadow any policy changes in the coming months. While Ma remains unwilling to address political issues in direct negotiations, some interesting Track 2 dialogues occurred. In October, Beijing gave visiting DPP politician Hsieh Chang-ting unusual high-level attention, and following his return Hsieh has tried, thus far unsuccessfully, to promote change in DPP policy. Against the backdrop of increasing tensions over the Diaoyu Islands, Ma is focused on asserting Taiwan’s interests primarily through his East China Sea Peace Initiative. 18th Party Congress and PRC policy The 18th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) saw the long-anticipated emergence of a new party leadership under General Secretary Xi Jinping. In the lead-up to the Congress, Taiwan Affairs Office (TAO) Minister Wang Yi authored two important articles. The first, an article in the party theoretical journal Qiushi, addressed primarily to party members, was entitled “The Accomplishments and Theoretical Renewal in Cross-Strait Work during the Past Ten Years.” Wang noted that the goal was reunification, that the interests of all Chinese would be best served by peaceful reunification and that the “peaceful development” of cross-strait relations based on Hu Jintao’s Six Points would pave the way for peaceful reunification. -
The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan and the Advocacy of Local Autonomy
SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 92 January, 1999 The Presbyterian Church in Taiwan and the Advocacy of Local Autonomy by Christine Louise Lin Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series edited by Victor H. Mair. The purpose of the series is to make available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor actively encourages younger, not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including Romanized Modern Standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. The only style-sheet we honor is that of consistency. Where possible, we prefer the usages of the Journal of Asian Studies. Sinographs (hanzi, also called tetragraphs [fangkuaizi]) and other unusual symbols should be kept to an absolute minimum. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form. -
The History and Politics of Taiwan's February 28
The History and Politics of Taiwan’s February 28 Incident, 1947- 2008 by Yen-Kuang Kuo BA, National Taiwan Univeristy, Taiwan, 1991 BA, University of Victoria, 2007 MA, University of Victoria, 2009 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the Department of History © Yen-Kuang Kuo, 2020 University of Victoria All rights reserved. This dissertation may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without the permission of the author. ii Supervisory Committee The History and Politics of Taiwan’s February 28 Incident, 1947- 2008 by Yen-Kuang Kuo BA, National Taiwan Univeristy, Taiwan, 1991 BA, University of Victoria, 2007 MA, University of Victoria, 2009 Supervisory Committee Dr. Zhongping Chen, Supervisor Department of History Dr. Gregory Blue, Departmental Member Department of History Dr. John Price, Departmental Member Department of History Dr. Andrew Marton, Outside Member Department of Pacific and Asian Studies iii Abstract Taiwan’s February 28 Incident happened in 1947 as a set of popular protests against the postwar policies of the Nationalist Party, and it then sparked militant actions and political struggles of Taiwanese but ended with military suppression and political persecution by the Nanjing government. The Nationalist Party first defined the Incident as a rebellion by pro-Japanese forces and communist saboteurs. As the enemy of the Nationalist Party in China’s Civil War (1946-1949), the Chinese Communist Party initially interpreted the Incident as a Taiwanese fight for political autonomy in the party’s wartime propaganda, and then reinterpreted the event as an anti-Nationalist uprising under its own leadership. -
Transitional Justice in Taiwan: Changes and Challenges
Washington International Law Journal Volume 28 Number 3 7-1-2019 Transitional Justice in Taiwan: Changes and Challenges Nien-Chung Chang-Liao Yu-Jie Chen Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Nien-Chung Chang-Liao & Yu-Jie Chen, Transitional Justice in Taiwan: Changes and Challenges, 28 Wash. L. Rev. 619 (2019). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol28/iss3/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2019 Washington International Law Journal Association TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE IN TAIWAN: CHANGES AND CHALLENGES Nien-Chung Chang-Liao* and Yu-Jie Chen** Abstract: Taiwan’s experience with transitional justice over the past three decades suggests that dealing with historical injustice is a dynamic and fluid process that is fundamentally shaped and constrained by the balance of power and socio-political reality in a particular transitional society. This Article provides a contextualized legal-political analysis of the evolution of Taiwan’s transitional justice regime, with special attention to its limits and challenges. Since Taiwan’s democratization began, the transitional justice project developed by the former authoritarian Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, KMT) has been rather disproportionately focused on restorative over retributive mechanisms, with the main emphasis placed on reparations and apology and little consideration of truth recovery and individual accountability. -
SWP Comments 2008/C 06, April 2008, 4 Pages
Introduction Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Great Expectations for Cross-Strait Relations SWP Comments Ma Ying-jeou wins presidential elections Sebastian Bersick / Gudrun Wacker In January 2008, Taiwan’s opposition party Kuomintang (KMT) won a two-thirds majority in the elections for the Legislative Yuan, the parliament in Taiwan. On March 22, the candidate of this party, Ma Ying-jeou, was elected president of Taiwan by a margin of almost 20 per cent. There is widespread hope that his inauguration on 20 May 2008 will be the beginning of a phase of improved relations with mainland China. It will not be easy for Ma, however, to fulfil the manifold and often contradictory expectations—of the Taiwanese population, his own party, Beijing and important international partners. He will only be able to make progress in the short run if Beijing is willing to use this window of opportunity for improving cross-Strait relations by reaching out to the new government. On 22 March 2008, KMT candidate Ma Ying- and put forward the question of Taiwan’s jeou (57) won the presidential election in accession to the United Nations (UN)—failed Taiwan by a wide margin of about 2.2 mil- to reach the necessary quorum of 50 per lion votes against his competitor, Frank cent, or 8.5 million voters: Only about 36 Hsieh (61), of the Democratic Progressive per cent of the eligible voters cast their vote Party (DPP). Ma received 58.45 per cent of for the referendum of the DPP and for that the votes, Hsieh only 41.55 per cent. -
Constructing Rights in Taiwan: the Feminist Factor, Democratization, and the Quest for Global Citizenship
UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title Constructing rights in Taiwan: the feminist factor, democratization, and the quest for global citizenship Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4pf7n8g3 Journal PACIFIC REVIEW, 34(5) ISSN 0951-2748 Author Brysk, Alison Publication Date 2021-09-03 DOI 10.1080/09512748.2020.1784985 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California THE PACIFIC REVIEW https://doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2020.1784985 Constructing rights in Taiwan: the feminist factor, democratization, and the quest for global citizenship Alison Brysk Department of Global Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA ABSTRACT In an era of worldwide rights regression, beleaguered Taiwan remains Asia’s most democratic, gender equitable, and liberal internationalist nation. What accounts for this seemingly exceptional record—and how does the feminist factor contribute to the construction of rights? Bridging constructivist and feminist scholarship, this essay argues that gender equity is a force multiplier for democratization as it empowers civil society and fosters legitimacy at home and abroad. In a three-level game, states at the margin of the inter- national system may benefit from rights reform that expands the national interest and delivers material and reputational rewards. The case of Taiwan illustrates the dynamics of the double transition to liberal democracy and a liberal gender regime and its projection to world politics. The rewards of rights for Taiwan suggest a wider range of options even in small states facing regional challenges—and greater attention to the feminist factor in world politics. KEYWORDS human rights; Taiwan; gender; democratization; transnationalism In an era of worldwide rights regression, Taiwan remains Asia’s most demo- cratic, gender equitable, and liberal internationalist nation. -
Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations
Romberg, China Leadership Monitor, No. 21 Election 2008 and the Future of Cross-Strait Relations Alan D. Romberg With the nomination of Frank Hsieh Chang-ting as the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) presidential candidate to oppose Kuomintang (KMT) candidate Ma Ying-jeou in Taiwan’s March 2008 presidential election, and with the PRC gearing up greater pressure on Taiwan’s participation in international organizations, this is an appropriate moment to think about how the election will affect cross-Strait relations. The policies adopted by the next Taipei administration will, of course, be decisive in determining the course of those relations over the next four or even eight years. However, the campaign itself will shape both the way the next administration approaches cross-Strait issues and the mindset of Mainland policymakers as they prepare to deal with the new Taiwan leadership. It will also condition U.S. attitudes toward the winner. Taiwan—Where the Candidates Stand on Cross-Strait Relations One of the striking things that emerges from conversations with senior leaders in the KMT and DPP is their common assertion that, for all of the barbed rhetoric and legislative battles that divide them, and for all of the attempts by the current Taipei administration to paint the KMT as a PRC collaborator, the mainstreams of their parties are not terribly far apart in crucial respects on cross-Strait issues. Both candidates advocate broader cross-Strait economic and cultural ties. Both seek to expand Taiwan’s “international space” in a capacity that does not subordinate it to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). -
Logiken Des Ethos Und Übersetzungen Des Unheimlichen
05 2007 Logiken des Ethos und Übersetzungen des Unheimlichen Wu Tianzhang und die Nach-Kriegsrechtsära in Taiwan Joyce Chi-Hui Liu Übersetzt von Tom Waibel I Dieser Text stellt Fragen im Zusammenhang mit der zweischneidigen Übersetzung der Logik des ethos in der Nach-Kriegsrechts-Ära von Taiwan. Ich werde mich auf die visuelle Dimension der Übersetzungspolitik konzentrieren, die sich auf kulturelle Politiken, ästhetische Diskurse und künstlerische Praktiken stützt, und versuchen, auf die Frage zu antworten, die Rada Iveković in ihrem Artikel „Über permanente Übersetzung“ aufgeworfen hat, d. h. die Unzulänglichkeit der Sprache, das Missverhältnis der Menschen zu sich selbst und die Unangemessenheit aller Institutionen ihren Zielen gegenüber.[1] Ich möchte mich insbesondere auf das komplizierte Problem der ethnischen Trennungen und Reibungen in Taiwan zwischen den wai-sheng-ren (Leute vom Festland) und den ben-sheng-ren (lokale TaiwanesInnen) konzentrieren, auf die von institutionalisierten kulturellen und sprachlichen Politiken verursachten Trennungen während der Kriegsrechtsperiode in Taiwan, auf den Ausnahmezustand und dessen Auswirkungen in der Nach-Kriegsrechtsära. Wai-sheng-ren, wörtlich „die von außerhalb der Provinz“, bezieht sich auf die zwei Millionen Flüchtlinge und deren Nachkommen, die sich mit dem KMT-Regime (KMT bedeutet Kuomintang, die nationalistische Partei) nach ihrer Niederlage im Bürgerkrieg gegen die kommunistischen Chinesen zurückgezogen haben; ben-sheng-ren bezieht sich auf die Nachkommen der frühen Einwanderer, die hauptsächlich aus dem südlichen Fujian gekommen sind. Ich werde Wu Tianzhangs Kunstwerke als roten Faden nehmen, der uns mit dem Kern des subtilen Problems der ethnischen Trennung verbindet. Die Techniken des Un-heimlichen* von Wu Tianzhang (geb. 1956) haben den Sinn der von den taiwanesischen ben-sheng-ren tief erfahrenen, erniedrigenden ethnischen Grenze auf die Oberfläche der Leinwand übersetzt und übertragen und die unsagbaren subjektiven Bedingungen während der Kriegsrechtsepoche aufgedeckt. -
Taiwan: Crisis Deferred, but Maybe Not for Long
Asia Pacific Bulletin Number 145 | January 19, 2012 Taiwan: Crisis Deferred, But Maybe Not For Long BY DENNY ROY Taiwan’s elections on January 14, which for the first time combined polls for the presidency and the legislature, displayed further positive evolution in Taiwan’s now well-established democracy. The results also precluded an immediate disruption in relations between Taiwan and the PRC, which is good news in Washington. In Beijing’s view, however, the goal is not Denny Roy, Senior Fellow at stability across the Taiwan Strait, but unification. Chinese impatience might weigh more heavily on President Ma Ying-jeou, and by extension on the United States, during Ma’s the East-West Center, second term. discusses the implications of Although the election awarded the presidency and a majority of the legislature to the the recent Taiwan election Kuomintang (KMT), it strengthened Taiwan’s two-party system. After a sound beating in results. “In the short-term, we the 2008 presidential election and the trial and imprisonment of former President Chen can expect a deepening of Shui-bian for corruption, the ability of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to remain a viable challenger to the KMT was questionable. In the intervening years, however, the DPP cross-Strait economic and rebounded impressively. DPP candidate Tsai Ing-wen was an intelligent candidate who social integration, persistence raised important policy issues. Her 45 percent of the vote improved on the 42 percent of the diplomatic truce, and garnered by DPP candidate Frank Hsieh in 2008. The DPP also gained 13 new seats in the legislature, although the gain was less than expected.