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The Possibilities and Limits of Turkey's Soft Power in the Middle East

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The Possibilities and Limits of Turkey's Soft Power in the Middle East The Possibilities and Limits of Turkey’s Soft Power in the Middle East MELİHA BENLİ ALTUNIŞIK* ABSTRACT n this article, Turkey’s role as a wielder Turkey has been traditionally of soft power in the Middle East is ana- viewed mostly as a hard power in lyzedI through a consideration of two aspects. the Middle East, due to its military and economic strength. In recent First, Turkey’s relevance to the debate on po- years, however, there has been a litical and economic reform in the Middle discussion on Turkey’s soft power. This article focuses on two aspects East is discussed. Second, Turkey’s use of non- of Turkey’s soft power in the military tools in its relations with the region, region. First, Turkey’s relevance particularly its potential for playing a third- to the debate on political and party role in the management and resolution economic reform is discussed. It is argued that because of Turkey’s of regional conflicts, are explored. The article internal transformations its will discuss these two aspects of Turkey’s soft attractiveness has increased. In power by considering their possibilities and addition to having assets, Turkey is generally more willing to project limitations soft power as well as having increasing credibility in the region. Turkey’s Role in the Debate on Politi- Second, the article focuses on cal and Economic Reform in the Middle Turkey’s use of soft power tools, East especially its eagerness to play third party roles in the management and In some ways, Turkey’s relevance to the is- resolution of regional conflicts. sue of modernization in the Middle East and Turkey’s roles in the Israeli-Syrian, Israeli Palestinian and Lebanese the Islamic world is not entirely new. In the conflicts are considered as an early years of its establishment, the so-called example. The article argues that Turkish model was popular in the Middle East Turkey’s soft power has increased in these two aspects and yet it also elaborates on existing and possible * Professor, Department. of International Relations, Middle East constraints in this regard. Technical University, Ankara, [email protected] Insight Turkey Vol. 10 / No. 2 / 2008 pp. 41-54 41 MELİHA BENLİ ALTUNIŞIK Turkey’s reform process and the among some leaders and intellectuals. parallel progress in Turkey-EU After all, unlike the other countries of the region, Turkey was born out of a de- relations have had an impact on termination not to accept the post-WW how Turkey is perceived in the I settlement that was imposed on it by Arab world the winners of the war. Turkey’s war of independence was closely monitored by nationalists in different parts of the Arab world, who were formulating their own plans for independence. Later, through the reforms that followed the war of inde- pendence, Turkey embarked on an extensive modernization path, more assertive than the one it had already initiated in the late 18th century. Turkey’s fierce com- mitment to modernization became a source of inspiration particularly for Iran, Tunisia and Afghanistan. Despite these countries’ admiration for Turkey, which may be considered a soft power asset, the developments in the post-World War II period posed limitations for such a role. After the end of the Second World War, Turkey became a mem- ber of NATO, thus strongly anchoring itself to the Western Bloc during the Cold War. The Middle Eastern countries on the other hand did not officially become part of any bloc, although they individually developed close ties with one of the two superpowers. The rise of Arab nationalism led to the ‘othering’ of Turkey;1 Arab nationalist discourse framed Turkey as a stooge of the West, and succeeded in building on the negative historical legacy of the Ottoman Empire that existed in some parts of the Arab world, particularly in the Mashreq region.2 Turkey’s recognition of Israel in 1949 created an additional rift. In sum, during the Cold War years the regional countries largely viewed Turkey in a negative light. For its part Turkey also distanced itself from the region for the most part and identified itself instead as part of the West. Thus, during most of the Cold War, Turkey had a limited influence in the Middle East. Turkish foreign and security elites defined the region as unstable and conflict-ridden, and thus tried not to ‘get drawn in to the Middle East swamp.’ In the 1970s, mainly in response to increasing oil prices, some emphasis was placed on developing better economic relations, but political involvement remained limited. In recent years several developments in the region and in Turkey itself have led to changes in the way Turkey is perceived in the region. These changes have opened a way for Turkey to assume a more diversified role in the Middle East. Re- gionally, the decreasing importance of Arab nationalism, in tandem with a deep- ening political and economic crisis which has led to a crisis of legitimacy, as well as 42 The Possibilities and Limits of Turkey’s Soft Power in the Middle East the dilemmas created by the ascendancy In recent years Turkey’s appeal of political Islam, have contributed to an as a soft power has increased, environment conducive for rethinking Turkey. Similarly, developments in Tur- especially in the Arab Middle key itself, particularly those having to do East with political and economic moderniza- tion, improvement of relations with the EU and its parallel reform process, and the evolution of Turkey’s political Islamist movement have increased interest in Turkey and made it relevant to the debates in the Middle East. In an article published in Arab Studies Quarterly in 20053 I argued that in re- cent years Turkey’s appeal as a soft power has increased, especially in the Arab Middle East. Specifically, I made the argument that Turkey has the assets, the will and the credibility to be a soft power in the region in regard to the debate on po- litical and economic reform. What Turkey has become in fact constitutes its main assets. Compared to its neighbors in the Middle East, Turkey has achieved consid- erable socioeconomic and political development. It has also engaged in a rigorous reform process since the mid-1990s. The reforms began under the auspices of the coalition government led by Bülent Ecevit of the Democratic Left Party (Demokra- tik Sol Parti-DSP). Despite the difficulties of reaching consensus in a three-party coalition, the government was able to adopt significant reform measures. In Oc- tober 2001, the Turkish parliament passed a series of reforms, such as reduc- ing police powers of detention and easing curbs on human rights. It also lifted the ban on Kurdish language broadcasts and increased civilian representation on the National Security Council (NSC). The parliament adopted a new Civil Code, which became effective in January 2002, and that aimed in particular at improving freedom of association and assembly. The Code also introduced improvements in issues related to gender inequality. In February 2002, parliament passed another reform package that introduced reforms to the penal code and anti-terrorism law. In August 2003 it outlawed the death The AKP’s coming to penalty and legalized instruction in lan- guages other than Turkish. After coming power comprises an asset to power, the Justice and Development for the Turkish model, as Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi-AKP) it demonstrates both the used its majority in the parliament to ac- evolution of the Islamist celerate the reform process, especially in its first term. Through new “Harmo- movement in Turkey, and nization Packages” and amendments to the potential for reconciling the Constitution, freedom of thought, democracy and Islam 43 MELİHA BENLİ ALTUNIŞIK The traditional elite, reflecting expression and assembly have been en- their general reluctance to get hanced while new measures have been taken to prevent torture. There was also involved in the Middle East, has a change in the role and institutional as- been arguing that Turkey has pects of the National Security Council. no desire ‘to be a model The balance between the civilian and military members of the NSC shifted as force commanders are no longer members of the Council and the institution itself is now headed by a civilian. Further, the executive powers of the General Secre- tariat of the NSC and the Council itself have been curtailed. The reform process as a whole contributed to the December 2004 decision of the European Council to start accession negotiations with Turkey. Turkey’s reform process and the parallel progress in Turkey-EU relations have had an impact on how Turkey is perceived in the Arab world. At a time when almost all Arab governments are facing a cri- sis of governance and legitimacy, which is well-documented by successive Arab Human Development Reports of the UNDP, Turkey’s recent reform experiences have been largely seen as a source of inspiration, especially by the reformers in the region. In addition to these changes, the evolution of political Islam in Turkey in the form of the AKP and its coming to power after the 2002 elections represents an important development for Turkey’s soft power. The AKP’s coming to power also comprises an asset for the Turkish model, as it demonstrates both the evolution of the Islamist movement in Turkey, and the potential for reconciling democracy and Islam. The Party is a touchstone for Turkey’s soft power, as the question of the role of Islam in government is a source of ongoing debate. Islamist parties have been part of the Turkish political system since 1970.
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