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International Trade and Development
United Nations A/73/208 General Assembly Distr.: General 17 August 2018 Original: English Seventy-third session Item 18 (a) of the provisional agenda* Macroeconomic policy questions International trade and development Report of the Secretary-General Summary The green shoots of the recovery in global trade that began in 2017 have continued in 2018, with trade growth outpacing the growth of global gross domestic product once again. While this would normally lead to an optimistic outlook, the integrity of the multilateral trading system is under threat, and with it, the prospects for sustained global trade growth and the achievement of a comprehensive development agenda. The latest trade statistics are described in the present report, as well as the ways in which a revitalized and resilient multilateral trading system will allow trade to fulfil its role as an enabler for the realization of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals. * A/73/150. 18-12039 (E) 280818 *1812039* A/73/208 I. Trends in trade 1. In 2017, after two years of decline, global trade finally rebounded. It grew by 9 per cent compared with the previous year, reaching a value close to $23 trillion. Despite the increase, international trade remained about $1.2 trillion below its peak, attained in 2014. According to forecasts from the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the Department of Economic and Social Affairs, trade is expected to grow by about 4.5 per cent in 2018, in line with global output. 2. Notwithstanding the recovery, it is worth noting that there has been a change in international trade dynamics. -
Asia's Rise in the New World Trade Order
GED Study Asia’s Rise in the New World Trade Order The Effects of Mega-Regional Trade Agreements on Asian Countries Part 2 of the GED Study Series: Effects of Mega-Regional Trade Agreements Authors Dr. Cora Jungbluth (Bertelsmann Stiftung, Gütersloh), Dr. Rahel Aichele (ifo, München), Prof. Gabriel Felbermayr, PhD (ifo and LMU, München) GED Study Asia’s Rise in the New World Trade Order The Effects of Mega-Regional Trade Agreements on Asian Countries Part 2 of the GED Study Series: Effects of Mega-Regional Trade Agreements Asia’s Rise in the New World Trade Order Table of contents Executive summary 5 1. Introduction: Mega-regionals and the new world trade order 6 2. Asia in world trade: A look at the “noodle bowl” 10 3. Mega-regionals in the Asia-Pacific region and their effects on Asian countries 14 3.1 The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP): The United States’ “pivot to Asia” in trade 14 3.2 The Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific (FTAAP): An inclusive alternative? 16 3.3 The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP): The ASEAN initiative 18 4. Case studies 20 4.1 China: The world’s leading trading nation need not fear the TPP 20 4.2 Malaysia: The “Asian Tiger Cub” profits from deeper transpacific integration 22 5. Parallel scenarios: Asian-Pacific trade deals as counterweight to the TTIP 25 6. Conclusion: Asia as the driver for trade integration in the 21st century 28 Appendix 30 Bibliography 30 List of abbreviations 34 List of figures 35 List of tables 35 List of the 20 Asian countries included in our analysis 36 Links to the fact sheets of the 20 Asian countries included in our analysis 37 About the authors 39 Imprint 39 4 Asia’s Rise in the New World Trade Order Executive summary Asia is one of the most dynamic regions in the world and the FTAAP, according to our calculations the RCEP also has the potential to become the key region in world trade has positive economic effects for most countries in Asia, in the 21st century. -
PROCLAMATION 5046—APR. 7, 1983 97 STAT. 1571 World Trade
PROCLAMATION 5046—APR. 7, 1983 97 STAT. 1571 Proclamation 5046 of April 7,1983 World Trade Week, 1983 By the President of the United States of America A Proclamation The United States is firmly linked with other nations in the global economy by mutually benefical international trade. Exports now account for more than 16 percent of the total value of all goods produced in this country. Two of every five acres of farmland produce for export, and one of every eight jobs in manufacturing depends on overseas trade. Indeed, four of every five new manufacturing jobs are export-related. As the world's largest trading Nation, the United States has much to gain from the continued expansion of world trade and much to lose if it is di minished. As a country that has been built on economic freedom, America must be an unrelenting advocate of free trade. As an integral part of the marketplace, the free flow of goods and services across international borders serves to raise the living standards and pro mote the well-being of people throughout the globe. It inspires private ini tiative and the entrepreneurial spirit which leads to more open markets, greater freedom, and serves as a boon to human progress. In an interdepen dent world made smaller by modern communications, free trade is even more essential for the continued economic growth and advancement of both industrialized and developing nations. America must not be tempted to turn to protectionism, but lead the way toward freer trade and more open mar kets where our producers and trading partners can compete on a fair and equal basis. -
The Competitiveness of a Trading Nation
Policy Brief March 2011 FOR A LOW CARBON ECONOMY The Competitiveness of Sustainable Prosperity is a national research and policy network, based at the University of Ottawa. SP focuses on a Trading Nation: market-based approaches to build a stronger, greener economy. It brings 1 together business, policy and academic Carbon Leakage and Canadian Climate Policy leaders to help innovative ideas inform policy development. Key Messages • One of the key obstacles to implementing carbon pricing policies in Canada is the concern that energy-intensive and trade exposed (EITE) companies will lose market share to companies located in regions without comparable policies in place, or that these companies will relocate altogether. • While negative competitiveness impacts are a concern, they must be put in perspective. The sectors truly vulnerable to competitiveness pressures from a Canadian carbon pricing policy represent a small percentage of Canadian GDP. Policy makers must pay careful attention to how vulnerable sectors are identified and design appropriate policy measures to protect those that legitimately require it while still achieving environmental goals. Sustainable Prosperity c/o University of Ottawa SP-PB-2310-MAR-2011 555 King Edward Avenue Ottawa, ON K1N 6N5 1 Sustainable Prosperity would like to thank Stephanie Cairns, who provided the essential research and analysis contained in this Policy Brief. 613-562-5800 x3342 We would also like to thank Professor Andrew Green of the University of Toronto and Dr. Carolyn Fischer of Resources for the Future for their thoughtful review of this document. Responsibility for the final product and its conclusions is Sustainable Prosperity’s alone, and www.sustainableprosperity.ca should not be assigned to any reviewer or other external party. -
Century of International Trade Policy 1840-1940
March 1968 A Century of International Trade Policy 1840-1940 During the one hundred years spanned by the of those days, set the tone in this process. In 1846 period 1840-1940 the weight of world opinion con Britain opened its markets to agricultural imports by cerning international trade swung repeatedly from repealing the Corn Laws that had long brought pro free trade to protectionism and back again. In the tection to this sector. Three years later W est middle of the last century broad internationalism minster abrogated the Act of Navigation that, for was widely evident in the commercial policies of almost two centuries, had protected the British many governments. Led by Great Britain, a number carrying trade. Most important for the liberaliza of countries substantially lowered their trade barriers tion movement was, however, the negotiation in 1860 and reduced discriminatory practices. The seventies, of the Cobden-Chevalier trade treaty between Great however, saw a reversal towards more protection. Britain and France. The unconditional most favored Unfavorable economic conditions, increasing in nation clause contained in that treaty, later on copied dustrialization and an emerging political nationalism by many other countries for their trade agreements, all contributed to this shift in policy. After a set off a chain reaction that let to a decade of un moderate swing back toward freer trade around the precedented free trade. turn of the century, the first W orld War considerably A distinction should be made here between the reduced the volume of international trade, as it led conditional and the unconditional variant of the most to many increases in direct and indirect controls. -
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA)
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) M. Angeles Villarreal Specialist in International Trade and Finance Ian F. Fergusson Specialist in International Trade and Finance May 24, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42965 The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) Summary The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) entered into force on January 1, 1994. The agreement was signed by President George H. W. Bush on December 17, 1992, and approved by Congress on November 20, 1993. The NAFTA Implementation Act was signed into law by President William J. Clinton on December 8, 1993 (P.L. 103-182). The overall economic impact of NAFTA is difficult to measure since trade and investment trends are influenced by numerous other economic variables, such as economic growth, inflation, and currency fluctuations. The agreement likely accelerated and also locked in trade liberalization that was already taking place in Mexico, but many of these changes may have taken place without an agreement. Nevertheless, NAFTA is significant, because it was the most comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA) negotiated at the time and contained several groundbreaking provisions. A legacy of the agreement is that it has served as a template or model for the new generation of FTAs that the United States later negotiated, and it also served as a template for certain provisions in multilateral trade negotiations as part of the Uruguay Round. The 115th Congress faces numerous issues related to NAFTA and international trade. On May 18, 2017, the Trump Administration sent a 90-day notification to Congress of its intent to begin talks with Canada and Mexico to renegotiate NAFTA, as required by the 2015 Trade Promotion Authority (TPA). -
Program Occasional Paper Series Summer 2012
MIDDLE EAST PROGRAM OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES SUMMER 2012 MIDDLE EAST PROGRAM SUMMER OCCASIONAL PAPER SERIES 2012 Saudi Arabia’s Race Against Time The Saudi offi- The overwhelming impression from a two- David B. Ottaway, cial from the week visit to the kingdom is that the House Senior Scholar, Ministry of of Saud finds itself in a tight race against time Woodrow Wilson International Interior’s “ideo- to head off a social explosion, made more Center for Scholars and former Bureau logical security” likely by the current Arab Awakening, that Chief, Washington Post, Cairo department was could undermine its legitimacy and stabil- relaxed and ity. Ironically, the threat stems partly from confident. The King Abdullah’s deliberate policy to stimulate government had uprooted scores of secret reform by sending a new generation of Saudis al-Qaeda cells, rounded up 5,700 of its fol- abroad for training in the sciences, technolo- lowers, and deafened Saudi society to its siren gy, and critical thinking—skills that his king- call to jihad to overthrow the ruling al-Saud dom’s own educational system, dominated by royal family. For the kingdom, the threat ultra-conservative Wahhabi religious clerics, from Islamic terrorists had become manage- has failed to provide. able. So, what is the main security concern Thousands of beneficiaries from the King of the Saudi government today? The answer Abdullah Foreign Scholarship Program, came as something of a surprise: the return of underway since 2005, have returned from U.S. 150,000 Saudis who have been sent abroad to colleges and universities to face bleak prospects study, nearly one half of whom are now in the for a job, house, or marriage. -
Official Calendar 2011
OFFICIAL CALENDAR 2011 Company: Addresse: Email: Phone Number: I wish to receive further information about the following events: MISSIONS: Algeria UAE/Saudi Arabia/Lebanon Vietnam Russia Turkey LfF Roadshow to Spain Japan/South Korea Poland/Czech Republic Norway Austria/Slovenia China(Jilin Province) China/Singapore/Malaysia Gulf Region LfF Roadshow to Germany LfF Roadshow to England LfF Roadshow to France BUS 7,12,13 BUS 12,13 INTERNATIONAL TRADE FAIRS BUS 7,12,18,25 World Future Energy Summit Asia Financial Forum Jeddah Economic Forum Salon Contact/Logistics Management Forum BUS 7,12,18 MIPIM Horécatel World Hosting Days Lujiazui Forum Foire de Printemps Project Lebanon Salon International de l’Aeronautique et de l’Espace GAIM Monaco Monaco Yacht Show Exporeal Anuga Le Forum des Entrepreneurs by initiatives Medica Big 5 Show World Islamic Banking Summit Pollutec F OREI G N T RADE World SME Expo CeBIT Official Agenda 2011 Hannover Messe Foire Internationale des Gourmets International Building Fair Transport & Logistik Sajam Tehnike www.cc.lu | [email protected] Intersolar Europe CeBIT Bilisim Eurasia SME Forum Future Match - Cebit The Luxembourg Chamber of Commerce is a founding member of SISTEP MIDEST-MIMA Euro-China Business Meeting Jilin Salon à l’Envers À affranchir s.v.p. Chambre de Commerce Département International 7, rue Alcide de Gasperi L-2981 Luxembourg (Kirchberg) An important role of the International Department of the Chamber of Commerce is to actively support Luxembourg companies during their entry and expansion in foreign markets. This service is provided through: State visits, Official Missions and Economic Missions p. 4-5 National Pavilions at International Trade Fairs p. -
Of Free Trade Agreements and Models
OF FREE TRADE AGREEMENTS AND MODELS C. O'Neal Taylor* INTRODUCTION In the last two decades, the United States has altered its focus in trade policy. This alteration sprang from the United States' attempts to mesh its long-held commitment to multilateralism with regionalism.' During the post- World War II negotiations for the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT),2 the United States championed non-discrimination as the major trading principle and sought to dismantle preferential trading relationships.3 Even though the GATT, as negotiated, contained an exception to the Most- Favored-Nation (MFN) principle to allow Contracting States to form both customs unions and free trade areas,4 the United States did not take advantage of it until the mid-1980s. The United States entered into two free trade * Professor of Law, South Texas College of Law, A.B. Harvard-Radcliffe, J.D. University of Georgia, LL.M. Georgetown University Law Center. The author would like to thank the editorial board of the Indiana International and Comparative Law Review for the invitation to speak at the symposium and its assistance with this article. The author would also like to thank Associate Dean Catherine G. Burnett for her insights and help. Finally, the author would like to recognize the research assistance offered by Adnan Sarwar and Justin Jenson (J.D. South Texas College of Law, 2008 & 2009). 1. See Jagdish Bhagwati, Regionalism and Multilateralism: An Overview 29, in NEW DIMENSIONS IN REGIONALISM INTEGRATION (Jaime deMelo & Arvind Panagriya eds., Cambridge Univ. Press 1993). According to Bhagwati, the U.S. shift towards regionalism was a pivotal factor in the worldwide shape of the phenomenon. -
2. Chapter II. the Impact of the China-U.S. Trade Agreement4
EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC ECONOMIC UPDATE APRIL 2020 2. Chapter II. The Impact of the China-U.S. Trade Agreement4 Abstract Should the China-U.S. trade agreement prompt relief because it averts a damaging trade war or concern because selective preferential access for the United States to China’s markets breaks multilateral rules against discrimination? The answer depends on how China implements the agreement. Simulations from a computable general equilibrium model suggest that the United States and China would be better off under this “managed trade” agreement than if the trade war had escalated. However, compared with the policy status quo, the deal will make everyone worse off except the United States and its input-supplying neighbor, Mexico. Real incomes in the rest of the world would decline by 0.16 percent, in East Asia (excluding China) by 0.30 percent and in China by 0.40 percent because of trade diversion. China can reverse those losses if, instead of granting the United States privileged entry, it opens its market for all trading partners. Global income would be 0.60 percent higher than under the managed trade scenario, and China’s income would be nearly 0.50 percent higher. Most developing countries in East Asia would be also better off, despite the partial erosion in their preferential access to the Chinese market. By creating a stronger incentive for China to open its markets to all, an exercise in bilateral mercantilism has the potential to become an instrument for multilateral liberalization. Keywords: Trade wars, managed trade, preferential agreements 1. Introduction The China-U.S. -
Breaking out to Become a Trading Nation
Breaking out to become a Trading Nation Breaking out to become a Trading Nation Boonwara Sumano Thailand Development Research Institute In 2012, Ruchir Sharma wrote in his famous book called Breakout Nations: In Pursuit of the Next Economic Miracles about the aftermath of 2008 financial crisis, which had affected economies worldwide. In this book he predicted that not many countries would be able to maintain economic growth at the desirable rate throughout this decade. These fortunate few countries, including Thailand, were termed by him “breakout nations”. These nations, he argued, were likely to continue growing and becoming the next economic miracles. This is both good news and bad news for Thailand. Undoubtedly, being considered as having potential to prosper can attract inward investment and boost domestic market environment. On another hand, high expectation means more eyes upon the performance of both public and private sectors. Breakout can mean surpassing previous achievement, and at the same time, can depict a struggle to get away from an encampment – which requires serious effort. Last year, the Ministry of Commerce Thailand (MOC) declared its strategic plan to upgrade Thailand as a “Trading Nation”. The plan aims to utilize the strength of Thailand in geographical location which connects countries with abundant resources such as Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam to markets with high number of consumers and level of spending power like China, Malaysia, and Singapore. Together with the opportunity in the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), in which freer flows of goods, services, investment, and skilled workers are expected to create a regional single market and production base, the plan to develop Thailand as a trading nation could ultimately make the country a breakout nation. -
Financial Crisis, Euro Perspectives and the Balkans ______
EAST-WEST Journal of ECONOMICS AND BUSINESS Journal of Economics and Business Vol. XV – 2012, No 1 & 2 (17-35) _______________________________________________________ FINANCIAL CRISIS, EURO PERSPECTIVES AND THE BALKANS __________________________________________________________________ 1 Ansgar BelkeTPF FPT Univesrsity of Duisburg-Essen and DIW Berlin, Germany ABSTRACTU :U After having pointed to the large-scale problems of the status quo related to the euro area financial and debt crisis we describe the current crisis management framework and assess what its consequences and institutional follow-ups are. We then look at the implications of the latter for the Balkans: do they imply trouble for the Balkan EU perspective? We also briefly sketch what needs to be done in institutional terms in order to prevent future crises. The main part of the paper is devoted to an assessment of the seminal proposal of a European Monetary Fund. We derive that it is a preferable blueprint in our context. We finally convey an outlook on different issues: first on the still open and critical issues in euro area crisis management, second on the interaction of bank and sovereign debt resolution and, finally, also on the future economic performance of the Balkans, i.e. Croatia, Macedonia joint with Turkey, with an 1 TP PT e-mail: [email protected] I am grateful for valuable comments from Fabrizio Coricelli, Camelia Turcu and other participants in the Conference 'Europe and the Balkans: economic integration, challenges and solutions', Orléans, February 3-4, 2011. This paper is also based on presentations at the Jeddah Economic Forum, the Global Economic Symposium Istanbul and the InWent Conference on Exit Strategies Mumbai 2010.