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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS DOC Catalogue of the Byzantine Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Col­ lection and in the Whittemore Collection LCL Loeb Classical Library LRC Catalogue of Late Roman Coins in the Dumbarton Oaks Col- lection and the Whittemore Collection MGH Monumenta Germaniae historica ODB Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, ed. Alexander P. Kazhdan PG Patrologiae cursus completus. Series graeca, ed.J.-P. Migne, 161 vols. in 166 parts (Paris 1857-66) NOTES Introduction 1. Liutprand of Cremona, Antapodosis, 11, ed. Joseph Becker, Die Werke Liud­ prands von Cremona, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum (Hannover, Leipzig: Hahnsche, 1915); trans. EA. Wright (London: Everyman's Library, 1993),pp.10-11. 2. This characteristic of Byzantine letters has been described succincdy by Cyril Mango, Byzantine Literature as a Distorting Mirror, An Inaugural Lecture (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975). 3. Valentin Groebner, "Describing the Person, Reading the Signs in Late Me­ dieval and Renaissance Europe: Identity Papers, Vested Figures, and the Limits ofldentification," in Documenting Individual Identity: The Development cif State Practices in the Modern ~rld, ed. Jane Caplan and John Torpey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 25-26 [15-27]. 4. Katerina Nikolaou, H OeOTf TTJq rvvailcaq OTTJ Pv~aVUVTf K'OlVmvia (Athens: Hidryma Goulandre-Chorn, 1993), p. 48. 5. Barbara Hill develops this point further in her study of Middle Byzantine empresses, "Imperial Women and the Ideology of Womanhood in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries," in ~men, Men, and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium, ed.LizJames (NewYork:Roudedge, 1997),pp. 78-79 [76-99]. 6. Elizabeth Bartman, Portraits cif Livia: Imaging Imperial ~man in Augustan Rome (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 13. Spatharakis' anachronistic criteria for a Byzantine portrait is basically that it be an image of a historical individual made during his or her lifetime. Iohannis Spatharakis, The Portrait in Byzantine Illuminated Manuscripts (Leiden: Brill, 1976), p. 3. 7. Susan E. Wood, Imperial ~men, A Study in Public Images, 40 B.C.-A.D. 68 (Leiden: Brill, 1999), p. 46. 8. Bartman, Livia, p. 26. 9. Vita of Saint Philaretos, trans. M.-H. Fourmy and M. Leroy, "La Vie deS. Philarete," Byzantion 9 (1934): 135.24-143.25. 10. Lynda Garland, Byzantine Empresses: ~men and Power in Byzantium A.D. 527-1204 (London: Roudedge, 1999), p. 21. Reviewed by author, The Me­ dieval Review, on-line, 5 July 2000. 192 NOTES TO PAGES 4-8 11. Bartman discusses this in relationship to Livia's portraiture and modern norms of beauty, Livia, p. 28. 12. Susan Fischler, "Social Stereotypes and HistoricalAnalysis:The Case oflm­ perial Women at Rome;' in lt&men in Ancient Societies: An fllusion rf the Night, ed. Leonie Archer, Susan Fischler, and Maria Wyke (New York: Routledge, 1994), pp. 127-29 [115-33]. 13. Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957). 14. Angeliki E. Laiou, "The Role ofWomen in Byzantine Society,"]ahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzantinistik 31.1 (1981): 233 [233-60]. 15. Charles Diehl, Byzantine Empresses, trans. Harold Bell and Theresa de Ker­ pely (New York: Knopf, 1963). This translation is an amalgam of two French works by Diehl, Figures byzantines (1906) and Imperatrices de Byzance (1959); Donald Nicol, The Byzantine Lady: Ten Portraits, 1250-1500 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994). The original work by Diehl is part of a flurry of interest in Byzantine empresses around the turn of the last century that parallels the current spate of scholarship. This enthusiam extended to less scholarly work as well, Paul Adam, Princesses Byzantines (Paris: Firrnin-Didot, 1893). 16. Even early studies of the Byzantine empress that try to present a more con­ tinuous narrative are sidetracked by figures such as Theophano, as in Alfred Rambaud, "L'imperatrice byzantine," Revue des deux mondes 130 (1891): 814-38. 17. Andre Grabar, L'empereur dans l'art byzantin (1936; repr. London:Variorum Reprints, 1971) and S. Lampros, Aevxo.ua Bv(;avnvmv Ati·mxpa-z-6pmv (Athens: Eleftherodakis, 1930). 18. Grabar, L'empereur, p. 265. 19. Maria Delivorria, Recherches sur l'iconographie d'imperatrice byzantine, Ph.D. diss. Sorbonne, 1966. I am grateful to Prof. Irina Andreescu-Treadgold for this reference. 20. Richard Delbrueck, "Portraets byzantinischer Kaiserinnen," Mitteilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archiiologischen Instituts, Riimische Abteilung 28 (1913): 310-52. 21. Garland, Empresses. 22. Liz James, Empresses and Power in Early Byzantium (London: Leicester Uni­ versity Press, 2001). 23. Henry Maguire, "Style and Ideology in Byzantine Imperial Art," Gesta 28 (1989): 217-31. 24. Leslie Brubaker, "Art and Byzantine Identity: Saints, Portraits, and the Lin­ coln College Typikon,"in Byzantium: Image, Identity, Influence, XIX Inter­ national Congress of Byzantine Studies, Major Papers (Copenhagen: Eventus Publishers, 1996), pp. 51-59. 25. Susan Bordo, "Feminism, Postmodernism, and Gender-Scepticism," in Feminism/ Postmodernism, ed. N. Nicholson (New York: Routledge, 1990), p. 135 [133-56]. NOTES TO PAGES 8-10 193 26. Angeliki Laiou justified such a study on these terms: "That gender is a fac­ tor which separated and distinguished the function of people in Byzantine society is a statement whose general validity is guaranteed by the legal pro­ visions which relegated women to the private as opposed to the public life, and which imposed restrictions on some activities even in the private do­ main of the family." Angeliki Laiou, "Addendum to the Report on the Role ofWomen in Byzantine Society," ]ahrbuch der Osterreichischen Byzan­ tinistik 32.1 (1982): 202 [198-204]. 27. Gillian Clark, VH>men in Late Antiquity: Pagan and Christian Life-styles (Ox­ ford: Clarendon Press, 1993). 28. Irmgard Hutter, "Das Bild der Frau in der byzantinischen Kunst," in BYZANTIO~: Festschrift fur Herbert Hunger, ed.W Horander, et al. (Vienna: Ernst Becvar, 1984), pp. 163-70. 29. Liz James, ed. VH>men, Men, and Eunuchs: Gender in Byzantium (New York: Routledge, 1997). 30. Judith Herrin, VH>men in Purple: Rulers of Medieval Byzantium (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 2001) and Barbara Hill, Imperial VH>men in Byzantium, 1025-1204: power, patronage, and ideology (New York: Longman, 1999). 31. Hill, Imperial VH>men, pp. 10-14, 18-28. 32. Joan Wallach Scott, "Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis," in Feminism and History, ed. Joan Wallach Scott (New York: Oxford Univer­ sity Press, 1996), p. 156. This often-quoted essay originally appeared in American Historical Review 91.5 (1986): 1053-75. 33. Jill Dubisch, In a Different Place: Pilgrimage, Gender and Politics at a Greek Is­ land Shrine (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), p. 11. 34. Lucia Fischer-Papp, Evita Peron: Empress Theodora Reincarnated (Rockford, IL: Northwoods Press, 1983), p. 304. 35. Scott, "Gender" in Feminism and History, p. 165. 36. Gilbert Dagron, Empereur et prbre: etude sur le "cesaropapisme" byzantin (Paris: Gallimard, 1996), pp. 129-38. 37. St. Maslev, "Die staatsrechtliche Stellung der byzantinischen Kaiserinnen," Byzantinoslavica 27 (1966): 308-43. 38. Maslev, "Die staatsrechtliche," 316. 39. Garland, Empresses, p. 2. 40. Tacitus, Annals, I. 8, ed. and trans. John Jackson, LCL, vol. 2 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1962). 41. Maslev, "Die staatsrechtliche," 309. 42. Jose Grosdidier de Matons, "La femme dans I'empire byzantin," in Histoire mondial de lafemme, ed. Pierre Grimal, 4 vols., (Paris: Nouvelle Librarie de France, 1967), 3: 21 [11-43]. 43. Prokopios, Anekdota, 30.25-26, ed.J. Haury, Procopii Caesariensis opera omnia (Leipzig: Teubner, 1962). Liz James notes that of the twenty-two early Byzantine imperial women she considers, twelve or thirteen (depending on whose reckoning one follows) warranted the title Augusta. Liz James, 194 NOTES TO PAGES 10--14 "Goddess, Whore, Wife, or Slave? Will the Real Byzantine Empress Please Stand Up?" in Queens and Queenship in Medieval Europe, ed. Anne J. Dug­ gan (Woodbridge, U.K.: Boydell, 1997), p. 128 [123-40]. 44. Steven Runcirnann, "Some Notes on the Role of the Empress," Eastern Churches Review 4 (1972): 119 [119-24]. The most thorough discussion on the titulature of Byzantine empresses, a long article written by Elisabeth Bensammar, begins in the eighth century with the anomalous example of the Empress Irene. Elisabeth Bensammar, "La titulature de l'imperatrice et sa signification," Byzantion 56 (1976): 243-91. Barbara Hill critiques Ben­ sammar's use of sources, Barbara Hill, Imperial TM!men, p. 99. 45. Garland, Empresses, p. 5. 46. As we will see, a striking number of both positive and negative stereotypes that pervade the representation of the early Byzantine women were evi­ dent in Roman Imperial sources. Susan Fischler analyzes these precedents perceptively, Fischler, "Social Stereotypes," 115-33. 47. Suetonius praises the austerity of Augustus' household appurtenances and garments: "Except on special occasions he wore common clothes for the house, made by his sister, wife, daughter, or granddaughter." Suetonius,Au­ gustus, Lives of the Caesars, 73, ed. and trans. J. C. Rolfe, LCL (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1951). 48. Eve D'Ambra, Private Lives, Imperial Virtues: The Frieze cif the Forum Transito­ rium in Rome (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), pp. 100-103. 49. Laiou, "Role," 243-45. 50. Steven Runcimann, "The Empress Irene the Athenian," in Medieval Women, ed. Derek Baker (Oxford: Blackwell, 1978), p. 117 [101-18]. Chapter 1 1. Diana E. E. Kleiner, "Imperial Women as Patrons of the Arts in the Early Empire," in I Claudia: TM!men in Ancient Rome, ed. Diana E. E. Kleiner and Susan B. Matheson (New Haven: Yale University Art Gallery, 1996), p. 33 [28-41]. 2. Kleiner, "Imperial Women," in I Claudia: TM!men in Ancient Rome, p. 36. 3. Eric Varner, "Dornitia Longina and the Politics of Portraiture," American Journal of Archaeology 99 (1995): 187-206. 4. Simon Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1984), p.
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  • The Protestant Reformation and the Christian East

    The Protestant Reformation and the Christian East

    Fr. Panayiotis Papageorgiou, Ph.D. The Protestant Reformation and the Orthodox Christian East On the Occasion of the 500-Year Anniversary of the Reformation A Historical Survey and Study of the Communications between the Reformers and the Patriarchs Joasaph II and Jeremias II by Fr. Panayiotis Papageorgiou, Ph.D. Presented in Wittenberg, Germany, on May 8, 2017 I would like to begin my presentation today by pointing out that from the perspective of the Orthodox of that time as well as the modern Orthodox world, the Protestant Reformation is a purely Western Christian issue. Even today, most Orthodox still do not know much about it, both as to why it happened as well as the intricacies of the issues and the theological diversity which subsequently arose out of the movement. But, in spite of that, I would also proceed to say that the first Protesters1 against the ecclesiological and theological changes of Rome and the claims of supremacy by the medieval Papacy were the Eastern Christians (the Orthodox), who objected and protested against papal overreaching, ecclesiological meddling and the liturgical and theological innovations, which began officially in the Western Church with Charlemagne in the year 800 AD. As Charlemagne was struggling to establish his "Holy Roman Empire" (after a period of nearly four hundred years of political turmoil, chaos and 1 Cf. Steven Ranciman, The Great Church in Captivity, Cambridge university Press, 1985, p. 238. Runciman, the most prominent Byzantine historian of modern times writes that indeed the Eastern Church had made a protest against Roman autocracy from the earliest times.