DOCSLIB.ORG

Explaining the Sectarian Violence in the Middle East: a Conflict Analysis of the Case Study of Saudi Arabia and Iran

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Explaining the Sectarian Violence in the Middle East: a Conflict Analysis of the Case Study of Saudi Arabia and Iran Portland State University PDXScholar Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 12-10-2019 Explaining the Sectarian Violence in the Middle East: a Conflict Analysis of the Case Study of Saudi Arabia and Iran Ahmed Elsayed Eltally Portland State University Follow this and additional works at: https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds Part of the Islamic Studies Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Peace and Conflict Studies Commons Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Eltally, Ahmed Elsayed, "Explaining the Sectarian Violence in the Middle East: a Conflict Analysis of the Case Study of Saudi Arabia and Iran" (2019). Dissertations and Theses. Paper 5444. https://doi.org/10.15760/etd.7317 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of PDXScholar. Please contact us if we can make this document more accessible: [email protected]. Explaining the Sectarian Violence in the Middle East: A Conflict Analysis of the Case Study of Saudi Arabia and Iran by Ahmed Elsayed Eltally A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution Thesis Committee: Harry Anastasiou, Chair Vandy Kanyako Robert Asaadi Portland State University 2019 © 2019 Ahmed Elsayed Eltally Abstract The Middle East has been rife with conflicts, extremism, and sectarianism in recent decades. Many explanations attribute the rise of sectarianism in the Middle East to the historical divide between Sunni and Shia Muslims, while others attribute it to power or identity concerns. This thesis explores the factors that contributed to the rise of contemporary sectarianism in the Middle East through the case study of Saudi-Iranian rivalry. The literature on the history of the Middle East, Islam, theories of international relations, and conflict studies underlines how Saudi Arabia and Iran use sectarianism to further their interests. This research examines how key elements, including the rule of government, ideology, and economic interests, contribute to the escalation of the sectarianism. A Conflict Analysis Framework analyzes the conflict from five different dimensions: strategic, political, socioeconomic, psychological, and cultural. This framework and qualitative methods argue that the milestone events, such as the Iranian Revolution in 1979, the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, the Arab Spring uprisings, and the Iran Nuclear Deal, affect the geopolitics of the region. This study offers a multi-dimensional analysis, so policymakers can gain a better understanding of the geopolitics of the Middle East to work towards its stability. i Dedication To those who dedicate their lives to a better and more peaceful world & To the Egyptian people, to whom I belong and for whom I work ii Acknowledgments First of all, all praises to Allah for His blessings and the strength to complete this thesis. I would like to thank my thesis committee for constructive feedbacks and valuable guidance throughout the process. I had the privilege to work with diverse committee members from different backgrounds and areas of experience, which enriched my research and provided me with valuable resources. Dr. Harry Anastasiou, who recognized the importance of the research topic from my first class at the graduate school, and gave full backing to me. Dr. Vandy Kanyako who provided brilliant feedback during the paper’s drafts. Dr. Robert Asaadi who was insightful and knowledgeable on my research topic. This thesis would not have been accomplished without the much-appreciated guidance of the Conflict Resolution Graduate Program’s staff, students, and professors. Special thank you to the program coordinator, Aislyn Matias, and the program director, Professor Patricia Schechter, for encouraging and supporting me during my study at Portland State University. Also, I would like to thank the Middle East Studies Center at Portland State University, through which I had the opportunity to meet with many scholars who enriched my research, such as Professor Kambiz GhaneaBassiri, Dr. Harout Akdedian, and Professor Melani Cammett. My debt of gratitude extends to my supportive family and friends, who have helped me stay motivated throughout this process. Being an international student, studying, and working fulltime is not an easy thing, but my family and friends’ love and support always encouraged me and kept me focused. iii Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………………………………….............i Dedication…………………………………………………………………………………ii Acknowledgments………………………………………………………….…… ………iii List of Figures……………………………………………………………………............ vi List of Acronyms and Abbreviations …………………………………………….............vii Note on Transliteration………………………………………………..............................viii Glossary ...………………………………………………………………………………..iv Disclaimer………………………………………………………………………………. .iv Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1 Background: Deciding on the topic………………………………………………..1 1.2 The necessity of the study…..……………………………………………………. 3 1.3 Scope and organization of the thesis ……………………………………………...5 1.4 Problem statement …………………………..…………………………………….6 1.5 Research questions..…………………………….…………………………............6 Chapter 2: Methodology 2.1 Research method………………..…………………………………………………7 2.2 Theoretical framework…………………………………………..…………...........8 2.3 Limitations of research…………………………………………………..……….10 Chapter 3: Literature Review 3.1 Historical background on Sunni and Shia Islam…………………..……..……….12 3.2 Saudi Arabia and Iran ………..…………………………………….…………….16 3.2.1 The Islamic Republic of Iran (Iran)…………………..………..……..…...........17 3.2.2 Kingdom of Saudi Arabia………………………………….…………………...19 3.2.3 The relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran……………………..………. .21 3.3 Supporting theories…………..……………………………………..……........... .24 3.3.1 The Harvard Approach of Negotiations ………………………….................... .24 3.3.2 The Human Needs Theory ………………..…………………………………. .25 3.3.3 The Conflict Transformation Approach ………………………………………..25 3.3.4 Negative and Positive Peace …………………………………………………. .26 3.3.5 Bar-Tal’s Theory of Intractable Conflict ………………………..……………..26 3.3.6 Deterrence Theory ………………….………………………………………….28 3.3.7 Enemies and Allies …………………………………………………………….28 3.3.8 Galtung’s typology of violence………………………………………………...29 3.4 Religion and violence ……………………………..……………………………..30 3.5 The Battle of Karbala and the conflict supporting narratives …………………....31 Chapter 4: Analysis 4.1 Milestone events that have served to escalate and perpetuate sectarian conflicts………………………………………………………....33 4.1.1 The Iranian Revolution ……………..………………………………………….34 4.1.2 Iraq Invasion…………………………………………………………………....38 4.1.3 The post-Arab uprisings ………………….…………………………….............42 4.1.3.1The response to the Arab uprisings …………………………………………...45 iv 4.1.4 Iran Nuclear Deal …………………………………………………………….. 46 4.2 Religion as a political tool………………………………………………………..48 4.3 Conflict Analysis Framework …………………………………………….... …..49 4.3.1The strategic dimension………………………………………………………...50 4.3.2 The political dimension ………………………………………………………. 53 4.3.3 The socioeconomic dimension ………………………………………….......... 55 4.3.4 The psychological dimension ………………………………………………….56 4.3.5 Cultural dimension ……………………………..……………………….......... 58 4.4 Stakeholder analysis……………………………..……………………………… 60 4.4.1 Lebanon ………………………………………………………………………. 63 4.4.2 Hezbollah ………………………………………………………………............64 4.4.3 Syria…………………………………………………………………………... .66 4.4.4 Iraq …………………………………………………………………………… .67 4.4.5 Yemen ………………………………………………………………………... .68 4.4.6 Israel …………………………………………………………………………. .69 4.4.7 United States …………………………………………………………………. .71 4.4.8 Russia ………………………………………………………………………… .72 4.4.9 Egypt …………………………………………………………………………...73 4.4.10 Turkey …………………………………………………………………......... .73 4.4.11 Gulf states of the Gulf Cooperation Council………………………………….75 4.4.11.1 The United Arab Emirates ………………………………………………… 75 4.4.11.2 Bahrain …………………………………………………………………..... 76 4.4.11.3 Qatar ………………………………………………………………………..76 4.4.11.4 Sultanate of Oman ………………………………………………………… 77 4.4.11.5 Kuwait ………………………………………………………………...........78 4.5 Conflict mapping …………………………………………………………...........79 Chapter 5: Conclusion and recommendations…………………………………………....80 Figures……………………………………………………………………........................84 References……………………………………………………………..…………............92 v List of Figures Figure 1 (Map of the Greater Middle East)……………………………………………....84 Figure 2 (Map of Saudi Arabia)…………………………………………………………..85 Figure 3 (Map of Iran)…………………………………………………………………....86 Figure 4 (Power Structure of Iran)……………………………………………………….87 Figure 5 (Royal Family Tree in Saudi Arabia)…………………………………………...88 Figure 6 (Sectarian Balance of Power in the Middle East)………………………………89 Figure 7 (Shia Crescent)……………………………………. …………………………...90 Figure 8 (Stakeholders Map)…………………………………………………..................91 vi List of Acronyms and Abbreviations GCC Gulf Cooperation Council CPA Coalition Provisional Authority GWOT Global War on Terror IIG Iraqi Interim Government IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency IRGC Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps ISIS Islamic State of Iraq and Sham JCPOA Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action KSA Kingdom of Saudi Arabia MENA Middle East and North Africa NCTC National Counterterrorism Center STL Special Tribunal for Lebanon UAE United Arab Emirates UNSC United Nations Security Council WMD Weapons of Mass Destruction vii Note on Transliteration In transcribing Arabic and Persian
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion
    ISSN 1556-3723 (print) Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion __________________________________________________________________ Volume 9 2013 Article 13 __________________________________________________________________ Deregulation and Demographic Change: A Key to Understanding Whether Religious Plurality Leads to Strife Brian J. Grim* Pew Research Center’s Religion & Public Life Project Washington, D.C. Vegard Skirbekk International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis Vienna, Austria Jesus Crespo Cuaresma Vienna University of Economics and Business Vienna, Austria *[email protected] Copyright © 2013 Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. The Interdisciplinary Journal of Research on Religion is freely available on the World Wide Web at http://www.religjournal.com. Deregulation and Demographic Change: A Key to Understanding Whether Religious Plurality Leads to Strife Brian J. Grim Pew Research Center’s Forum on Religion & Public Life Washington, D.C. Vegard Skirbekk International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis Vienna, Austria Jesus Crespo Cuaresma Vienna University of Economics and Business Vienna, Austria Abstract Using a new cross-country dataset, we test and extend the religious economies perspective on reli- gious conflict in two ways. First, we expand earlier analyses of whether religious pluralities lead to more or less conflict. Second, we assess the apparent demographic anomaly that high popula- tion growth is often found not to contribute to higher levels of violent religious persecution and conflict. We introduce a new demographic measure that captures the net effect of the demographic transition rather than just recent population growth dynamics, thus concentrating on differences in long-term population growth patterns.
    [Show full text]
  • The Syrian National Council: a Victorious Opposition?
    THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES IMES CAPSTONE PAPER SERIES THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? JARED MARKLAND KRITTIKA LALWANEY MAY 2012 THE INSTITUTE FOR MIDDLE EAST STUDIES THE ELLIOTT SCHOOL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY COPYRIGHT OF THE AUTHOR(S), 2012 THE SYRIAN NATIONAL COUNCIL: A VICTORIOUS OPPOSITION? Jared Markland & Krittika Lalwaney Introduction The Syrian National Council (SNC) emerged as an opposition movement representing the democratic uprisings in Syria calling for regime change. The Assad regime’s forceful measures against Syrians have delegitimized the government and empowered the revolution. The success of the revolution, in overthrowing the regime hinges on the Syrian opposition’s ability to overcome its deficiencies. This paper analyzes the performance of the SNC by determining SNC success or failure to launch a successful opposition movement against the regime. The SNC’s probability of success in the overthrow of the regime is contingent on its ability to unify internally, obtain financial capacity, establish international recognition, and build internal popular support. Methodology The methods used to examine the prospects for success of the SNC as a viable opposition movement consist of comparative case studies and qualitative field research. We examined four case studies, including Nicaragua, Libya, El Salvador and Guatemala. These cases establish a set of core factors necessary for an opposition movement to succeed. The utilization of these factors allows us to create a comparative assessment of the overall performance of the SNC. Our qualitative fieldwork entailed a total of 32 interviews with current SNC members, Syrian activists, refugees, Free Syrian Army members, academic experts, and government officials.
    [Show full text]
  • "New Political Sectarianism in Times of Economic Hardship in Saudi Arabia" by Verena WALTHER
    "New political Sectarianism in Times of Economic hardship in Saudi Arabia" By Verena WALTHER Course “The Political Economy of the Middle East and North Africa” Taught by Eckart Woertz at Sciences Po Fall 2016 This paper has received the KSP Student Paper Award of the Kuwait Program at Sciences Po © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Verena Walther International Public Management ________________________________________________________________________________ New Political Sectarianism in Times of Economic Hardship in Saudi Arabia ________________________________________________________________________________ L’INSTITUT D’ÉTUDES POLITIQUES DE PARIS - FALL SEMESTER 2016 16604 POLITICAL© ECONOMY OF THE MIDDLE EAST - ECKART WOERTZ © The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, © published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Verena Walther New Political Sectarianism in Times of Economic Hardship in Saudi Arabia Agenda: I. Introduction II. Sectarianism in the Persian Gulf III. Sectarianism in Saudi Arabia IV. Post-Arab Spring: New political sectarianism in Saudi Arabia as a rentier-state V. Conclusion I. Introduction On 2 January 2016, Saudi Arabia unanticipatedly executed the Shia cleric Sheikh Nimr an-Nimr, a prominent critic of Saudi authorities and vocal leader of the anti-government protests against the marginalisation of Shia that had erupted in the kingdom’s Eastern Province in 2011.
    [Show full text]
  • Sectarianism in Syria
    SECTARIANISM IN SYRIA SURVEYSURVEY STUDYSURVEY STUDY STUDY FEBRUARYFEBRUARY 2016 FEBRUARY 2016 2016 Sectarianism in Syria: Survey Study Copyright © 2016 The Day After. All Rights Reserved. The Day After (TDA) is an independent, Syrian-led civil society organization working to support democratic transition in Syria. In August 2012, TDA completed work on a comprehensive approach to managing the challenges of a post-Assad transition in Syria. The initial Day After Project brought together a group of Syrians representing a large spectrum of the Syrian opposition — including senior representatives of the Syrian National Council (SNC), members of the Local Coordination Committees in Syria (LCC), and unaffiliated opposition figures from inside Syria and the diaspora representing all major political trends and components of Syrian society — to participate in an independent transition planning process. The Day After (TDA) Istanbul, Turkey Address : Cihangir, Palaska Sk NO: 1/2 D:3 Beyoğlu-İstanbul, Turkey Tel : +90 (212) 252 3812 Email : [email protected] Skype: TDA-SY www.tda-sy.org 2 AN INDISPENSABLE INTRODUCTION 5 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND SAMPLE 8 CHAPTER I: RECOGNIZING AND ASSESSING THE SECTARIAN SITUATION IN SYRIA 13 Opinions on the existence of numerous religious sects 13 Sectarianism: in what sense? 14 Sectarianism as a problem 15 The causes of the sectarian problem 19 CHAPTER II: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE INDIVIDUAL AND THE SECT 21 Disclosing affiliation to a particular sect 21 The importance of the sect and its presence 22 About the Syrian
    [Show full text]
  • Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements April 2017 Contents
    POMEPS STUDIES 26 islam in a changing middle east Adaptation Strategies of Islamist Movements April 2017 Contents Understanding repression-adaptation nexus in Islamist movements . 4 Khalil al-Anani, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar Why Exclusion and Repression of Moderate Islamists Will Be Counterproductive . 8 Jillian Schwedler, Hunter College, CUNY Islamists After the “Arab Spring”: What’s the Right Research Question and Comparison Group, and Why Does It Matter? . 12 Elizabeth R. Nugent, Princeton University The Islamist voter base during the Arab Spring: More ideology than protest? . .. 16 Eva Wegner, University College Dublin When Islamist Parties (and Women) Govern: Strategy, Authenticity and Women’s Representation . 21 Lindsay J. Benstead, Portland State University Exit, Voice, and Loyalty Under the Islamic State . 26 Mara Revkin, Yale University and Ariel I. Ahram, Virginia Tech The Muslim Brotherhood Between Party and Movement . 31 Steven Brooke, The University of Louisville A Government of the Opposition: How Moroccan Islamists’ Dual Role Contributes to their Electoral Success . 34 Quinn Mecham, Brigham Young University The Cost of Inclusion: Ennahda and Tunisia’s Political Transition . 39 Monica Marks, University of Oxford Regime Islam, State Islam, and Political Islam: The Past and Future Contest . 43 Nathan J. Brown, George Washington University Middle East regimes are using ‘moderate’ Islam to stay in power . 47 Annelle Sheline, George Washington University Reckoning with a Fractured Islamist Landscape in Yemen . 49 Stacey Philbrick Yadav, Hobart and William Smith Colleges The Lumpers and the Splitters: Two very different policy approaches on dealing with Islamism . 54 Marc Lynch, George Washington University The Project on Middle East Political Science The Project on Middle East Political Science (POMEPS) is a collaborative network that aims to increase the impact of political scientists specializing in the study of the Middle East in the public sphere and in the academic community .
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism in Ottoman Greater Syria 1840-1914 the Divisive Legacy of Sectarianism
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2008-12 Nationalism in Ottoman Greater Syria 1840-1914 the divisive legacy of Sectarianism Francioch, Gregory A. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3850 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS NATIONALISM IN OTTOMAN GREATER SYRIA 1840- 1914: THE DIVISIVE LEGACY OF SECTARIANISM by Gregory A. Francioch December 2008 Thesis Advisor: Anne Marie Baylouny Second Reader: Boris Keyser Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED December 2008 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE Nationalism in Ottoman Greater Syria 1840- 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 1914: The Divisive Legacy of Sectarianism 6. AUTHOR(S) Greg Francioch 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8.
    [Show full text]
  • Forum of Ethnogeopolitics
    Forum of EthnoGeoPolitics ! Figure 1: French Map of Iran or Persia in 1749 (drafted by Robert de Vaugoudy) in which Azerbaijan is shown below the Araxes River (Source: Pictures of the Planet). A Case of Historical Misconceptions?—Congressman Rohrabacher’s Letter to Hillary Clinton Regarding Azerbaijan Kaveh Farrokh Abstract United States Congressman Dana Rohrabacher—a former member of the Reagan Administration, who has represented several Californian congressional districts from 1989 till the present-day—dispatched a letter to U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton on July 26, 2012 outlining support for the separation of Iranian Azerbaijan and the joining of this entity to the Republic of Azerbaijan. The letter promotes the notion of the historical existence of a Greater Azerbaijani kingdom that was divided by Iran and Russia during the early 19th century. This paper examines the treaties of Gulistan (1813) and Turkmenchai (1828) between Iran and Russia, historical sources and maps and other academic works to examine the validity of the “Greater Forum of EthnoGeoPolitics Vol.1 No.1 Spring 2013 9 Forum of EthnoGeoPolitics Azerbaijan” thesis. Examination of these sources, however, does not provide evidence for the existence of a “Greater Azerbaijan” in history. Instead these sources reveal the existence of ‘Azerbaijan’ as being a region and province within the Iranian realm since antiquity, located below (or south of ) the Araxes River; in contrast, the modern-day Republic of Azerbaijan is located north (or above) the Araxes River. It never existed under the title “Azerbaijan” until the arrival of the Musavats (1918) and then the Soviets (1920).
    [Show full text]
  • The Arab Spring: an Empirical Investigation
    Protests and the Arab Spring: An Empirical Investigation Tansa George Massoud, Bucknell University John A. Doces, Bucknell University Christopher Magee, Bucknell University Keywords: Arab Spring, protests, events data, political grievances, diffusion Acknowledgements: We would like to thank Polity’s editor-in-chief and anonymous reviewers for their comments. We also thank Emily Brandes for her valuable assistance. All errors remain our own. 1 Abstract This article discusses a variety of major explanations for the intensity of recent protests in Arab states and investigates whether there is empirical support for them. We survey various political, economic, and social factors and develop a comprehensive empirical model to estimate the structural determinants of protests in 19 Arab League states between 1990 and 2011, measured using events data. The results show that protests were stronger in countries with higher inflation, higher levels of corruption, lower levels of freedom, and more use of the internet and cell phones. Protests were also more frequent in countries with partial democracies and factional politics. We find no evidence for the common argument that the surge in protests in 2011 was linked to a bulge in the youth population. Overall, we conclude that these economic, political, and social variables help to explain which countries had stronger protest movements, but that they cannot explain the timing of those revolts. We suggest that a contagion model can help explain the quick spread of protests across the region in 2011, and we conduct a preliminary test of that possibility. 2 I. Introduction The Arab revolts started in Tunisia in December 2010 and spread across the Middle East and North Africa with great speed in early 2011.1 In Tunisia and Egypt, loosely organized groups using mostly nonviolent techniques managed to topple regimes that had been in power for decades.
    [Show full text]
  • Sectarianism After the Arab Spring an Exaggerated Spectre
    ASPJ Africa & Francophonie - 1st Quarter 2014 Sectarianism after the Arab Spring An Exaggerated Spectre BARAH MIKAÏL, PHD* ectarianism has experienced a boost in the aftermath of popular upris- ings in the Arab world. Recent sectarian strife following the fall of Arab authoritarian leaders has been provoked by ideological rifts be- tween Islamists and secularists and between conservatives and liberals, as well as by religious divisions between Sunnis and Shias, Muslims and SChristians. However, the rise of sectarian strife in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings has also been stoked by geopolitical strategies as power vacuums create opportunities for political ambitions and agendas. While sectarianism is real and bears important risks, it is not the main driver of divisions in the re- gion. The West must not lose sight of the fact that many regimes are stirring up sectarianism while neglecting other cleavages, such as regional agendas, a lack of respect for human rights, corruption, and poor economic conditions. Yet, however manipulated it may be, the rise of sectarianism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region risks undermining the prospects for building peaceful and stable democratic societies in the Arab world. This raises *The author is a senior researcher at the Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y El Dialogo Exterior (FRIDE), a Madrid-based think tank for global action that analyzes key debates in international relations. A specialist in geopolitical issues regarding water, he is part of a project dedicated to the study of politics and religion and their interactions in contemporary conflicts. Prior to joining FRIDE, he was senior researcher on the Middle East and North Africa and on water issues at the Institut de Relations Internationales et Stratégiques (IRIS) in Paris (2002–10), where he directed the master’s degree program in international relations and all seminars on the Middle East, North Africa, and geopolitical issues concerning water.
    [Show full text]
  • Transitional Justice and National Reconciliation
    Transitional Justice and National Reconciliation BY RADWAN ZIADEH n the aftermath of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in the former Yugoslavia and in Rwanda, in 2005 the General Assembly of the United Nations established Ian initiative known as the “responsibility to protect” (R2P). The R2P concept departs from traditional principles of international relations regarding the protection of national sovereignty, stating that sovereignty is not a right but a responsibility. R2P argues that when a regime commits war crimes and crimes against humanity, it forfeits its sovereignty, and the international com- munity then has the right, indeed the responsibility to take necessary measures to protect civilians and prevent further crimes against them. This principle has not been applied in Syria, where indiscriminate aerial bombardment has taken the lives of more than 20,000 civilians so far.1 Bashar al-Assad’s forces have made extensive use of weapons of mass destruction, including SCUD missiles and chemical weapons, against areas of Syria with utter disregard for the lives of Syrian civilians or for the amount of destruction done to residential areas and infrastructure. The fractured Syrian military opposition, which includes extremist radical elements like the Islamic State of Iraq and al-Sham, have also commit- ted crimes, such as kidnapping religious leaders and destroying Shia mosques in pro-Assad com- munities. If one compares the conflict in Syria to other conflicts that have occurred throughout the world labeled “civil wars,” it is clear that the term “civil war” is far from the reality of the situation in Syria. In fact, Syria is in the midst of a popular revolution against an authoritarian regime.
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing Paper Submitted to the Commission on Flags, Identity, Culture and Tradition
    BRIEFING PAPER SUBMITTED TO THE COMMISSION ON FLAGS, IDENTITY, CULTURE AND TRADITION MEETING IN BELFAST 04 & 05 SEPTEMBER 2017 SECTARIANISM: WHAT’S THE PROBLEM? Michael Rosie, University of Edinburgh Michael Rosie is a Senior Lecturer in Sociology, University of Edinburgh. He has worked at the University of Edinburgh since 2000, initially as a Research Associate and subsequently, from 2002, as a full time member of staff in the Department of Sociology. His key academic interests are focussed upon the political sociology of Scotland within a broader interest in religious and irreligious identities in secularising societies; nationalism, national and localised identities; and the politics of prejudice and 'sectarianism'. He served on the Scottish Government’s independent Advisory Group on Tackling Sectarianism between 2012 and 2015 offering advice to Ministers on how to develop and assess work, policy and resources to tackle sectarianism in Scotland. He subsequently undertook the role of independent advisor to the Scottish Government on the subject of Marches & Parades, reporting in October 2016. He was formerly Director of the University of Edinburgh’s Institute of Governance, and has been closely involved in the journal Scottish Affairs since 2004, assuming the editorship in January 2016. Key publications on sectarianism include The Sectarian Myth in Scotland: Of Bitter Memory and Bigotry (Palgrave, 2004); Sectarianism in Scotland (with Steve Bruce et al, EUP, 2004); and ‘Tackling Sectarianism in Scotland’ (ed.), Special Issue of Scottish Affairs (EUP, 2015). He has also published widely on national identities and politics, as well as upon protest policing; media and nationalism; and religion/secularisation in Scotland.
    [Show full text]
  • Country Travel Risk Summaries
    COUNTRY RISK SUMMARIES Powered by FocusPoint International, Inc. Report for Week Ending September 19, 2021 Latest Updates: Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, India, Israel, Mali, Mexico, Myanmar, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syria, Turkey, Ukraine and Yemen. ▪ Afghanistan: On September 14, thousands held a protest in Kandahar during afternoon hours local time to denounce a Taliban decision to evict residents in Firqa area. No further details were immediately available. ▪ Burkina Faso: On September 13, at least four people were killed and several others ijured after suspected Islamist militants ambushed a gendarme patrol escorting mining workers between Sakoani and Matiacoali in Est Region. Several gendarmes were missing following the attack. ▪ Cameroon: On September 14, at least seven soldiers were killed in clashes with separatist fighters in kikaikelaki, Northwest region. Another two soldiers were killed in an ambush in Chounghi on September 11. ▪ India: On September 16, at least six people were killed, including one each in Kendrapara and Subarnapur districts, and around 20,522 others evacuated, while 7,500 houses were damaged across Odisha state over the last three days, due to floods triggered by heavy rainfall. Disaster teams were sent to Balasore, Bhadrak and Kendrapara districts. Further floods were expected along the Mahanadi River and its tributaries. ▪ Israel: On September 13, at least two people were injured after being stabbed near Jerusalem Central Bus Station during afternoon hours local time. No further details were immediately available, but the assailant was shot dead by security forces. ▪ Mali: On September 13, at least five government soldiers and three Islamist militants were killed in clashes near Manidje in Kolongo commune, Macina cercle, Segou region, during morning hours local time.
    [Show full text]