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The Position of Secretary of Defense: Statutory Restrictions and Civilian-Military Relations
The Position of Secretary of Defense: Statutory Restrictions and Civilian-Military Relations Updated January 6, 2021 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44725 Position of Secretary of Defense: Statutory Restrictions and Civilian-Military Relations Summary The position of Secretary of Defense is unique within the United States government; it is one of two civilian positions within the military chain of command, although unlike the President, the Secretary of Defense is not elected. Section 113 of the United States Code states that the Secretary of Defense is to be “appointed from civilian life by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate.” The section goes on to elaborate a key mechanism by which civilian control of the armed forces is maintained: A person may not be appointed as Secretary of Defense within seven years after relief from active duty as a commissioned officer of a regular component of an armed force. The proposed nomination of General (Ret.) Lloyd Austin, United States Army, who retired from the military in 2016, to be Secretary of Defense may lead both houses of Congress to consider whether and how to suspend, change, or remove that provision. This provision was originally contained in the 1947 National Security Act (P.L. 80-253), which mandated that 10 years pass between the time an officer is relieved from active duty and when he or she could be appointed to the office of the Secretary of Defense. In 2007, Section 903 of the FY2008 National Defense Authorization Act (P.L. 110-181), Congress changed the period of time that must elapse between relief from active duty and appointment to the position of Secretary of Defense to seven years. -
Richard Russell, the Senate Armed Services Committee & Oversight of America’S Defense, 1955-1968
BALANCING CONSENSUS, CONSENT, AND COMPETENCE: RICHARD RUSSELL, THE SENATE ARMED SERVICES COMMITTEE & OVERSIGHT OF AMERICA’S DEFENSE, 1955-1968 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Joshua E. Klimas, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2007 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor David Stebenne, Advisor Professor John Guilmartin Advisor Professor James Bartholomew History Graduate Program ABSTRACT This study examines Congress’s role in defense policy-making between 1955 and 1968, with particular focus on the Senate Armed Services Committee (SASC), its most prominent and influential members, and the evolving defense authorization process. The consensus view holds that, between World War II and the drawdown of the Vietnam War, the defense oversight committees showed acute deference to Defense Department legislative and budget requests. At the same time, they enforced closed oversight procedures that effectively blocked less “pro-defense” members from influencing the policy-making process. Although true at an aggregate level, this understanding is incomplete. It ignores the significant evolution to Armed Services Committee oversight practices that began in the latter half of 1950s, and it fails to adequately explore the motivations of the few members who decisively shaped the process. SASC chairman Richard Russell (D-GA) dominated Senate deliberations on defense policy. Relying only on input from a few key colleagues – particularly his protégé and eventual successor, John Stennis (D-MS) – Russell for the better part of two decades decided almost in isolation how the Senate would act to oversee the nation’s defense. -
President Roosevelt and the Supreme Court Bill of 1937
President Roosevelt and the Supreme Court bill of 1937 Item Type text; Thesis-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Hoffman, Ralph Nicholas, 1930- Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 26/09/2021 09:02:55 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/319079 PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AND THE SUPREME COURT BILL OF 1937 by Ralph Nicholas Hoffman, Jr. A Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Department of History and Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in the Graduate College, University of Arizona 1954 This thesis has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the Library to be made avail able to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without spec ial permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the dean of the Graduate College when in their judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other in stances, however, permission must be obtained from the author. SIGNED: TABLE.' OF.GOWTENTS Chapter / . Page Ic PHEYIOUS CHALLENGES TO THE JODlClMXo , V . -
The Instrumental Role of Congressman Hatton Sumners in the Resolution of the 1937 Court-Packing Crisis, 54 UIC J
UIC Law Review Volume 54 Issue 2 Article 1 2021 “What I Said Was ‘Here Is Where I Cash In’”: the Instrumental Role of Congressman Hatton Sumners in the Resolution of the 1937 Court-Packing Crisis, 54 UIC J. Marshall L. Rev. 379 (2021) Josiah Daniel III Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.uic.edu/lawreview Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Josiah M. Daniel III, “What I Said Was ‘Here Is Where I Cash In’”: the Instrumental Role of Congressman Hatton Sumners in the Resolution of the 1937 Court-Packing Crisis, 54 UIC J. Marshall L. Rev. 379 (2021) https://repository.law.uic.edu/lawreview/vol54/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UIC Law Open Access Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in UIC Law Review by an authorized administrator of UIC Law Open Access Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. “WHAT I SAID WAS ‘HERE IS WHERE I CASH IN’”: THE INSTRUMENTAL ROLE OF CONGRESSMAN HATTON SUMNERS IN THE RESOLUTION OF THE 1937 COURT- PACKING CRISIS JOSIAH M. DANIEL, III* I. THE CONGRESSMAN’S “CASH IN” UTTERANCE UPON DEPARTING THE WHITE HOUSE ON FEBRUARY 5, 1937 ... 379 II. HATTON W. SUMNERS’S LIFE AND CONGRESSIONAL CAREER ......................................................................................... 384 III. THE NEW DEAL’S LITIGATION PROBLEM AND PRESIDENT FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT’S PROPOSED COURT-PACKING SOLUTION ........................................................................ 393 IV. SUMNERS’S TWO JUDICIAL BILLS AS BOOKENDS TO THE CRISIS .............................................................................. 401 a. March 1, 1937: The Retirement Act ....................... 401 b. August 24, 1937: The Intervention Act ................. -
Extensions of Remarks
April 26, 1990 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS 8535 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS BENEFITS OF AUTOMATION First-class mail delivery performance was "The mail is not coming in here so we ELUDE POSTAL SERVICE at a five-year low last year, and complaints have to slow down," to avoid looking idle, about late mail rose last summer by 35 per said C. J. Roux, a postal clerk. "We don't cent, despite a sluggish 1 percent growth in want to work ourselves out of a job." HON. NEWT GINGRICH mall volume. The transfer infuriated some longtime OF GEORGIA Automation was to be the service's hope employees, who had thought that they IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES for a turnaround. But efforts to automate would be protected in desirable jobs because have been plagued by poor management and of their seniority. Thursday, April 26, 1990 planning, costly changes of direction, inter "They shuffled me away like an old piece Mr. GINGRICH. Mr. Speaker, as we look at nal scandal and an inability to achieve the of furniture," said Alvin Coulon, a 27-year the Postal Service's proposals to raise rates paramount goal of moving the mall with veteran of the post office and one of those and cut services, I would encourage my col fewer people. transferred to the midnight shift in New Or With 822 new sorting machines like the leans. "No body knew nothing" about the leagues to read the attached article from the one in New Orleans installed across the Washington Post on the problems of innova change. "Nobody can do nothing about it," country in the last two years, the post of he said. -
Thirteen Ways of Looking at Election Lies
University of Colorado Law School Colorado Law Scholarly Commons Articles Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship 2018 (At Least) Thirteen Ways of Looking at Election Lies Helen Norton University of Colorado Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles Part of the Business Organizations Law Commons, Election Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, Judges Commons, Legal Ethics and Professional Responsibility Commons, Science and Technology Law Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Citation Information Helen Norton, (At Least) Thirteen Ways of Looking at Election Lies, 71 OKLA. L. REV. 117 (2018), available at https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/articles/1182. Copyright Statement Copyright protected. Use of materials from this collection beyond the exceptions provided for in the Fair Use and Educational Use clauses of the U.S. Copyright Law may violate federal law. Permission to publish or reproduce is required. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Colorado Law Faculty Scholarship at Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of Colorado Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. (AT LEAST) THIRTEEN WAYS OF LOOKING AT ELECTION LIES* HELEN NORTON** Lies take many forms. Because lies vary so greatly in their motivations and consequences (among many other qualities), philosophers have long sought to catalog them to help make sense of their diversity and complexity. Augustine and Aquinas, for instance, separately proposed moral hierarchies of lies based on their differing assessments of certain lies’ relative harm and value.1 Legal scholars too have classified lies in various ways to explain why we punish some and protect others.2 * See WALLACE STEVENS, Thirteen Ways of Looking at a Blackbird, in THE COLLECTED POEMS OF WALLACE STEVENS 99 (Vintage Int’l 2015) (1954). -
INFORMATION to USERS This Manuscript Has Been Reproduced
INFO RM A TIO N TO U SER S This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI film s the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be fromany type of con^uter printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependentquality upon o fthe the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and inqjroper alignment can adverse^ afreet reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note wiD indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one e3q)osure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photogr^hs included inoriginal the manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for aiy photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI direct^ to order. UMJ A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313.'761-4700 800/521-0600 LAWLESSNESS AND THE NEW DEAL; CONGRESS AND ANTILYNCHING LEGISLATION, 1934-1938 DISSERTATION presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Robin Bernice Balthrope, A.B., J.D., M.A. -
Elections Have Consequences
LIBERTYVOLUME 10 | ISSUE 1 | March 2021 WATCHPOLITICS.LIVE. BUSINESS. THINK. BELIBERTY. FREE. ELECTIONS HAVE CONSEQUENCES BETTER DAYS AHEAD George Harris CENSORSHIP & THE CANCEL CULTURE Joe Morabito JUST SAY “NO” TO HARRY REID AIRPORT Chuck Muth REPORT: SISOLAK’S EMERGENCY POWERS LACK LEGAL AUTHORITY Deanna Forbush DEMOCRATS WANT A 'RETURN TO CIVILITY'; WHEN DID THEY PRACTICE IT? Larry Elder THE LEFT WANTS UNCONDITIONAL SURRENDER, NOT UNITY Stephen Moore THE WORLD’S LARGEST CANNABIS SUPERSTORE COMPLEX INCLUDES RESTAURANT + MORE! Keep out of reach of children. For use only by adults 21 years of age and older. LIBERTY WATCH Magazine The Gold Standard of Conservatism. Serving Nevada for 15 years, protecting Liberty for a lifetime. LIBERTYWATCHMagazine.com PUBLISHER George E. Harris [email protected] EDITOR content Novell Richards 8 JUST THE FACTS George Harris ASSOCIATE EDITORS BETTER DAYS AHEAD Doug French [email protected] 10 FEATURE Joe Morabito Mark Warden CENSORSHIP & THE CANCEL CULTURE [email protected] 11 MILLENNIALS Ben Shapiro CARTOONIST GET READY FOR 4 YEARS Gary Varvel OF MEDIA SYCOPHANCY OFFICE MANAGER 12 MONEY MATTERS Doug French Franchesca Sanchez SILVER SQUEEZE: DESIGNERS IS THAT ALL THERE IS? Willee Wied Alejandro Sanchez 14 MUTH'S TRUTHS Chuck Muth JUST SAY “NO” TO HARRY REID AIRPORT CONTRIBUTING WRITERS John Fund 18 COVER Doug French ELECTIONS HAVE CONSEQUENCES Thomas Mitchell Robert Fellner 24 COUNTERPUNCH Victor Davis Hanson Nicole Maroe Judge Andrew P. Napolitano 26 LEGAL BRIEF Deanna Forbush Ben -
CHAIRMEN of SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–Present
CHAIRMEN OF SENATE STANDING COMMITTEES [Table 5-3] 1789–present INTRODUCTION The following is a list of chairmen of all standing Senate committees, as well as the chairmen of select and joint committees that were precursors to Senate committees. (Other special and select committees of the twentieth century appear in Table 5-4.) Current standing committees are highlighted in yellow. The names of chairmen were taken from the Congressional Directory from 1816–1991. Four standing committees were founded before 1816. They were the Joint Committee on ENROLLED BILLS (established 1789), the joint Committee on the LIBRARY (established 1806), the Committee to AUDIT AND CONTROL THE CONTINGENT EXPENSES OF THE SENATE (established 1807), and the Committee on ENGROSSED BILLS (established 1810). The names of the chairmen of these committees for the years before 1816 were taken from the Annals of Congress. This list also enumerates the dates of establishment and termination of each committee. These dates were taken from Walter Stubbs, Congressional Committees, 1789–1982: A Checklist (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1985). There were eleven committees for which the dates of existence listed in Congressional Committees, 1789–1982 did not match the dates the committees were listed in the Congressional Directory. The committees are: ENGROSSED BILLS, ENROLLED BILLS, EXAMINE THE SEVERAL BRANCHES OF THE CIVIL SERVICE, Joint Committee on the LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, LIBRARY, PENSIONS, PUBLIC BUILDINGS AND GROUNDS, RETRENCHMENT, REVOLUTIONARY CLAIMS, ROADS AND CANALS, and the Select Committee to Revise the RULES of the Senate. For these committees, the dates are listed according to Congressional Committees, 1789– 1982, with a note next to the dates detailing the discrepancy. -
July 22, 1983, Dear Mr. Mcdaniel
- .. THE WHITE HOUSE WASHINGTON July 22, 1983, Dear Mr. McDaniel: I want to thank you for sending a copy of Building on Yesterday, Becoming To morrow: The Washington Hospital Center's First 25 Years to Mr. Deaver for his perusal. He is traveling out of the country at present, but I know that he will enjoy looking at it upon his return. Again, thank you for your thoughtfulness. Sincerely, Donna L. Blume Staff Assistant to Michael K. Deaver Mr. John McDaniel President The Washington Hospital Center 110 Irving Street, N.W. Washington, D. C. 20010 [ I THE WASHINGTON HOSPITAL CENTER II II II II July 14, 1983 Michael K. Deaver Deputy Chief of Staff Asst. to President 1600 Pennsylvania Ave., N.W. Washington, D.C. 20500 Dear Mr. Deaver: Enclosed you will find a copy of Building on Yesterday, Becoming Tomorrow: The Washington Hospital Center's First 25 Years. The hospital's history is significant in its own right because it was a struggle to provide Washington with the hospital people had been clamoring for. It was a response to the concern reflected in a 1946 Washington Post story headline which said, "District's Hospital 'Worst' in U.S., Medical Board Finds". It also seems that The Washington Hospital Center's history mirrors the history of the period which brought dramatic changes in America's approach to patient care and hospital management. Now, health care providers and managers find themselves in a new era which demands innovative strategies and financial skills that would challenge the best of the Fortune 500 scientists and executives. -
Richard Russell, Jr
77//33//1133 RRiicchhaarrdRR uusssseellll,JJ rr.- WW iikkiippeeddiiaa,tt hheff rreeeee nnccyyccllooppeeddiiaa Richard Russell, Jr. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Richard Brevard Russsseell, Jr. (November 2, 1897 – January 21, 1971) was an American politician from Georgia. Richard Brevard Russell, Jr. A member of the Democratic Party, he briefly served as speaker of the Georgia house, and as Governor of Georgia (1931–33) before serving in the United States Senate for almost 40 years, from 1933 until his death in 1971. As a Senator, he was a candidate for President of the United States in the 1948 Democratic National Convention, and the 1952 Democratic National Convnvention. Russell was a founder and leader of the conservative coaoalilition that dominated Congress from 1937 to 1963, and at his death was the most senior member of the Senate. He was for decades a leader of Southern opposition to the civil rights movement. PrPresesidident prpro tempore of the UUnited States Senate In office Contents January 3, 1969 – January 21, 1971 Leader Mike Mansfield 1 Early life Carl Hayden 2 2 Governor of Georgigiaa Preceded by 3 Senate career Succeeded by Allen J. Ellender 4 Personal life Chairman of the Senate Committee on 5 Legacy Appropriations 6 References InIn office 7 Further sources January 3, 1969 – January 21, 1971 7.1 Primary sources 7.2 Scholarly secondary sources Leader Mike Mansfield 8 External links Preceded by Carl Hayden Succeeded by Allen Ellender Chairman of the Senate Committee on Armed Early life Services In office January 3, 1955 – January 3, 1969 Leader Lyndon B. Johnson Mike Mansfield Preceded by Leverett Saltonstall Succeeded by John C. -
The Mccarran Internal Security Act, 1950-2005: Civil Liberties Versus National Security
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Master's Theses Graduate School 2006 The cM Carran Internal Security Act, 1950-2005: civil liberties versus national security Marc Patenaude Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Patenaude, Marc, "The cM Carran Internal Security Act, 1950-2005: civil liberties versus national security" (2006). LSU Master's Theses. 426. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_theses/426 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Master's Theses by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE MCCARRAN INTERNAL SECURITY ACT, 1950-2005: CIVIL LIBERTIES VERSUS NATIONAL SECURITY A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In The Department of History by Marc Patenaude B.A., University of Arkansas at Little Rock, 2003 May 2006 Table of Contents ABSTRACT . iii CHAPTER 1 HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS OF ANTI-COMMUNISM. .1 2 THE MCCARRAN INTERNAL SECURITY ACT OF 1950 . .24 3 THE COURTS LIMIT THE MCCARRAN ACT. .55 4 SEPTEMBER 11, 2001, AND THE FUTURE OF INTERNAL SECURITY . 69 BIBLIOGRAPHY . .. .81 VITA . .86 ii Abstract In response to increased tensions over the Cold War and internal security, and in response to increased anti-Communism during the Red Scare, Congress, in 1950, enacted a notorious piece of legislation.