UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Perfil Histórico De La Guerra Cristera
Lusitania Sacra . 33 (Janeiro-Junho 2016) 269-290 Perfil histórico de la guerra cristera JUAN GONZÁLEZ MORFÍN jgonzalezmorfin@yahoo .com .mx Resumen: Después de más de diez años de constantes restricciones a la libertad religiosa, en 1926 el episcopado mexicano declaró que ya no existían las condiciones mínimas para que los sacerdotes siguieran ejerciendo su ministerio . En ese momento, muchos católicos mexicanos, después de haber agotado todos los recursos, eligieron el camino de las armas para defender la libertad religiosa: es lo que se conoce como “guerra cristera” . En este breve estudio se ofrecen los rasgos más importantes para conocer esta etapa de la historia de México . Palabras clave: Guerra, Resistencia, Licitud moral, Libertad religiosa, Legítima defensa . Perfil histórico da guerra cristera Resumo: Após mais de uma década de permanentes restrições à liberdade religiosa, em 1926 o episcopado mexicano declarou não existirem condições mínimas para que os sacerdotes continuassem a exercer o seu ministério . Nesse momento, muitos católicos mexicanos, depois de esgotados todos os recursos, escolheram a via das armas para defender a liberdade religiosa: aquilo a que ficou conhecido como “guerra cristera” . Neste estudo apresentamos em traços gerais esta etapa da história do México . Palavras-chave: Guerra, Resistência, Legitimidade moral, Liberdade religiosa, Legítima-defesa . Historical profile of the Cristero War Abstract: After more than ten years of continued restrictions on religious freedom, in 1926 the Mexican bishops declared that since there were no minimum conditions for the priests to continue ministering . In this moment, many Mexican Catholics, because they had no choice to defend their religious freedom, they chose the path of arms: this is what is known as “Cristero War” . -
Compte Rendu Amerindia 17
AMERINDIA n° 21, 1996 Verb morphology of Ixtenco Otomi Yolanda LASTRA UNAM / México Ixtenco is a small town in Tlaxcala where Otomí has been preserved in spite of the pressure from Nahuatl speaker who displaced Otomís from other towns such as Huamantla and in spite of the pressure of Spanish. The disappearance of Ixtenco Otomí will no doubt occur, however, because only older persons speak it and for some time it has not been transmitted to the younger generations. People 40 or younger may only have a passive knowledge of the language. The present paper is based on field work carried out intermittently in one-day trips undertaken in September 1990 and resumed in February 1991. The informants have been two men and three women, but the main informant has been David Alonso, 85 who immensely enjoys teaching his language making it a pleasure to try to understand its structure. Here we will deal with the main features of verbal morphology and compare some of the characteristics of the Ixtenco system with Classical Otomí and with the present-day varieties of Toluca and Hidalgo highlands. In the rest of this paper I will refer to the latter one as Hidalgo Otomí. 2 AMERINDIA n°21, 1996 In contrast to these varieties of Otomí, the Ixtenco dialect has lost the dual; the suffixes that signal the dual in the other varieties are used for plural here. The suffixes for plural in the other varieties are still recognized as a sort of plural of abundance, but they are no longer used. There are 10 tense aspects not counting the imperative. -
Vitae Consejeros Actualización 16Ago16.Cdr
Acuamanala de Miguel Hidalgo Altzayanca Amaxac de Guerrero Apetatitlán de Antonio Carvajal Atlangatepec Apizaco Benito Juárez Calpulalpan Chiautempan Contla de Juan Cuamatzi Cuapiaxtla Coaxomulco El Carmen Tequexquitla Emiliano Zapata Españita Huamantla Hueyotlipan Ixtacuixtla de Mariano Matamoros Ixtenco La Magdalena Tlaltelulco Lázaro Cárdenas Mazatecochco de José María Morelos Muñoz de Domingo Arenas Nanacamilpa de Mariano Arista Nativitas Panotla Papalotla de Xicohténcatl Sanctorum de Lázaro Cárdenas San Damián Texoloc San Francisco Tetlanohcan San Jerónimo Zacualpan San José Teacalco San Juan Huactzinco San Lorenzo Axocomanitla San Lucas Tecopilco San Pablo del Monte Santa Ana Nopalucan Santa Apolonia Teacalco Lic. Germán Mendoza Papalotzi Santa Catarina Ayometla Santa Cruz Quilehtla Santa Cruz Tlaxcala Santa Isabel Xiloxoxtla Tenancingo Teolocholco Tepetitla de Lardizábal Tepeyanco Terrenate Tetla de la Solidaridad Tetlatlahuca Tlaxcala Tlaxco Tocatlán Totolac Tzompantepec Xalostoc Xaltocan Xicohtzinco Yauhquemecan Zacatelco Zitlaltepec de Trinidad Sánchez Santos Secretario Ejecutivo Instituto Tlaxcalteca de Elecciones Licenciado en Derecho por la Universidad Autónoma de Tlaxcala. Diplomado en Derecho Procesal Civil, por el Centro de Investigaciones Jurídico Políticas de la Universidad Autónoma de Tlaxcala. Seminario e Datos Personales, por la Comisión de Acceso a la Información Pública y Protección de Datos Personales del Estado de Tlaxcala. Participó en el taller trato digno a la ciudadanía con perspectiva de género, para combatir -
Ricardo Flores Magón and the Transnational Anarchists in Los Angeles, 1900-1922
Ricardo Flores Magón and the Transnational Anarchists in Los Angeles, 1900-1922 Sergio Maldonado In the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution, many people such as Ricardo Flores Magón and the residents of Los Angeles found themselves in a perpetual state of exploitation by either the Mexican or U.S. governments. Mexicans found solidarity together, mounting resistance against insurmountable odds. Even under the direst of circumstances, their efforts in the early twentieth- century would propel Mexican-Americans’ identity into an epoch of self-realization that is uniquely transnational. For many Mexican-Americans in this period, Ricardo Flores Magón was their inspiration. In 1917 Flores Magón gave a speech in front of a group of Mexicans from the California cities of El Monte and La Puente, commemorating the manifesto of El Partido Liberal Mexicano. After years of struggle against the Mexican dictatorship, he explained to his comrades that they must leave behind the clasping of hands and anxiously asking ourselves what will be effective in resisting the assault of governmental tyranny and capitalist exploitation. The remedy is in our hands: that all who suffer the same evils unite, certain that before our solidity the abuses of those who base their strength in our separations and indifference will crumble. 1 This and similar calls for unity by Flores Magón and the many Mexicans residing in and around Los Angeles who flocked to listen to him together fostered the growth of Chicano nationalism. Flores Magón was a renowned anarchist intellectual of the Mexican Revolution. Many scholars have regarded him as an important figure in Chicano history and view him as a fundamental figure of Chicano nationalism due to his rebellious actions in Mexico and the United States. -
Siendo Las 23:40 Horas Del Día 25 De Marzo De 2021, Se Publica En Los
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ -------------------------------------------------------------------CÉDULA-------------------------------------------------------------------- ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Siendo las 23:40 horas del día 25 de marzo de 2021, se publica en los estrados físicos y electrónicos del Comité Ejecutivo Nacional, ANEXO 2 de las Providencias SG/296/2021. ------------------------------------------------ -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Lo anterior para efectos de dar publicidad a la misma. ---------------- ANEXO 2 Ciudad de México, a 25 de marzo de 2021. Con fundamento en lo dispuesto por el artículo 102, de los Estatutos Generales del Partido Acción Nacional; y por el numeral 106 y 108 del Reglamento de Selección de Candidaturas a Cargos de Elección Popular del Partido Acción Nacional, el Partido Acción Nacional, así como el resolutivo cuarto de las Providencias identificadas como SG/296/2021: I N V I T A A la ciudadanía y a la militancia del Partido Acción Nacional a participar como precandidatas y precandidatos en el PROCESO INTERNO DE DESIGNACIÓN DE LAS CANDIDATURAS A LA PRESIDENCIA, SINDICATURA Y REGIDURÍAS DEL ESTADO DE PUEBLA, DE CONFORMIDAD CON LO SIGUIENTE: SINIDICATURAS -
Toward a Comprehensive Model For
Toward a Comprehensive Model for Nahuatl Language Research and Revitalization JUSTYNA OLKO,a JOHN SULLIVANa, b, c University of Warsaw;a Instituto de Docencia e Investigación Etnológica de Zacatecas;b Universidad Autonóma de Zacatecasc 1 Introduction Nahuatl, a Uto-Aztecan language, enjoyed great political and cultural importance in the pre-Hispanic and colonial world over a long stretch of time and has survived to the present day.1 With an estimated 1.376 million speakers currently inhabiting several regions of Mexico,2 it would not seem to be in danger of extinction, but in fact it is. Formerly the language of the Aztec empire and a lingua franca across Mesoamerica, after the Spanish conquest Nahuatl thrived in the new colonial contexts and was widely used for administrative and religious purposes across New Spain, including areas where other native languages prevailed. Although the colonial language policy and prolonged Hispanicization are often blamed today as the main cause of language shift and the gradual displacement of Nahuatl, legal steps reinforced its importance in Spanish Mesoamerica; these include the decision by the king Philip II in 1570 to make Nahuatl the linguistic medium for religious conversion and for the training of ecclesiastics working with the native people in different regions. Members of the nobility belonging to other ethnic groups, as well as numerous non-elite figures of different backgrounds, including Spaniards, and especially friars and priests, used spoken and written Nahuatl to facilitate communication in different aspects of colonial life and religious instruction (Yannanakis 2012:669-670; Nesvig 2012:739-758; Schwaller 2012:678-687). -
The Cristero War and Mexican Collective Memory
History in the Making Volume 13 Article 5 January 2020 The Movement that Sinned Twice: The Cristero War and Mexican Collective Memory Consuelo S. Moreno CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the Latin American History Commons Recommended Citation Moreno, Consuelo S. (2020) "The Movement that Sinned Twice: The Cristero War and Mexican Collective Memory," History in the Making: Vol. 13 , Article 5. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol13/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Articles The Movement that Sinned Twice: The Cristero War and Mexican Collective Memory By Consuelo S. Moreno Abstract: Many scattered occurrences in Mexico bring to memory the 1926-1929 Cristero War, the contentious armed struggle between the revolutionary government and the Catholic Church. After the conflict ceased, the Cristeros and their legacy did not become part of Mexico’s national identity. This article explores the factors why this war became a distant memory rather than a part of Mexico’s history. Dissipation of Cristero groups and organizations, revolutionary social reforms in the 1930s, and the intricate relationship between the state and Church after 1929 promoted a silence surrounding this historical event. Decades later, a surge in Cristero literature led to the identification of notable Cristero figures in the 1990s and early 2000s. -
Mexico NEI-App
APPENDIX C ADDITIONAL AREA SOURCE DATA • Area Source Category Forms SOURCE TYPE: Area SOURCE CATEGORY: Industrial Fuel Combustion – Distillate DESCRIPTION: Industrial consumption of distillate fuel. Emission sources include boilers, furnaces, heaters, IC engines, etc. POLLUTANTS: NOx, SOx, VOC, CO, PM10, and PM2.5 METHOD: Emission factors ACTIVITY DATA: • National level distillate fuel usage in the industrial sector (ERG, 2003d; PEMEX, 2003a; SENER, 2000a; SENER, 2001a; SENER, 2002a) • National and state level employee statistics for the industrial sector (CMAP 20-39) (INEGI, 1999a) EMISSION FACTORS: • NOx – 2.88 kg/1,000 liters (U.S. EPA, 1995 [Section 1.3 – Updated September 1998]) • SOx – 0.716 kg/1,000 liters (U.S. EPA, 1995 [Section 1.3 – Updated September 1998]) • VOC – 0.024 kg/1,000 liters (U.S. EPA, 1995 [Section 1.3 – Updated September 1998]) • CO – 0.6 kg/1,000 liters (U.S. EPA, 1995 [Section 1.3 – Updated September 1998]) • PM – 0.24 kg/1,000 liters (U.S. EPA, 1995 [Section 1.3 – Updated September 1998]) NOTES AND ASSUMPTIONS: • Specific fuel type is industrial diesel (PEMEX, 2003a; ERG, 2003d). • Bulk terminal-weighted average sulfur content of distillate fuel was calculated to be 0.038% (PEMEX, 2003d). • Particle size fraction for PM10 is assumed to be 50% of total PM (U.S. EPA, 1995 [Section 1.3 – Updated September 1998]). • Particle size fraction for PM2.5 is assumed to be 12% of total PM (U.S. EPA, 1995 [Section 1.3 – Updated September 1998]). • Industrial area source distillate quantities were reconciled with the industrial point source inventory by subtracting point source inventory distillate quantities from the area source distillate quantities. -
Del Porfirismo Al Periodo Neoliberal En El Siglo Xxi
ESTADO MEXICANO, CRECIMIENTO ECONÓMICO Y AGRUPACIONES SINDICALES Del porfirismo al periodo neoliberal en el siglo XXI I ESTADO MEXICANO, CRECIMIENTO ECONÓMICO Y AGRUPACIONES SINDICALES Del porfirismo al periodo neoliberal en el siglo XXI I Francisco Javier Aguilar García UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTÓNOMA DE MÉXICO INSTITUTO DE INVESTIGACIONES SOCIALES MÉXICO, 2017 JL1231 A48 Aguilar García, Francisco Javier Estado mexicano, crecimiento económico y agrupaciones sindicales : del porfirismo al periodo neoliberal en el siglo XXI. -- I. Primera edición. -- México : UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, 2017. 2 volúmenes : ilustraciones, cuadros, figuras. ISBN: 978-607-02-8842-5 1. México -- Política económica. 2. Sindicatos -- Historia -- Siglo XX. 3. Sindicatos -- México. 4. México -- Historia -- Revolución, 1910-1920. 4. México -- Historia -- Siglo XX. I. Tít. Este libro fue sometido a un proceso de dictaminación por académicos externos al Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales de la Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, de acuerdo con las normas establecidas por el Consejo Editorial de las Colecciones de Libros del Instituto. Los derechos exclusivos de la edición quedan reservados para todos los países de habla hispana. Queda prohibida la reproducción parcial o total, por cualquier medio, sin el consentimiento por escrito del legítimo titular de los derechos. Primera edición: enero de 2017 D.R.© 2017, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales Circuito Mario de la Cueva s/n Ciudad de la Investigación en Humanidades Ciudad Universitaria, C.P. 04510, Ciudad de México. Coordinación editorial: Virginia Careaga Covarrubias Cuidado de la edición: David Monroy Gómez Formación de textos: Angélica Nava Ferruzca Diseño de portada: Cynthia Trigos Suzán Impreso y hecho en México ISBN: 978-607-02-8842-5 ÍNDICE I Nota preliminar y agradecimientos ......................... -
Vínculos Entre Los Zapatistas Y Los Magonistas Durante La Revolución Mexicana
Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana ISSN: 1315-5216 ISSN: 2477-9555 [email protected] Universidad del Zulia Venezuela Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana TREJO MUÑOZ, Rubén Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana Utopía y Praxis Latinoamericana, vol. 25, núm. 90, 2020 Universidad del Zulia, Venezuela Disponible en: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=27965038006 PDF generado a partir de XML-JATS4R por Redalyc Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Rubén TREJO MUÑOZ. Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana ARTÍCULOS Vínculos entre los zapatistas y los magonistas durante la Revolución Mexicana Rubén TREJO MUÑOZ Redalyc: https://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa? Universidad Autónoma de la Ciudad de México, México id=27965038006 [email protected] Recepción: 02 Febrero 2020 Aprobación: 30 Abril 2020 Resumen: Recuperar la memoria histórica de las dos tendencias radicales y anticapitalistas de la Revolución Mexicana desarrollada entre 1910 y 1920. El presente texto forma parte de una investigación en curso sobre los vínculos entre el zapatismo y el magonismo durante la Revolución Mexicana. Exponemos únicamente dos episodios que muestran esa colaboración. El primero refiere la participación de Ángel Barrios, magonista y zapatista destacado, en la lucha tanto del PLM como del Ejército Libertador del Sur. El segundo, es la narración de la visita que hace el magonista José Guerra a Emiliano Zapata en 1913. Palabras clave: Magonismo, zapatismo, Revolucion Mexicana, Tierra y Libertad. Abstract: Recovering the historical memory of the two radical and anticapitalistic tendencies in the 1910-1920 Mexican Revolution. -
PUEBLA: URBANIZACIÔN Y Polfticas URBANAS
PUEBLA: URBANIZACIÔN y POLfTICAS URBANAS Patrice Melé PUEBLA: URBANIZACI6N y POUTICAS URBANAS ~..~••... UNIVERSIDAD Am AUTONOMA Benemérlta METROPOLITANA •Universidad Aut6noma de Puebla Casa abierta al tiempo AzcapotzaJco '*~ IN5TITUTO DE CIENeIAS UNIVERSIDADAUT6NOMA DEPUEBLA Rector Lie. José Doger Cone Secretario Geoenl Lie. Victor Espîodola Cabrera CoonlinadordellDstituto de Ciendas Dr. Eduardo Salinas Slefanon UNIVERSIDADAUT6NOMA METROPOUTANA Rector Geoen1 Dr. Julio Rubio Oca SecretariaGeoenl M. en C. Magdalena Fresao Orozco UNIDADAZCAPOTZALCO Rector Lie. Edmundo Jacobo Molina Secretario de la Unidad Miro. Adrilio de Garay Slioehez Coordinaclorde Extension Universitaria José Lever Jeta de la Sec:àlin Editorial Mira. Silvia Pappe Traduccion Jean Henoequin Diseiio de la portada: Luisa Manmez Originales mec8nicos de los mapas Salvador Guadarrama ISBN: 970-620-408-3 la.ed.I994 C Universidad AutOnoma de Puebla Puebla, Pue C Uoiversidad AutOnoma Metropolitana-Azcapotzalco San Pablo 180 Reyoosa.Taroaulipas México D.F., C.P. 02200 C Patrice Melé Impreso en México Pr;nte4 in Mexico INDICE PRESENTACI6N 7 INTRODuca6N 9 1 EL LUGAR DE PUEBLA EN EL AMBITO NACIONAL 13 A Una localizaci6n estratégica como base de la fundaci6n de la ciudad de Puebla 13 B La perpetuaci6n de una situaci6n privilegiada en el eje de México-Veracruz 15 C Puebla y la estructura urbana nacional 17 II EL LUGAR DE PUEBLA EN lAS POLITICAS NACIONALES DE ORDENAMIENTO TERRITORIAL 25 A Las politicas de desarrollo urbano 25 1 Instaurar una red urbana jerarquizada 26 2 Puebla en la primera -
The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico: Actors, Sequencing, and Coalition Change
1 The Politics of Economic Restructuring in Mexico: Actors, Sequencing, and Coalition Change Maria Lorena Cook, Kevin J. Middlebrook, and Juan Molinar Horcasitas The parallel movements toward political democratization and economic liberalization that have swept many countries in Latin America, Central and Eastern Europe, and Africa, since the early 1980s are a challenging subject of scholarly inquiryybifferent analysts have examined the origins and timing of these developments, the combinations of interna tional and domestic factors that produced such historically significant changes, and the interaction between political opening and market reforms (including trade and exchange rate liberalization, deregulation of commercial and investment opportunities, and privatization of state- owned enterprises) in different national contexts. It is certainly the coincidence of shifts toward political democratization and economic liberalization that makes these developments a particularly compelling subject for students of comparative political economy. Wet in many instances, one of these processes clearly antedated the other, often by a substantial period of time. In recognition of this fact, some analysts underscore the potential importance that the sequencing of political and economic opening may have for the timing of regime change and the political profile of newly inaugurated democracies.1 For example, if economic liberalization leads to more rapid growth, an authoritarian regime may bolster its perfor- 1See, for example, Haggard and Kaufman