Lesson Two Worksheet (Teacher Version) “Tyranny of the Majority”
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Detoqueville-Tyranny of the Majority
Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America (1835) Tyranny of the Majority I hold it to be an impious and detestable maxim that, politically speaking, the people have a right to do anything; and yet I have asserted that all authority originates in the will of the majority. Am I, then, in contradiction with myself? A general law, which bears the name of justice, has been made and sanctioned, not only by a majority of this or that people, but by a majority of mankind. The rights of every people are therefore confined within the limits of what is just. A nation may be considered as a jury which is empowered to represent society at large and to apply justice, which is its law. Ought such a jury, which represents society, to have more power than the society itself whose laws it executes? When I refuse to obey an unjust law, I do not contest the right of the majority to command, but I simply appeal from the sovereignty of the people to the sovereignty of mankind. Some have not feared to assert that a people can never outstep the boundaries of justice and reason in those affairs which are peculiarly its own; and that consequently full power may be given to the majority by which it is represented. But this is the language of a slave. A majority taken collectively is only an individual, whose opinions, and frequently whose interests, are opposed to those of another individual, who is styled a minority. If it be admitted that a man possessing absolute power may misuse that power by wronging his adversaries, why should not a majority be liable to the same reproach? Men do not change their characters by uniting with one another; nor does their patience in the presence of obstacles increase with their strength.3 For my own part, I cannot believe it; the power to do everything, which I should refuse to one of my equals, I will never grant to any number of them. -
The Tyranny of the Super-Majority: How Majority Rule Protects Minorities
UC Irvine CSD Working Papers Title The Tyranny of the Super-Majority: How Majority Rule Protects Minorities Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/18b448r6 Author McGann, Anthony J. Publication Date 2002-10-01 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California CSD Center for the Study of Democracy An Organized Research Unit University of California, Irvine www.demo.uci.edu This paper demonstrates that majority rule is the decision rule that provides most protection for the worst-off minority. Dahl (1956, 1988) argues that the values of popular sovereignty and political equality dictate the use of majority rule. However, there are other values that we need to take into account besides popular sovereignty and political equality, notably the protection of minority rights and stability. Thus it is commonly argued that there is a trade- off between political equality (maximized by majority rule) and minority protection (better provided by systems with external checks and balances, which require more than a simple majority to enact legislation). This paper argues that this trade-off does not exist and that actually majority rule provides most protection to minorities. Furthermore it does so precisely because of the instability inherent in majority rule. Majority rule is the only decision rule that completely satisfies political equality. May (1952) shows that majority rule is the only positively responsive voting rule that satisfies anonymity (all voters are treated equally) and neutrality (all alternatives are treated equally). If we use a system other than majority rule, then we lose either anonymity or neutrality. That is to say, either some voters must be privileged over others, or some alternative must be privileged over others. -
Sorcerer's Apprentices
Faculty & Research The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within by M. Kets de Vries 2004/17/ENT Working Paper Series The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within Manfred F. R. Kets de Vries* * Raoul de Vitry d’Avaucourt Clinical Professor of Leadership Development, INSEAD, France & Singapore. Director, INSEAD’s Global Leadership Centre. 1 Abstract The objective of this article is to better understand the developmental history of despotic regimes and the existence of leadership by terror. To gain greater insight into this phenomenon, the unusual relationship between leaders and followers in despotic regimes is explored, and the self-destructive cycle that characterizes such regimes is examined. The price paid in the form of human suffering and the breakdown of the moral fabric of a society is highlighted. In this article, particular attention is paid to highly intrusive totalitarian regimes. The levers used by such regimes to consolidate their power base are discussed in detail. The role of ideology, the enforcement of mind-control, the impact of the media, the inception of the illusion of solidarity, and the search for scapegoats are part of the review. Finally, suggestions are made on how to prevent despotic leaders from gaining a hold on power. Observations are made about the newly founded International Criminal Court, a permanent international judicial body that has been specially set up to try despotic rulers for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. KEY WORDS: Despotism; tyrant; leadership; totalitarianism; autocracy; tyranny; dictatorship; societal regression; democracy; paranoia; narcissism; scapegoat; ideology; mind-control; aggression; violence; sadism; terror; genocide; war; crimes against humanity; war criminal; International Criminal Court. -
The Economic Foundations of Authoritarian Rule
University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2017 The conomicE Foundations of Authoritarian Rule Clay Robert Fuller University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Fuller, C. R.(2017). The Economic Foundations of Authoritarian Rule. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/4202 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ECONOMIC FOUNDATIONS OF AUTHORITARIAN RULE by Clay Robert Fuller Bachelor of Arts West Virginia State University, 2008 Master of Arts Texas State University, 2010 Master of Arts University of South Carolina, 2014 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2017 Accepted by: John Hsieh, Major Professor Harvey Starr, Committee Member Timothy Peterson, Committee Member Gerald McDermott, Committee Member Cheryl L. Addy, Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School © Copyright Clay Robert Fuller, 2017 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION for Henry, Shannon, Mom & Dad iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Special thanks goes to God, the unconditional love and support of my wife, parents and extended family, my dissertation committee, Alex, the institutions of the United States of America, the State of South Carolina, the University of South Carolina, the Department of Political Science faculty and staff, the Walker Institute of International and Area Studies faculty and staff, the Center for Teaching Excellence, undergraduate political science majors at South Carolina who helped along the way, and the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict. -
Tyranny of the Majority Examples
Tyranny Of The Majority Examples Webster remains cricoid after Tedmund nicknames archaeologically or propitiated any Carla. Viviparous and involutional Thedrick never revile bearishly when Berk salvage his trepang. Is Sim submontane or handcrafted after bothered Herbie props so flickeringly? Suppose for example clean your city adopts a multi-member district system establishing one large compartment to choose six members of the city fine If the east has. Wiktionary43 6 votesRate this definition tyranny of the majorityNoun A flourish in battle a government or project authority democratically supported by a. Is the Swiss burka ban a tyranny of the majority SWI. Chapter XV Unlimited Power Of Majority And Its ConsequencesPart I. The cancel of liberalism Against the tyranny of the majority. The Tyranny of the Majority A Plebiscite Betrays Liberal ABC. Includes the following examples in italics I include contemporary US equivalents of these. Does the Amendment Risk Tyranny by Majority or Minority. What got some examples of tyranny of the majority Quora. Alexis de Tocqueville on the Tyranny of the Majority. The county what are the examples of human rights are accused. There have stood many examples of kings emperors dictators plutocracies and oligarchies. Constitutional Ignorance Led from a Tyranny of the Majority. Tyranny of the majority a paradox in democracies. United states has been either been unable to majority is more particularly brought to attain your bibliography or less difficult to, majorities and get a civilized. Tocqueville's famous argument about majority tyranny in Democracy in. The plank in de Tocqueville's America Constitutional Rights. I'm writing a paper apply the tyranny of the majority using both score and Hegel as examples of what is lost paperwork such a tyranny I think someone could. -
Majority Rule and Minority Rights at the Constitutional Convention John Patrick Coby Smith College, [email protected]
Masthead Logo Smith ScholarWorks Government: Faculty Publications Government Winter 2016 The Long Road Toward a More Perfect Union: Majority Rule and Minority Rights at the Constitutional Convention John Patrick Coby Smith College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.smith.edu/gov_facpubs Part of the American Politics Commons Recommended Citation Coby, John Patrick, "The Long Road Toward a More Perfect Union: Majority Rule and Minority Rights at the Constitutional Convention" (2016). Government: Faculty Publications, Smith College, Northampton, MA. https://scholarworks.smith.edu/gov_facpubs/1 This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Government: Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Smith ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected] The Long Road toward a More Perfect Union: Majority Rule and Minority Rights at the Constitutional Convention JOHN PATRICK COBY ABSTRACT On the eve of the Constitutional Convention, James Madison developed a new theory of republicanism, one that would allow union on a scale previously thought impossible. The extended republic, buttressed by constitutional safeguards republican in nature, would, he argued, protect the rights of minorities without compromising the majority’s right to rule. But Convention delegates, unimpressed with Madison’s new theory, grav- itated toward constitutional safeguards more mixed-regime in nature and so produced a constitution incompletely republican. This article examines the three minority interests that most occupied the delegates’ attention: small states, all states, and southern states; further, it employs three criteria for determining the presence of republican or mixed- regime protections: strength of constitutional barrier, cohesion of defenders, and duration of defense. The article’s conclusion reflects on the consequences of a constitution partly republican and partly mixed-regime. -
Enlightened Despotism
ENLIGHTENED DESPOTISM FRITZ HARTUNG 2s 6d PUBLISHED FOR THE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION BY ROUTLEDGE AND KEGAN PAUL [G. 36] ENLIGHTENED DESPOTISM THIS PAMPHLET IS GENERAL SERIES NUMBER 36 First published 1957 Reprinted 1963 FRITZ HARTUNG Copyright by the Historical Association Printed in Great Britain by Cox and Wyman Ltd., London, Reading and Fakenham Non-members may obtain copies 2s. 6d. each (post free], and members may obtain extra copies at is. 6d. each (postfree) from the Hon. Secretary of the Associa- tion, 59A, Kennington Park Road, London, S.E.li The publication of a pamphlet by the Historical Association does not necessarily imply the Association s official approbation of the opinions expressed therein Obtainable only through booksellers or from the offices of the Association 1957 Reprinted 1963 ENLIGHTENED DESPOTISM SAINT AUGUSTINE once said: " If no one enquires of me, I know; if I want to explain to an enquirer, I do not know ". That is also the position of historians who have to deal with " En- lightened Absolutism ", or (as it is usually called in English) " Enlightened Despotism". When, some forty years ago, lecturing on modern constitutional history, I had for the first PREFACE time to deal with the subject in detail, it was still possible to treat it as a clearly defined and unambiguous notion. It was, It is a privilege for the Historical Association to have the opportunity of publishing this pamphlet by Professor Fritz Hartung, in an English version prepared by Miss in fact, the only stage which in the controversy about the H. Otto and revised by the present writer. -
Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment
Fordham International Law Journal Volume 27, Issue 1 2003 Article 2 Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl∗ ∗ Copyright c 2003 by the authors. Fordham International Law Journal is produced by The Berke- ley Electronic Press (bepress). http://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/ilj Islam and the Challenge of Democratic Commitment Dr. Khaled Abou El-Fadl Abstract The author questions whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commit- ments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. The author will argue in this Article that it is indeed possible to reconcile Islam with a commitment in favor of democracy. The author will then present a systematic exploration of Islamic theology and law as it relates to a democratic system of government, and in this context, address the various elements within Islamic belief and practice that promote, challenge, or hinder the emergence of an ideological commitment in favor of democracy. In many ways, the basic and fundamental ob- jective of this Article is to investigate whether the Islamic faith is consistent or reconcilable with a democratic faith. As addressed below, both Islam and democracy represent a set of comprehensive and normative moral commitments and beliefs about, among other things, the worth and entitle- ments of human beings. The challenging issue is to understand the ways in which the Islamic and democratic systems of convictions and moral commitments could undermine, negate, or validate and support each other. ISLAM AND THE CHALLENGE OF DEMOCRATIC COMMITMENT Dr. Khaled Abou El Fadl* The question I deal with here is whether concurrent and simultaneous moral and normative commitments to Islam and to a democratic form of government are reconcilable or mutually exclusive. -
Who Wins When the Majority Rules?
University of New Hampshire University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository The University Dialogue Discovery Program 2007 Who wins when the majority rules? Marla Brettschneider University of New Hampshire, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholars.unh.edu/discovery_ud Part of the American Politics Commons Recommended Citation Brettschneider, Marla, "Who wins when the majority rules?" (2007). The University Dialogue. 20. https://scholars.unh.edu/discovery_ud/20 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Discovery Program at University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in The University Dialogue by an authorized administrator of University of New Hampshire Scholars' Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Who Wins When the Majority Rules? Marla Brettschneider Departments of Political Science & Women’s Studies Coordinator, Queer Studies Introduction States notwithstanding, democratic theorists have long It is often difficult to engage in critical discussions of questioned majority rule, myriad institutions, and gov- fundamental democratic principles. Basic questions of erning bodies, and organizations in democracies have democratic praxis are assumed to be easily answered or employed methods that run counter to the majoritar- are thought to have been answered declaratively by the ian principle, specifically in the interest of promoting “founding fathers.” Thus, the question ofhow we ought democratic egalitarianism. to go about enacting systems of governance by, for, and of the people seems to have a simple answer: majoritari- Madison’s Majoritarianism anism. Decision making, according to the will of the Many consider majoritarianism to be a founding U.S. -
The Basis of Despotism Oriental Despotism—A Comparative Study of Total Power by Karl a Wittfogel
THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY November 2, 1957 Book Review The Basis of Despotism Oriental Despotism—A Comparative Study of Total Power by Karl A Wittfogel. Yale University Press, 1957. Pp XDC + 556. Price $7.50 or Ra 37.50. D D Kosambi THE contents of this Impressive, The author, so we are told, ex- settlements located on the coast of beautifully printed and well got perienced the despotism of absolute Thana, south of modern Bombay". up publication with its usual para total power at first hand in one of The Manigramam, the Shreni, or phernalia of current American scho Hitler's concentration camps. Yett the Vira-Vanunja trading caste In larship leave very much to be de there is no analysis of that parti India, and the gigantic and really sired. Perhaps the most extra cular experience. On pages 143 to powerful Hong merchants' organi ordinary feature of this book (and 149, we find that terror and torture sations in China are not allowed to many others like it) Is the pro- are prominent features of oriental disturb the reader's consciousness foundly meaningless terminology, despotism. "It was left to the The Arthaahustra Is quoted (with such as the following; hydraulic masters of the Communist appa out understanding) several times, civilization; agromanagerial society;' ratus state to reverse the humaniz but nothing whatever has been said agrobureaucratic and agrodespotic ing trend and to reintroduce the of the benign rule of Ashoka, just regimes. One can understand the systematic infliction of physical pain after the Arthashastra, Why this function of the fluid in the working for the purpose of extracting 'con sudden reversal of despotism in thai of a hydraulic press, a hydraulic lift, fessions' " (p 147). -
Republicanism: Midway to Achieve Global Justice? (Binfan Wang, University of Toronto) (Paper Presented to CPSA Annual Conference 2016)
Binfan Wang Rough Draft: Please Do not Cite or Circulate. CPSA 2016 Republicanism: Midway to Achieve Global Justice? (Binfan Wang, University of Toronto) (Paper presented to CPSA Annual Conference 2016) Abstract In his recent studies, Philip Pettit develops his theory of republicanism to articulate a concept of global justice, stating it as the midway between cosmopolitanism and statism. If that is true, it solves the tension between these two mainsteams, and offers a new approach for global justice. However, by checking his theory and doing a comparison with typical theories from both approaches, his theory fails to stand midway validly. Literally, his theory does combine core features from both cosmopolitanism and statism, but at the same time such a theory is internally incoherent, and needs further revision. Introduction Globalization has made our world very different from several decades ago. As a result, global justice becomes an appealing topic of political theory. Among theories of global justice, there are clearly two leading approaches: cosmopolitanism and nationalism (statism). Cosmopolitan theories come from the liberal tradition, and have been used in many different ways with different meanings. In the discussion of global justice, cosmopolitanism represents a group of theories, which articulate the need for a new global order to reform the current system of states. On the contrary, theories of statism accept current system of states as the basis for global justice. As two mainstreams, cosmopolitanism and statism mostly make up the basic category of theories of global justice, which means that any single theory could always be identified as either of them. -
A Critical Discussion of Daniel A. Bell's Political Meritocracy
Journal of chinese humanities 4 (2�18) 6-28 brill.com/joch A Critical Discussion of Daniel A. Bell’s Political Meritocracy Huang Yushun 黃玉順 Professor of philosophy, Shandong University, China [email protected] Translated by Kathryn Henderson Abstract “Meritocracy” is among the political phenomena and political orientations found in modern Western democratic systems. Daniel A. Bell, however, imposes it on ancient Confucianism and contemporary China and refers to it in Chinese using loaded terms such as xianneng zhengzhi 賢能政治 and shangxian zhi 尚賢制. Bell’s “politi- cal meritocracy” not only consists of an anti-democratic political program but also is full of logical contradictions: at times, it is the antithesis of democracy, and, at other times, it is a supplement to democracy; sometimes it resolutely rejects democracy, and sometimes it desperately needs democratic mechanisms as the ultimate guar- antee of its legitimacy. Bell’s criticism of democracy consists of untenable platitudes, and his defense of “political meritocracy” comprises a series of specious arguments. Ultimately, the main issue with “political meritocracy” is its blatant negation of popu- lar sovereignty as well as the fact that it inherently represents a road leading directly to totalitarianism. Keywords Democracy – meritocracy – political meritocracy – totalitarianism It is rather surprising that, in recent years, Daniel A. Bell’s views on “political meritocracy” have been selling well in China. In addition, the Chinese edi- tion of his most recent and representative work, The China Model: Political © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2018 | doi:10.1163/23521341-12340055Downloaded from Brill.com09/23/2021 12:26:47PM via free access A Critical Discussion of Daniel A.