The Economic Foundations of Authoritarian Rule

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Economic Foundations of Authoritarian Rule University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2017 The conomicE Foundations of Authoritarian Rule Clay Robert Fuller University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Fuller, C. R.(2017). The Economic Foundations of Authoritarian Rule. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/4202 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ECONOMIC FOUNDATIONS OF AUTHORITARIAN RULE by Clay Robert Fuller Bachelor of Arts West Virginia State University, 2008 Master of Arts Texas State University, 2010 Master of Arts University of South Carolina, 2014 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science College of Arts and Sciences University of South Carolina 2017 Accepted by: John Hsieh, Major Professor Harvey Starr, Committee Member Timothy Peterson, Committee Member Gerald McDermott, Committee Member Cheryl L. Addy, Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School © Copyright Clay Robert Fuller, 2017 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION for Henry, Shannon, Mom & Dad iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Special thanks goes to God, the unconditional love and support of my wife, parents and extended family, my dissertation committee, Alex, the institutions of the United States of America, the State of South Carolina, the University of South Carolina, the Department of Political Science faculty and staff, the Walker Institute of International and Area Studies faculty and staff, the Center for Teaching Excellence, undergraduate political science majors at South Carolina who helped along the way, and the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict. This work was partially supported by a SPARC Graduate Research Grant from the Office of the Vice President for Research at the University of South Carolina and the Sueng Yeun Kim dissertation grant from the Center for Asian Studies at the Walker Institute. I would especially like to acknowledge approximately half of Earth’s population currently living under some form of non-democracy. This work is not intended to disparage you or your country or your culture in any way shape or form. This work is designed to 1) help foster understanding and cooperation between people that reside in democracies and those that live in dictatorships, 2) highlight nonviolent approaches to governance that can hopefully prevent some of the atrocities that tend to occur more often in dictatorships, and 3) move us further along in the quest for a universal understanding of good governance. Henry, remember that knowledge is one thing that no person and no government can ever take away from you. Acquire as much of it as you possibly can. iv ABSTRACT Personal ambition and the distribution of economic goods often determine the character of politics. This dynamic plays out dramatically in authoritarian states where there are few independent arbiters outside of political violence. All dictatorships face two paramount problems in maintaining their tenure. First, to maintain power and distribute goods dictators must devise ways in which to manage a ruling coalition in the absence of explicit power-sharing institutions. Second, authoritarian regimes must devise ways to manage the desires of a population ruled with only implicit consent. This dissertation empirically treats the management style of authoritarian leaders as exogenous to the institutional composition of his regime, thus breaking from traditional authoritarian typologies. It utilizes original data and finds evidence that dictatorships can strengthen and survive longer, and in a nonviolent manner, with creative elite and popular economic management tools such as special economic zones (SEZs) and sovereign wealth funds (SWFs). More specifically, it finds that violent and corrupt leaders that develop these economic tools can possibly be removed from power or eventually become constrained by the policies because the policies attach the leader and the regime to independent arbiters. At the regime level, SEZs and SWFs extend the survival of all types of regimes, despite institutional setting, through the mechanisms of labor fragmentation and sunk investments. Seemingly democratic institutions in dictatorships – parties, elections, legislatures – may be the foundation of democratic rule, but they are not the foundation of authoritarian rule – economic policy is. v TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ....................................................................................................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...................................................................................................... iv ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................v LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................... viii LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................ ix LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................... xi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................1 1.1 AUTHORITARIAN RULE................................................................................... 14 1.2 ECONOMIC POLICIES AND ELITE MANAGEMENT.............................................. 20 1.3 ECONOMIC POLICIES AND POPULAR MANAGEMENT ........................................ 23 CHAPTER 2: CHARACTERISTICS OF AUTHORITARIAN RULE ......................................... 28 2.1 AUTHORITARIAN POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS ..................................................... 32 2.2 AUTHORITARIAN TYPOLOGIES ........................................................................ 41 2.3 AUTHORITARIAN ECONOMIC POLICIES ............................................................ 72 CHAPTER 3: ELITE MANAGEMENT THROUGH ECONOMIC POLICY ............................... 95 3.1 CREDIBLE COMMITMENTS ............................................................................ 105 3.2 INDEPENDENT ARBITERS .............................................................................. 109 3.3 AN EXAMPLE WITH SEZS – KISH TRADE-INDUSTRIAL FREE ZONE (IRAN) ..... 112 3.4 AN EXAMPLE WITH SWFS – FERRARI WORLD (ABU DHABI, U.A.E.) ............ 119 3.5 EXAMINATION OF LEADER TENURE .............................................................. 124 vi CHAPTER 4. POPULAR MANAGEMENT THROUGH ECONOMIC POLICY ........................ 137 4.1 LABOR FRAGMENTATION ............................................................................. 148 4.2 SUNK INVESTMENTS ..................................................................................... 156 4.3 AN EXAMPLE WITH SEZS – BREST SPECIAL ECONOMIC ZONE (BELARUS) ..... 158 4.4 EXAMINATION OF REGIME SURVIVAL ........................................................... 161 CHAPTER 5. CONCLUSION ........................................................................................ 169 WORKS CITED ......................................................................................................... 172 APPENDIX A: ALTERNATE FIGURE 2.2 ..................................................................... 185 APPENDIX B: FACTOR SCORE LOADINGS ................................................................. 186 APPENDIX C: KAPLAN MEIER SURVIVAL ESTIMATES ............................................... 188 vii LIST OF TABLES TABLE 2.1 LEADER TO REGIME CONFIGURATIONS OF ESTABLISHED AUTOCRATS ....... 57 TABLE 2.2 PERSONALIST LEADERS, DATES, EXIT, AND DEATH, 1946-2017 ................ 58 TABLE 2.3 FACTORS OF AUTOCRATIC MANAGEMENT STYLES .................................... 63 TABLE 2.4 WORLD EXPORT PROCESSING ZONES, 1975-2006 ..................................... 76 TABLE 2.5 POTENTIAL DIRECT AND INDIRECT BENEFITS OF SEZS .............................. 78 TABLE 2.6 CODING SCHEME FOR SPECIAL ECONOMIC ZONE PROGRAM ...................... 83 TABLE 2.7 PERCENTAGE OF COUNTRY-YEARS WITH SEZ SCORE OVER TIME ............. 84 TABLE 2.8 SAMPLE OF DEMOCRATIC SWFS AND THE IMPETUS FOR CREATION ........... 88 TABLE 2.9 SAMPLE OF AUTOCRATIC SWFS AND THE IMPETUS FOR CREATION ............ 88 TABLE 2.10 SOVEREIGN WEALTH FUNDS AND TRANSPARENCY RATINGS ................... 93 TABLE 2.11 THE TIMING OF SWF CREATION ............................................................. 94 TABLE 2.12 REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF SWFS, 2015............................................... 94 TABLE 3.1 LEADER EXIT BY MANAGEMENT STYLE .................................................. 127 TABLE 3.2 LEADER EXIT BY TYPE AND SEZ SCORE, 1981-2008 ............................... 129 TABLE 3.3 OLS ESTIMATES OF DICTATOR YEARS IN OFFICE, 1981-2008 ................. 132 TABLE 3.4 LEADER SURVIVAL ................................................................................. 135 TABLE 4.1 DEMOGRAPHIC BREAKDOWN OF THE UAE .............................................. 154 TABLE 4.2 REGIME SURVIVAL ................................................................................. 164 viii LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 2.1 EFFECTIVE NUMBER OF POLITICAL PARTIES
Recommended publications
  • Chapter One: Introduction
    CHANGING PERCEPTIONS OF IL DUCE TRACING POLITICAL TRENDS IN THE ITALIAN-AMERICAN MEDIA DURING THE EARLY YEARS OF FASCISM by Ryan J. Antonucci Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the History Program YOUNGSTOWN STATE UNIVERSITY August, 2013 Changing Perceptions of il Duce Tracing Political Trends in the Italian-American Media during the Early Years of Fascism Ryan J. Antonucci I hereby release this thesis to the public. I understand that this thesis will be made available from the OhioLINK ETD Center and the Maag Library Circulation Desk for public access. I also authorize the University or other individuals to make copies of this thesis as needed for scholarly research. Signature: Ryan J. Antonucci, Student Date Approvals: Dr. David Simonelli, Thesis Advisor Date Dr. Brian Bonhomme, Committee Member Date Dr. Martha Pallante, Committee Member Date Dr. Carla Simonini, Committee Member Date Dr. Salvatore A. Sanders, Associate Dean of Graduate Studies Date Ryan J. Antonucci © 2013 iii ABSTRACT Scholars of Italian-American history have traditionally asserted that the ethnic community’s media during the 1920s and 1930s was pro-Fascist leaning. This thesis challenges that narrative by proving that moderate, and often ambivalent, opinions existed at one time, and the shift to a philo-Fascist position was an active process. Using a survey of six Italian-language sources from diverse cities during the inauguration of Benito Mussolini’s regime, research shows that interpretations varied significantly. One of the newspapers, Il Cittadino Italo-Americano (Youngstown, Ohio) is then used as a case study to better understand why events in Italy were interpreted in certain ways.
    [Show full text]
  • Standard of Living in America Today
    STANDARD OF LIVING IN AMERICA TODAY Standard of Living is one of the three areas measured by the American Human Development Index, along with health and education. Standard of living is measured using median personal earnings, the wages and salaries of all workers 16 and over. While policymakers and the media closely track Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and judge America’s progress by it, the American Human Development Index tracks median personal earnings, a better gauge of ordinary Americans’ standard of living. The graph below chronicles two stories of American economic history over the past 35 years. One is the story of extraordinary economic growth as told by GDP; the other is a story of economic stagnation as told by earnings, which have barely budged since 1974 (both in constant dollars). GDP vs. Median Earnings: Change Since 1974 STRIKING FINDINGS IN STANDARD OF LIVING FROM THE MEASURE OF AMERICA 2010-2011: The Measure of America 2010-2011 explores the median personal earnings of various groups—by state, congressional district, metro area, racial/ethnic groups, and for men and women—and reveals alarming gaps that threaten the long-term well-being of our nation: American women today have higher overall levels of educational attainment than men. Yet men earn an average of $11,000 more. In no U.S. states do African Americans, Latinos, or Native Americans earn more than Asian Americans or whites. By the end of the 2007-9 recession, unemployment among the bottom tenth of U.S. households, those with incomes below $12,500, was 31 percent, a rate higher than unemployment in the worst year of the Great Depression; for households with incomes of $150,000 and over, unemployment was just over 3 percent, generally considered as full employment.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom Or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis
    Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights Volume 3 | Issue 1 Article 4 Spring 2005 Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq Hannibal Travis Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr Recommended Citation Hannibal Travis, Freedom or Theocracy?: Constitutionalism in Afghanistan and Iraq, 3 Nw. J. Int'l Hum. Rts. 1 (2005). http://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/njihr/vol3/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Northwestern Journal of International Human Rights by an authorized administrator of Northwestern University School of Law Scholarly Commons. Copyright 2005 Northwestern University School of Law Volume 3 (Spring 2005) Northwestern University Journal of International Human Rights FREEDOM OR THEOCRACY?: CONSTITUTIONALISM IN AFGHANISTAN AND IRAQ By Hannibal Travis* “Afghans are victims of the games superpowers once played: their war was once our war, and collectively we bear responsibility.”1 “In the approved version of the [Afghan] constitution, Article 3 was amended to read, ‘In Afghanistan, no law can be contrary to the beliefs and provisions of the sacred religion of Islam.’ … This very significant clause basically gives the official and nonofficial religious leaders in Afghanistan sway over every action that they might deem contrary to their beliefs, which by extension and within the Afghan cultural context, could be regarded as
    [Show full text]
  • An Evaluation of Poverty Prevalence in China: New Evidence from Four
    An Evaluation of Poverty Prevalence in China: New Evidence from Four Recent Surveys Chunni ZHANG, Qi XU, Xiang ZHOU, Xiaobo ZHANG, Yu XIE Abstract In this paper, we calculate and compare the poverty incidence rate in China using four nationally representative surveys: the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS, 2010), the Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS, 2010), the Chinese Household Finance Survey (CHFS, 2011), and the Chinese Household Income Project (CHIP, 2007). Using both international and official domestic poverty standards, we show that poverty prevalence at the national, rural, and urban levels based on the CFPS, CGSS and CHFS are much higher than official estimation and those based on the CHIP. The study highlights the importance of using independent datasets to validate official statistics of public and policy concern in contemporary China. 1 An Evaluation of Poverty Prevalence in China: New Evidence from Four Recent Surveys Since the economic reform began in 1978, China’s economic growth has not only greatly improved the average standard of living in China but also been credited with lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese out of poverty. According to one report (Ravallion and Chen, 2007), the poverty rate dropped from 53% in 1981 to 8% in 2001. Because of the vast size of the Chinese population, even a seemingly low poverty rate of 8% implies that there were still more than 100 million Chinese people living in poverty, a sizable subpopulation exceeding the national population of the Philippines and falling slightly short of the total population of Mexico. Hence, China still faces an enormous task in eradicating poverty.
    [Show full text]
  • Sorcerer's Apprentices
    Faculty & Research The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within by M. Kets de Vries 2004/17/ENT Working Paper Series The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within Manfred F. R. Kets de Vries* * Raoul de Vitry d’Avaucourt Clinical Professor of Leadership Development, INSEAD, France & Singapore. Director, INSEAD’s Global Leadership Centre. 1 Abstract The objective of this article is to better understand the developmental history of despotic regimes and the existence of leadership by terror. To gain greater insight into this phenomenon, the unusual relationship between leaders and followers in despotic regimes is explored, and the self-destructive cycle that characterizes such regimes is examined. The price paid in the form of human suffering and the breakdown of the moral fabric of a society is highlighted. In this article, particular attention is paid to highly intrusive totalitarian regimes. The levers used by such regimes to consolidate their power base are discussed in detail. The role of ideology, the enforcement of mind-control, the impact of the media, the inception of the illusion of solidarity, and the search for scapegoats are part of the review. Finally, suggestions are made on how to prevent despotic leaders from gaining a hold on power. Observations are made about the newly founded International Criminal Court, a permanent international judicial body that has been specially set up to try despotic rulers for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. KEY WORDS: Despotism; tyrant; leadership; totalitarianism; autocracy; tyranny; dictatorship; societal regression; democracy; paranoia; narcissism; scapegoat; ideology; mind-control; aggression; violence; sadism; terror; genocide; war; crimes against humanity; war criminal; International Criminal Court.
    [Show full text]
  • Separation of Powers: the Phenomenon of Legislative Courts
    Indiana Law Journal Volume 42 | Issue 2 Article 1 Winter 1967 Separation of Powers: The heP nomenon of Legislative Courts Edwin H. Greenebaum University of Arkansas W. Willard Wirtz U.S. Labor Department Follow this and additional works at: http://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj Part of the Courts Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation Greenebaum, Edwin H. and Wirtz, W. Willard (1967) "Separation of Powers: The heP nomenon of Legislative Courts," Indiana Law Journal: Vol. 42 : Iss. 2 , Article 1. Available at: http://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj/vol42/iss2/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School Journals at Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Law Journal by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. INDIANA LAW JOURNAL Volume 42 Winter 1967 Number 2 SEPARATION OF POWERS: THE PHENOMENON OF LEGISLATIVE COURTS EDWIN H. GREENEBAUM t W. WILLARD WIRTZ t Federal legislative courts are tribunals which hear, decide, and ren- der binding judgments in "cases" and "controversies" which may be constitutionally entertained by courts established pursuant to the third article of the Constitution,' but whose judges do not enjoy the salary and tenure guaranties provided by article III. These tribunals sometimes act in non-judicial ways, performing legislatively assigned tasks which cannot be performed by article III courts, but when legislative courts do act in a judicial manner their judgments are directly reviewable by the Supreme Court.2 The Supreme Court has recognized the constitu- tional existence of such tribunals in several cases,' but the opinions in those cases have not produced clarity as to how legislative courts can be permitted in a government with a constitutional separation of powers or as to whether there are any constitutional limitations on what matters Congress may entrust to legislative courts to the exclusion of any orig- inal juridiction in article III or state courts.
    [Show full text]
  • U-M·I University Microfilms International a Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road
    Castro's Cuba and Stroessner's Paraguay: A comparison of the totalitarian/authoritarian taxonomy. Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Sondrol, Paul Charles. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 05/10/2021 11:08:31 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/185284 INFORMATION TO USERS The most advanced technology has been used to photogr2,pb and reproduce this manuscript from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted.. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this -reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is inciuded in reduced form at the back of the book.
    [Show full text]
  • The Human Development Index (HDI)
    Contribution to Beyond Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Name of the indicator/method: The Human Development Index (HDI) Summary prepared by Amie Gaye: UNDP Human Development Report Office Date: August, 2011 Why an alternative measure to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) The limitation of GDP as a measure of a country’s economic performance and social progress has been a subject of considerable debate over the past two decades. Well-being is a multidimensional concept which cannot be measured by market production or GDP alone. The need to improve data and indicators to complement GDP is the focus of a number of international initiatives. The Stiglitz-Sen-Fitoussi Commission1 identifies at least eight dimensions of well-being—material living standards (income, consumption and wealth), health, education, personal activities, political voice and governance, social connections and relationships, environment (sustainability) and security (economic and physical). This is consistent with the concept of human development, which focuses on opportunities and freedoms people have to choose the lives they value. While growth oriented policies may increase a nation’s total wealth, the translation into ‘functionings and freedoms’ is not automatic. Inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth, unemployment, and disparities in access to public goods and services such as health and education; are all important aspects of well-being assessment. What is the Human Development Index (HDI)? The HDI serves as a frame of reference for both social and economic development. It is a summary measure for monitoring long-term progress in a country’s average level of human development in three basic dimensions: a long and healthy life, access to knowledge and a decent standard of living.
    [Show full text]
  • North Africa, South Africa
    North Africa POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS International Relations T -LHE YEAR was marked by greater rapprochement among the coun- tries of North Africa. Old disputes were settled or were on the way to settle- ment, and agreements for cooperation were developed. There was also a general improvement in relations between the countries of North Africa and nations outside the immediate area. However, there was increased anti-Israel activity, primarily on the diplomatic and public-relations fronts. A development of potential importance, but one whose effects could not yet be assessed fully, was the overthrow in September of King Idris of Libya by a group of young officers under strong Egyptian influence. Treaties of solidarity and cooperation were signed between Tunisia and Morocco, in January, and between Algeria and Libya, in February. When President Houari Boumedienne of Algeria visited King Hassan of Morocco to draw up the document, Hassan used the occasion to emphasize the im- portance of unity and regional agreements for the development of the Arab countries and the preservation of their freedom against outside aggression, particularly by Israel. Negotiations for a similar treaty between Algeria and Tunisia began in January, a year behind schedule, but there were difficulties because Tunisia gave asylum to Algerian political refugees and because the Tunisian press charged that there were Soviet bases in Algeria. Not until December was there an announcement that complete agreement had been reached on "all pending questions," apparently including disagreements on the delineation of the frontier. A number of international conferences took place in Algeria and Morocco in 1969. The annual conference of African ministers of labor, meeting in Algiers in March, called for a boycott of cargoes coming from South Africa, Portugal, and Israel, a demand which, however, failed to win the support of several countries from other parts of the continent.
    [Show full text]
  • Cults of Personality, Preference Falsification, and the Dictator's
    Cults of personality, preference falsification, and the dictator's dilemma Charles Crabtreex, Holger L. Kerny, and David A. Siegelz Abstract: We provide a novel rational explanation for why cults of personality exist: they solve the dictator's adverse selection problem in assigning subordinates to roles within the regime. Participation in a cult of personality is psychologically costly whenever it involves preference falsification, with the costs varying across individuals. Importantly, low psychological costs of preference falsification are correlated with traits the dictator values, such as unscrupulousness and ruthlessness, which we collectively term disposition-based competence. Under a wide variety of circumstances, this correlation makes participation in cults of personality informative from the dictator's point of view, allowing him to hire loyal and competent subordinates for the most important regime positions. In contrast to earlier formal work, our model implies that dictators can use cults of personality to avoid the loyalty-competence trade-off when promoting subordinates. We thank Quintin Beazer, Jens Grosser, Timur Kuran, Andrew Little, Eddy Malesky, Melanie Manion, Arturas Rozenas, Rory Truex, Nils Weidmann, and participants at the 2017 MPSA Conference and the 2017 ESTA workshop at Konstanz University for their very helpful feedback. x PhD cand., Department of Political Science, University of Michigan. y Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Florida State University. z Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Duke University. In 2001, Saparmurad Niyazov, who ruled Turkmenistan from 1985 to 2006, announced the publication of his first book. Called Ruhnama (The Book of the Soul), it contained answers to \all of life's questions" and became required reading in all schools, universities, and workplaces.
    [Show full text]
  • Spooked by the Demos: Aristotle's Conception of the Good Citizenry
    Problematique Issue 11 (Spring) 2007 Bell: Spooked by the Demos Spooked by the Demos: Aristotle’s Conception of the Good Citizenry Against the Mob Colleen Bell This article addresses two aspects of Aristotle’s The Politics.1 The first concerns his conception of the good citizenry and the second concerns the character that he attributes to a politically active demos. At times, Aristotle refers to this latter category as the ‘mob’ which serves as the citizenry’s disruptive counterpart.2 I explore how the ideas of rationality, virtue and excellence are used to characterize the good citizenry, while the mob, driven by passion, moral depravity and irrationality, is represented as its alterity. The relationship between the good citizenry and the mob, I argue, is critical to the image that Aristotle casts of the best possible constitution; one designed to be largely invulnerable to revolution and to the formation of an active, democratic polity. His awareness of the potential for the demos to transform into a form of ‘mob rule’ leads him to compromise the ideal constitution, composed of a wholly ‘rational’ and ‘virtuous’ citizenry, by extending citizenship rights to a limited and select portion of the demos in order to minimize the likelihood of mob driven revolution. Aristotle provides the classical account of the citizen as one who has both the knowledge, and the ability to rule and be ruled. 3 Key is the idea that while ‘man’ is distinguished by reason, not all ‘men’ posses sufficient reason to warrant citizenship. 4 In holding that not all of humanity has the capacity to rule, essential to his conception of the good citizen is the willful exclusion of women, slaves, immigrants, and children from both political subjectivity and participation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation
    Salve Regina University Digital Commons @ Salve Regina Pell Scholars and Senior Theses Salve's Dissertations and Theses Summer 7-14-2011 The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation Kalyna Macko Salve Regina University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.salve.edu/pell_theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Macko, Kalyna, "The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation" (2011). Pell Scholars and Senior Theses. 68. https://digitalcommons.salve.edu/pell_theses/68 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Salve's Dissertations and Theses at Digital Commons @ Salve Regina. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pell Scholars and Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Salve Regina. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Macko 1 The Effect of Franco in the Basque Nation By: Kalyna Macko Pell Senior Thesis Primary Advisor: Dr. Jane Bethune Secondary Advisor: Dr. Clark Merrill Macko 2 Macko 3 Thesis Statement: The combined nationalist sentiments and opposition of these particular Basques to the Fascist regime of General Franco explained the violence of the terrorist group ETA both throughout his rule and into the twenty-first century. I. Introduction II. Basque Differences A. Basque Language B. Basque Race C. Conservative Political Philosophy III. The Formation of the PNV A. Sabino Arana y Goiri B. Re-Introduction of the Basque Culture C. The PNV as a Representation of the Basques IV. The Oppression of the Basques A. Targeting the Basques B. Primo de Rivera C. General Francisco Franco D. Bombing of Guernica E.
    [Show full text]