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Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
CG36(2019)02Final 2 April 2019
36th SESSION Report CG36(2019)02final 2 April 2019 Verification of new members’ credentials Bureau of the Congress Co-rapporteurs 1 : Michail ANGELOPOULOS, Greece (L, EPP/CCE) Johan VAN DEN HOUT, Netherlands (R, SOC) Resolution 439 (2019) ............................................................................................................................. 2 Summary The rapporteurs review the credentials of the new members in the light of the current criteria of the Congress Charter and Rules and Procedures. 1 L: Chamber of Local Authorities / R: Chamber of Regions EPP/CCE: European People’s Party Group in the Congress SOC: Socialist Group ILDG: Independent and Liberal Democrat Group ECR: European Conservatives and Reformists Group NR: Members not belonging to a political group of the Congress Tel ► +33 (0)3 8841 2110 Fax ► +33 (0)3 9021 5580 [email protected] CG36(2019)02final RESOLUTION 439 (2019)2 1. In compliance with the Congress’ Charter and Rules and Procedures, the countries listed hereafter have changed the composition of their delegation due to either the loss of mandate or the resignation of some members of the delegation of: Czech Republic, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Russian Federation, Serbia and Spain. 2. At present there are 4 representative seats and 16 substitute seats vacant out of a total of 648 seats. The countries concerned – Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, France, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom – are invited to complete their delegation. 3. The rapporteurs on the verification of credentials propose that the Congress approve the credentials of the members of the national delegations appended to this resolution and the new appointment procedure of Turkey. -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV
School of Economics and Finance The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV Ruben Durante, Paolo Pinotti and Andrea Tesei Working Paper No. 762 December 201 5 ISSN 1473-0278 The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix July 2015 Abstract We investigate the political impact of entertainment television in Italy over the past thirty years by exploiting the staggered intro- duction of Silvio Berlusconi's commercial TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals in municipalities that had access to Mediaset prior to 1985 - when the network only featured light entertainment programs - were significantly more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. This effect persists for almost two decades and five elections, and is es- pecially pronounced for heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the old. We relate the extreme persistence of the effect to the relative incidence of these age groups in the voting population, and explore different mechanisms through which early exposure to en- tertainment content may have influenced their political attitudes. Keywords: television, entertainment, voting, political participa- tion, Italy. JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Antonio Ciccone, Filipe Campante, Ruben Enikolopov, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhuravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, and participants at the 2013 AEA Meeting, the 2013 EUI Conference on Communica- tions and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments. -
E42 Mark Blyth & David Kertzer Mixdown
Brown University Watson Institute | E42_Mark Blyth & David Kertzer_mixdown [MUSIC PLAYING] MARK BLYTH: Hello, and welcome to a special edition of Trending Globally. My name is Mark Blyth. Today, I'm interviewing David Kertzer. David is the former provost here at Brown University. But perhaps more importantly, he knows more about Italy than practically anybody else we can find. Given that the elections have just happened in Italy and produced yet another kind of populist shock, we thought is was a good idea to bring him in and have a chat. Good afternoon, David. DAVID KERTZER: Thanks for having me, Mark. MARK BLYTH: OK, so let's try and put this in context for people. Italy's kicked off. Now, we could talk about what's happening right now today, but to try and get some context on this, I want to take us back a little bit. This is not the first time the Italian political system-- indeed the whole Italian state-- has kind of blown up. I want to go back to 1994. That's the last time things really disintegrated. Start there, and then walk forward, so then we can talk more meaningfully about the election. So I'm going to invite you to just take us back to 1994. Tell us about what was going on-- the post-war political compact, and then [BLOWS RASPBERRY] the whole thing fell apart. DAVID KERTZER: Well, right after World War II, of course, it was a new political system-- the end of the monarchy. There is a republic. The Christian Democratic Party, very closely allied with the Catholic Church, basically dominated Italian politics for decades. -
Schoenman FDI Paper EUSA
What Happens When the Party is Over? The Impact of New Introduction Right Parties in Government on FDI regulation Roger Schoenman “Currently, 95 percent of wholesale and retail trade belongs to foreign capital, until recently [email protected] over 70 percent of the banking sector belonged to foreign banks. Repolonization is, thus, necessary.” Then Polish Deputy PM, now PM Matuesz Morawiecki, May 17, 2017. (Redakcja Word Count without bibliography: 10,128 2017). Version date: 4/30/19 “We need foreign investment, and we must never underrate the jobs which have been created, but we must recognize that they will no longer be the source of competitiveness.” Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban November 10, 2016 speech in Budapest. “I believe there is no national sovereignty without a national financial system.” Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban in a November 2014 radio interview. “I appreciate the process of Polonization of banks sponsored by prominent persons. In the 1990s people who said that banks should be largely in Polish hands were regarded as deviants. A few years ago we learned that capital, however, has nationality and I understand that these processes, which are starting in Poland now, are a derivative of understanding this new situation. It is a pity that it is so late, but better late than never.” Zbigniew Kuźmiuk of Law and Justice (PiS) told newseria.pl in July 29, 2015. “Foreign Investors will be welcomed with open arms, however they must expect to no longer be treated in a privileged way as was the case until now, but will compete with Polish firms under fairer regulation,” -Jaroslaw Gowin, one of the Poland’s deputy prime ministers. -
EPP MEMBER PARTIES : Ordinary, Associate, Observer and Partners Status : 19 March 2021
EPP MEMBER PARTIES : Ordinary, Associate, Observer and Partners Status : 19 March 2021 COUNTRY FULL NAME ABBR. ADDRESS ZIP CODE CITY PRESIDENT TYPE 1 Austria Die neue Volkspartei ÖVP - AT Lichtenfelsgasse 7 1010 Wien KURZ Sebastian Ordinary Member Party 2 Belgium Christen-Democratisch en Vlaams CD&V - BE Wetstraat 89 1040 Brussel COENS Joachim Ordinary Member Party 3 Belgium Centre Démocrate Humaniste CDH - BE Rue du Commerce 123 1000 Bruxelles PREVOT Maxime Ordinary Member Party 4 Bulgaria Bulgaria of the Citizens Movement BCM - BG 7 Georgi Benkovski 1000 Sofia DELCHEV Dimitar Ordinary Member Party 5 Bulgaria Democrats for a Strong Bulgaria DSB - BG 18 Vitosha Blvd 1000 Sofia ATANASOV Atanas Ordinary Member Party 6 Bulgaria GERB - Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria GERB - BG Pl.Bulgaria1, NDK Administrativna sgrada, et.17 1000 Sofia BORISSOV Boyko Ordinary Member Party 7 Bulgaria Union of Democratic Forces UDF - BG 134 Rakovski Street 1000 Sofia HRISTOV Rumen Ordinary Member Party 8 Croatia Croatian Democratic Union HDZ - HR Trg zrtava fasizma 4 10 000 Zagreb PLENKOVIC Andrej Ordinary Member Party 9 Cyprus Democratic Rally of Cyprus DR - CY Pindarou 25 P.O. Box 25305 1308 Nicosia NEOFYTOU Averof Ordinary Member Party 10 Czech Republic The Christian and Democratic Union-Czech People's Party KDU-CSL - CZ Palac Charitas, Karlovo namesti 5 12800 Prague 2 JURECKA Marian Ordinary Member Party 11 Czech Republic TOP09 TOP09 - CZ Opletalova 1603/57 11000 Prague 1 ADAMOVA Marketa Ordinary Member Party 12 Denmark Det Konservative Folkeparti DKF - DK Christiansborg 1240 Copenhagen K PAPE POULSEN Soren Ordinary Member Party 13 Denmark Kristendemokraterne KD - DK Vermlandsgade 51 2300 Copenhagen ARENDT Isabella Ordinary Member Party 14 Estonia Pro Patria - Isamaa Isamaa - EE Paldiski mnt 13 10137 Tallinn SEEDER Helir-Valdor Ordinary Member Party 15 Finland Kansallinen Kokoomus KK - FI Kansakoulukuja 3 A 00100 Helsinki ORPO Petteri Ordinary Member Party 16 Finland Suomen Kristillisdemokraatit SK(KD) - FI Karjalankatu 2 C 7krs. -
An Uncertain Italy
Geographical Overview | EU’s Mediterranean Countries Panorama An Uncertain Italy Marc Lazar has submitted his resignation in the wake of this dis- Professor of History and Political Sociology at aster. In fact, the PD’s defeat is yet another example Sciences Po, Paris of the deep crisis of the entire continental European President, School of Government, Libera Università left. For its part, Silvio Berlusconi’s Forza Italia, with Internazionale degli Studi Sociali Guido Carli (LUISS), 14% of the votes, has obtained its lowest election Rome results since it was founded in 1994. Il Cavaliere, at 81 years of age, no longer mobilizes anyone but his most diehard followers and no longer aggregates an The results of the 4 March 2018 Italian elections are arc of broader forces behind him ranging from the paradoxical. On the one hand, they clearly show extreme right to the centre. He has thus been great- Geographical Overview Mediterranean | EU’s Countries three winners and three losers. On the other hand, ly weakened by the results of this election. The ex- they have made Italy enter a stage of extreme politi- haustion of his party, which exists nearly exclusively cal uncertainty. for and by him, attests to a more generalized phe- The losers are, first and foremost, the two main po- nomenon, that of the difficulties of the European 192 litical parties that had been attempting to impose right, as can be seen, for instance, in France, Ger- their hegemony for years on their respective ends of many, Austria and Spain. In Italy, as elsewhere, the the political spectrum. -
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019
Codebook: Government Composition, 1960-2019 Codebook: SUPPLEMENT TO THE COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET – GOVERNMENT COMPOSITION 1960-2019 Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann The Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set provides detailed information on party composition, reshuffles, duration, reason for termination and on the type of government for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member countries. The data begins in 1959 for the 23 countries formerly included in the CPDS I, respectively, in 1966 for Malta, in 1976 for Cyprus, in 1990 for Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia, in 1991 for Poland, in 1992 for Estonia and Lithuania, in 1993 for Latvia and Slovenia and in 2000 for Croatia. In order to obtain information on both the change of ideological composition and the following gap between the new an old cabinet, the supplement contains alternative data for the year 1959. The government variables in the main Comparative Political Data Set are based upon the data presented in this supplement. When using data from this data set, please quote both the data set and, where appropriate, the original source. Please quote this data set as: Klaus Armingeon, Sarah Engler and Lucas Leemann. 2021. Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Composition 1960-2019. Zurich: Institute of Political Science, University of Zurich. These (former) assistants have made major contributions to the dataset, without which CPDS would not exist. In chronological and descending order: Angela Odermatt, Virginia Wenger, Fiona Wiedemeier, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, Sarah Engler, David Weisstanner, Panajotis Potolidis, Marlène Gerber, Philipp Leimgruber, Michelle Beyeler, and Sarah Menegal. -
Appendix to Part 4 (Resources for Democratic Politicians and Political Parties)
Anna Lührmann, Lisa Gastaldi, Dominik Hirndorf and Staffan I. Lindberg (Eds). 2020. Defending Democracy against Illiberal Challengers: A Resource Guide. Varieties of Democracy Institute/University of Gothenburg. Appendix to Part 4 (Resources for Democratic Politicians and Political Parties) Sandra Grahn, Anna Lührmann, Lisa Gastaldi Austria – Freedom Party (FPÖ) 2006: Cabinet exit The Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ) had met all conditions put forward by the Christian Democratic party, and was in government with them, holding important ministries such as finance and justice (Heinisch and Hauser, 2016, p. 76). However, the new leader, Haider, took the party in a new direction, being more clearly anti-Semitic. He visited Saddam Hussein in Iraq, and did other things that did not go over well with the electorate (Art, 2017, p. 585). This created serious divisions within the party, that also went public (Heinisch and Hauser, 2016, p. 78). After low poll numbers and negative media coverage, the FPÖ brought down its own leadership, and thus the government in 2002 (Heinisch and Hauser, 2016, p. 79). From the subsequent early election in 2002, the FPÖ still held government position, although now only three ministries. They started blocking neo-liberal policies and returning to protest-party rhetoric. In 2005, the FPÖ split into FPÖ and BZÖ, and the BZÖ remained in government office while the FPÖ did not. 2019: Cabinet exit In May 2019, just a week before the EP election, German newspapers published a video showing the FPÖ leader and Austrian vice chancellor, Heinz-Christian Strache together with another FPÖ member asking the niece of a Russian oligarch to take over Austria’s biggest tabloid, and tilt the election in their favour, in exchange for government contracts. -
European Parliament Elections: a Final Look at the National Campaigns
European Parliament elections: a final look at the national campaigns blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/05/22/european-parliament-elections-a-final-look-at-the-national-campaigns/ 22/05/2014 European Parliament elections are being held on 22-25 May, with voting already under way in some countries across Europe. To mark the start of the election, Stuart Brown takes a look at the national campaigns, national polling, and the key domestic issues which are at stake in each of the 28 EU states. While several predictions have been made as to the eventual composition of the European Parliament, the individual votes which will take place in each EU states between now and Sunday will also have an important impact at the level of domestic politics. This article provides a final overview of each of the 28 national campaigns, including polling on the likely results and some of the key issues at stake in each state. To structure the article, states have been loosely grouped on the basis of their size and location into six different sections, with tables provided showing the latest vote share and seat predictions from PollWatch2014 for each group in turn. An outline of each of the political groups within the European Parliament is available here. Table 1: Predicted vote share and seats in the 2014 European Parliament elections in the five largest states: France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the UK France Germany Italy Spain UK Latest update: average of EP polls from 14 – 16 May; Ifop, OpinionWay, TNS, CSA and Ipsos. For more information on the parties see: Union for a Popular Movement (UMP); Front National (FN); Socialist Party (PS); Front de Gauche; Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI); Europe Ecology – The Greens (EELV); New Anticapitalist Party (NPA); Arise the Republic (DLR).