The Presidency the EPP Group Structure
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Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Mr Josep Borrell Vice-President of the European Commission High Representative of the Union for the CFSP Rue De La Loi 170 1000 Brussels
Mr Josep Borrell Vice-President of the European Commission High Representative of the Union for the CFSP Rue de la Loi 170 1000 Brussels Brussels, 16th April 2021 Dear Mr. High Representative; Mr Vice-President of the Commission: A delegation from the illegitimate National Assembly of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, which emerged from the electoral farce organised on 6th December 2020 by the regime of Nicolás Maduro, recently paid a visit to Brussels and was officially received by the institution you lead. According to a statement you made on behalf of the European Union on 6th December, this spurious process took place in the absence of electoral conditions that could have guaranteed its credibility, without any respect for political pluralism, and in an atmosphere of persecution and disqualification of democratic leaders whose legitimate rights were curtailed. Your statement concludes that such circumstances could not consider this process credible, inclusive, and transparent and therefore the results did not represent the will of the Venezuelan people. That initial statement was confirmed on 6 January of this year by a new declaration, in similar terms to those expressed on 6 December, and by the conclusions of the Foreign Affairs Council of 25 January. These reiterated the lack of recognition of the electoral process and regretted the behaviour of the authorities of the Maduro regime, whose actions are preventing a solution to the serious crisis in Venezuela. We were surprised and gravely concerned to learn that on 14th April, at your request, senior officials of the European External Action Service received the aforementioned delegation, comprising Iris Varela, Pedro Carreño and Desirée Santos Amaral, at the EEAS headquarters. -
EPP Enlarged Group Bureau Meeting EIN SUMMER UNIVERSITY 'EIN: Achievements and Its Role to Play in the Future' EN
EPP Enlarged Group Bureau Meeting EIN SUMMER UNIVERSITY ‘EIN: Achievements and its role to play in the future’ ‘The success of the Political Networking’ 19 June 2014 ALBUFEIRA Service Documentation - Publications Recherche EPP Group Group of the European People’s Party (Christian Democrats) in the European Parliament EN European Ideas Network 2 Vade-mecum of the speakers VADE-MECUM of the Speakers European Ideas Network 3 European Ideas Network 4 Vade-mecum of the speakers Michael BORCHARD, Head of the Department of Politics and Consulting, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung (KAS) Michael Borchard is Director of the Department for Policy Consulting, a think tank at the Konrad-Adenauer Foundation in Berlin. Previously, he headed the unit on domestic policy in this department. Before joining the Konrad-Adenauer Foundation, Mr. Borchard served as the Head of the Speech-Writing Division at the State-Chancellery of Thuringia, as senior speech-writer to the Minister-President of Thuringia, Dr. Bernhard Vogel. Prior to this he worked as a member at the team of speech-writers for Chancellor Dr. Helmut Kohl in the office of the Federal Chancellor. His previous work experience includes several years as a freelance journalist as well as researcher for contemporary history. Mr. Borchard holds a Ph.D. in contemporary history and political science from the University of Bonn, Germany. His dissertation on “The German Prisoners of War in the Soviet Union. The political importance of the Prisoner-of-War-Problem for both German States and the Western Allies between 1949 and 1955” was awarded the Geffrub-Prize 1999 from the University of Bonn for the best dissertation. -
Accession Treaty
23.9.2003EN Official Journal of the European Union 17 TREATY BETWEEN THE KINGDOM OF BELGIUM, THE KINGDOM OF DENMARK, THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC, THE KINGDOM OF SPAIN, THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, IRELAND, THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC, THE GRAND DUCHY OF LUXEMBOURG, THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS, THE REPUBLIC OF AUSTRIA, THE PORTUGUESE REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF FINLAND, THE KINGDOM OF SWEDEN, THE UNITED KINGDOM OF GREAT BRITAIN AND NORTHERN IRELAND (MEMBER STATES OF THE EUROPEAN UNION) AND THE CZECH REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA, THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS, THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA, THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA, THE REPUBLIC OF HUNGARY, THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA, THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND, THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA, THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC, CONCERNING THE ACCESSION OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC, THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA, THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS, THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA, THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA, THE REPUBLIC OF HUNGARY, THE REPUBLIC OF MALTA, THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND, THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA AND THE SLOVAK REPUBLIC TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF THE BELGIANS, THE PRESIDENT OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC, HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN OF DENMARK, THE PRESIDENT OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF ESTONIA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC, HIS MAJESTY THE KING OF SPAIN, THE PRESIDENT OF THE FRENCH REPUBLIC, THE PRESIDENT OF IRELAND, THE PRESIDENT OF THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF CYPRUS, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LATVIA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF LITHUANIA, HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE -
November 2020
EPP Party Barometer November 2020 The Situation of the European People’s Party in the EU (as of: 23 November 2020) Dr Olaf Wientzek (Graphic template: Janine www.kas.de Höhle, HA Kommunikation, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung) Summary & latest developments (I) • In national polls, the EPP family are the strongest political family in 12 countries (including Fidesz); the Socialist political family in 6, the Liberals/Renew in 4, far-right populists (ID) in 2, and the Eurosceptic/national conservative ECR in 1. Added together, independent parties lead in Latvia. No polls/elections have taken place in France since the EP elections. • The picture is similar if we look at the strongest single party and not the largest party family: then the EPP is ahead in 12 countries (if you include the suspended Fidesz), the Socialists in 7, the Liberals in 4, far-right populists (ID) in 2, and the ECR in one land. • 10 (9 without Orbán) of the 27 Heads of State and Government in the European Council currently belong to the EPP family, 7 to the Liberals/Renew, 6 to the Social Democrats / Socialists, 1 to the Eurosceptic conservatives, and 2 are formally independent. The party of the Slovak head of government belongs to the EPP group but not (yet) to the EPP party; if you include him in the EPP family, there would be 11 (without Orbán 10). • In many countries, the lead is extremely narrow, or, depending on the polls, another party family is ahead (including Italy, Sweden, Latvia, Belgium, Poland). Summary & latest developments (II) • In Romania, the PNL (EPP) has a good starting position for the elections (Dec. -
2019 © Timbro 2019 [email protected] Layout: Konow Kommunikation Cover: Anders Meisner FEBRUARY 2019
TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX 2019 © Timbro 2019 www.timbro.se [email protected] Layout: Konow Kommunikation Cover: Anders Meisner FEBRUARY 2019 ABOUT THE TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX Authoritarian Populism has established itself as the third ideological force in European politics. This poses a long-term threat to liberal democracies. The Timbro Authoritarian Populism Index (TAP) continuously explores and analyses electoral data in order to improve the knowledge and understanding of the development among politicians, media and the general public. TAP contains data stretching back to 1980, which makes it the most comprehensive index of populism in Europe. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • 26.8 percent of voters in Europe – more than one in four – cast their vote for an authoritarian populist party last time they voted in a national election. • Voter support for authoritarian populists increased in all six elections in Europe during 2018 and has on an aggregated level increased in ten out of the last eleven elections. • The combined support for left- and right-wing populist parties now equals the support for Social democratic parties and is twice the size of support for liberal parties. • Right-wing populist parties are currently growing more rapidly than ever before and have increased their voter support with 33 percent in four years. • Left-wing populist parties have stagnated and have a considerable influence only in southern Europe. The median support for left-wing populist in Europe is 1.3 percent. • Extremist parties on the left and on the right are marginalised in almost all of Europe with negligible voter support and almost no political influence. -
En En Interim Report
European Parliament 2014-2019 Plenary sitting A8-0087/2019 26.2.2019 INTERIM REPORT on the proposal for a Council Regulation on the establishment of the European Monetary Fund (COM(2017)0827 – C8-0000/2018 – 2017/0333R(APP)) Committee on Budgets Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs Rapporteur: Vladimír Maňka, Pedro Silva Pereira (Joint committee procedure – Rule 55 of the Rules of Procedure) RR\1178019EN.docx PE630.626v02-00 EN United in diversityEN PR_Consent_Interim CONTENTS Page MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION.............................................3 OPINION OF THE COMMITTEE ON BUDGETARY CONTROL ........................................9 OPINION OF THE COMMITTEE ON CONSTITUTIONAL AFFAIRS...............................14 PROCEDURE – COMMITTEE RESPONSIBLE ...................................................................19 FINAL VOTE BY ROLL CALL IN COMMITTEE RESPONSIBLE ....................................20 PE630.626v02-00 2/20 RR\1178019EN.docx EN MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION on the proposal for a Council Regulation on the establishment of the European Monetary Fund (COM(2017)0827 – C8-0000/2018 – 2017/0333R(APP)) The European Parliament, – having regard to the proposal for a Council Regulation on the establishment of the European Monetary Fund (COM(2017)0827), – having regard to its resolution of 16 February 2017 on possible evolutions of and adjustments to the current institutional set-up of the European Union1, – having regard to its resolution of 16 February 2017 on improving the functioning -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
En En Amendments 1
European Parliament 2019-2024 Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs 2020/2075(INI) 23.4.2021 AMENDMENTS 1 - 466 Draft report Margarida Marques (PE689.500v01-00) The review of the macroeconomic legislative framework for a better impact on Europe’s real economy and improved transparency of decision-making and democratic accountability (2020/2075(INI)) AM\1229373EN.docx PE691.374v01-00 EN United in diversityEN AM_Com_NonLegReport PE691.374v01-00 2/224 AM\1229373EN.docx EN Amendment 1 Markus Ferber, Ralf Seekatz, Jessica Polfjärd, Isabel Benjumea Benjumea, Esther de Lange, Danuta Maria Hübner, Luděk Niedermayer Motion for a resolution Citation 2 Motion for a resolution Amendment — having regard to the Treaty on — having regard to Article 2 of the European Union, signed in Maastricht on Treaty on European Union, 7 February 1992, establishing in Article 2 that ‘The Community shall have as its task, by establishing a common market and an economic and monetary union and by implementing the common policies or activities referred to in Articles 3 and 3a, to promote throughout the Community a harmonious and balanced development of economic activities, sustainable and non-inflationary growth respecting the environment, a high degree of convergence of economic performance, a high level of employment and of social protection, the raising of the standard of living and quality of life, and economic and social cohesion and solidarity among Member States’, Or. en Amendment 2 Luděk Niedermayer Motion for a resolution Citation 2 Motion for a resolution -
European Populism in the European Union
H Balnaves, E Monteiro Burkle, J Erkan & D Fischer ‘European populism in the European Union: Results and human rights impacts of the 2019 parliamentary elections’ (2020) 4 Global Campus Human Rights Journal 176-200 http://doi.org/20.500.11825/1695 European populism in the European Union: Results and human rights impacts of the 2019 parliamentary elections Hugo Balnaves,* Eduardo Monteiro Burkle,** Jasmine Erkan*** and David Fischer**** Abstract: Populism is a problem neither unique nor new to Europe. However, a number of crises within the European Union, such as the ongoing Brexit crisis, the migration crisis, the climate crisis and the rise of illiberal regimes in Eastern Europe, all are adding pressure on EU institutions. The European parliamentary elections of 2019 saw a significant shift in campaigning, results and policy outcomes that were all affected by, inter alia, the aforementioned crises. This article examines the theoretical framework behind right-wing populism and its rise in Europe, and the role European populism has subversively played in the 2019 elections. It examines the outcomes and human rights impacts of the election analysing the effect of right-wing populists on key EU policy areas such as migration and climate change. Key Words: European parliamentary elections; populism; EU institutions; human rights * LLB (University of Adelaide) BCom (Marketing) (University of Adelaide); EMA Student 2019/20. ** LLB (State University of Londrina); EMA Student 2019/20. *** BA (University of Western Australia); EMA Student 2019/20. **** MA (University of Mainz); EMA Student 2019/20. European populism in the European Union 177 1 Introduction 2019 was a year fraught with many challenges for the European Union (EU) as it continued undergoing several crises, including the ongoing effects of Brexit, the migration crisis, the climate crisis and the rise of illiberal regimes in Eastern Europe. -
CG36(2019)02Final 2 April 2019
36th SESSION Report CG36(2019)02final 2 April 2019 Verification of new members’ credentials Bureau of the Congress Co-rapporteurs 1 : Michail ANGELOPOULOS, Greece (L, EPP/CCE) Johan VAN DEN HOUT, Netherlands (R, SOC) Resolution 439 (2019) ............................................................................................................................. 2 Summary The rapporteurs review the credentials of the new members in the light of the current criteria of the Congress Charter and Rules and Procedures. 1 L: Chamber of Local Authorities / R: Chamber of Regions EPP/CCE: European People’s Party Group in the Congress SOC: Socialist Group ILDG: Independent and Liberal Democrat Group ECR: European Conservatives and Reformists Group NR: Members not belonging to a political group of the Congress Tel ► +33 (0)3 8841 2110 Fax ► +33 (0)3 9021 5580 [email protected] CG36(2019)02final RESOLUTION 439 (2019)2 1. In compliance with the Congress’ Charter and Rules and Procedures, the countries listed hereafter have changed the composition of their delegation due to either the loss of mandate or the resignation of some members of the delegation of: Czech Republic, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Russian Federation, Serbia and Spain. 2. At present there are 4 representative seats and 16 substitute seats vacant out of a total of 648 seats. The countries concerned – Belgium, Bosnia and Herzegovina, France, Ireland, Italy, Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Spain, Switzerland and the United Kingdom – are invited to complete their delegation. 3. The rapporteurs on the verification of credentials propose that the Congress approve the credentials of the members of the national delegations appended to this resolution and the new appointment procedure of Turkey. -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV
School of Economics and Finance The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV Ruben Durante, Paolo Pinotti and Andrea Tesei Working Paper No. 762 December 201 5 ISSN 1473-0278 The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix July 2015 Abstract We investigate the political impact of entertainment television in Italy over the past thirty years by exploiting the staggered intro- duction of Silvio Berlusconi's commercial TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals in municipalities that had access to Mediaset prior to 1985 - when the network only featured light entertainment programs - were significantly more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. This effect persists for almost two decades and five elections, and is es- pecially pronounced for heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the old. We relate the extreme persistence of the effect to the relative incidence of these age groups in the voting population, and explore different mechanisms through which early exposure to en- tertainment content may have influenced their political attitudes. Keywords: television, entertainment, voting, political participa- tion, Italy. JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Antonio Ciccone, Filipe Campante, Ruben Enikolopov, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhuravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, and participants at the 2013 AEA Meeting, the 2013 EUI Conference on Communica- tions and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments.