Challenges in the Struggle Against Violent Extremism: Winning the War of Ideas
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Canada and the Middle East Today: Electoral Politics and Foreign Policy
CANADA AND THE MIDDLE EAST TODAY: ELECTORAL POLITICS AND FOREIGN POLICY Donald Barry Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper came to power in 2006 with little experience in foreign affairs but with a well developed plan to transform his minority Conservative administration into a majority government replacing the Liberals as Canada’s “natural governing party.”1 Because his party’s core of Anglo-Protestant supporters was not large enough to achieve this goal, Harper appealed to non- traditional Conservatives, including Jews, on the basis of shared social values. His efforts were matched by those of Jewish leaders and the government of Israel to win the backing of the government and its followers in the face of declining domestic support for Israel and the rise of militant Islamic fundamentalism. These factors accelerated a change in Canada’s Middle East policy that began under Prime Minister Paul Martin, from a carefully balanced stance to one that overwhelm- ingly favors Israel. Harper’s “pro-Israel politics,” Michelle Collins observes, has “won the respect—and support—of a large segment of Canada’s organized Jewish community.”2 However, it has isolated Canada from significant shifts in Middle East diplomacy and marginalized its ability to play a constructive role in the region. Harper and the Jewish Vote When he became leader of the Canadian Alliance party, which merged with the Progressive Conservatives to form the Conservative Party of Canada in 2004, Tom Flanagan says that Harper realized “The traditional Conservative base of Anglophone Protestants [was] too narrow to win modern Canadian elections.”3 In a speech to the conservative organization Civitas, in 2003, Harper argued that the only way to achieve power was to focus not on the tired wish list of economic conservatives or “neo-cons,” as they’d become known, but on what he called “theo-cons”—those social conservatives who care passionately about hot-button issues that turn on family, crime, and defense. -
The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990
The Foreign Policy of the Arab Gulf Monarchies from 1971 to 1990 Submitted by René Rieger to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Middle East Politics in June 2013 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: ………… ………… 2 ABSTRACT This dissertation provides a comparative analysis of the foreign policies of the Arab Gulf monarchies during the period of 1971 to 1990, as examined through two case studies: (1) the Arab Gulf monarchies’ relations with Iran and Iraq and (2) the six states’ positions in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The dissertation argues that, in formulating their policies towards Iran and Iraq, the Arab Gulf monarchies aspired to realize four main objectives: external security and territorial integrity; domestic and regime stability; economic prosperity; and the attainment of a stable subregional balance of power without the emergence of Iran or Iraq as Gulf hegemon. Over the largest part of the period under review, the Arab Gulf monarchies managed to offset threats to these basic interests emanating from Iran and Iraq by alternately appeasing and balancing the source of the threat. The analysis reveals that the Arab Gulf monarchies’ individual bilateral relations with Iran and Iraq underwent considerable change over time and, particularly following the Iranian Revolution, displayed significant differences in comparison to one another. -
The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
Marcin Styszyński PRESENT TRENDS AMONG JIHADISTS
XI: 2014 nr 3 Marcin Styszyński PRESENT TRENDS AMONG JIHADISTS AFTER THE ARAB SPRING Post-revolutionary environment The Arab Spring created three main trends in current political Islam. The fi rst fi eld concerns offi cial Muslim parties declaring implementation of some Islamic values in legal, constitutional and social life. They resign from violence and accept politi- cal dialogue and mechanisms such as free elections, referendum or parliamentary activities. The second factor refl ects Salafi preaching and radical ideas preserving conservative traditions from the period of the Prophet Mohammad. Salafi groups are focused on their theological teaching, charity work and popularization of moral values among societies. The third category concerns jihadist organizations that dec- lare violence and fi ght against authorities and societies. They refer to the concept of takfīr (excommunication), which considers the state and the society as a sinful and atheistic group supporting immoral and corrupted governments. Moreover, the idea of takfīr is close to Al-Qaeda activities regarding violent renaissance of historic caliphate and implementation of strict sharia rules. Al-Qaeda also adapts defensive and off ensive sense of jihad to modern political context related to Western policy in the Muslim world. The victory of the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi groups in parliamentary elections in Egypt and Tunisia in 2011, the presidency of Mohammad Mursi as 26 MARCIN STYSZYŃSKI well as control of main regions in Libya and Syria by extremist militias increased infl uences of radical Islam in post-revolutionary countries.1 However, after three years of the transition process Arab societies have changed their attitude to the crucial values of the Arab revolution such as democra- cy, freedom, liberalism or fi ght against authoritarianism. -
Inconsistent U.S. Representation in Saudi Arabia: a Continuing Problem | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 789 Inconsistent U.S. Representation in Saudi Arabia: A Continuing Problem by Simon Henderson Oct 2, 2003 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Simon Henderson Simon Henderson is the Baker fellow and director of the Bernstein Program on Gulf and Energy Policy at The Washington Institute, specializing in energy matters and the conservative Arab states of the Persian Gulf. Brief Analysis he surprise announcement that Robert Jordan, U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia, will leave his post by mid- T October means that Washington will lack an authoritative voice in the kingdom at a crucial time in the war on terror. One State Department official has claimed that Jordan's resignation was for personal reasons and that "Saudi Arabia holds him in the highest regard." Yet, other reports suggest that Jordan's public and semipublic criticisms of the kingdom have annoyed Riyadh. Controversial Remarks In the months since May 12, 2003, when ten Americans were killed in attacks against three expatriate residential compounds in Riyadh, several of Ambassador Jordan's comments have created a stir. Analysts are accustomed to U.S. officials employing a cautious and laudatory approach when publicly describing relations with Saudi Arabia. Hence, many were astonished when, during an interview with CBS News soon after the Riyadh attacks, Jordan stated that Washington's previous requests for increased security at the compounds had been ignored. He made similar comments to the New York Times a day later, this time singling out Crown Prince Abdullah and Saudi foreign minister Prince Saud al-Faisal for praise. By implication, Jordan was pointing the blame in the direction of Interior Minister Prince Nayef, who is in charge of internal security and has a reputation for being difficult. -
2017 Kintail T Msres
Bangor University MASTERS BY RESEARCH The innovations of radical Islam Kintail, Tessa Award date: 2017 Awarding institution: Bangor University Link to publication General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 06. Oct. 2021 Tessa Kintail The innovations of radical Islam Thesis submitted for the degree of MARes School of Philosophy and Religion Bangor University / Prifysgol Bangor September 2017 2 Summary Islam’s leading contemporary teachers have refuted the theological principles of extremist thinking. Radicalisation experiences are increasingly heard and explored. However, a gap in countering Islamic extremism exists, which this study seeks to identify and address. Requiring authority from the texts for their actions, radical ideologues alter classical ideas to contextualise violent interpretations. This is not an organic religious evolution or adaptation of meaning to address cultural crisis, but the selective goal-based reduction and revision of God’s message. -
Public Redacted Version of Annex G to F0257
R026503 PUBLIC STL-18-10/PT/PTJ F0257/A07/PRV/20201215/R026503-R026688/EN/dm BEFORE THE PRE-TRIAL JUDGE SPECIAL TRIBUNAL FOR LEBANON Case No: STL-18-10/PT/PTJ Before: Judge Daniel Fransen Registrar: Mr. David Tolbert, Acting Registrar Date: 15 December 2020 Filing Party: Prosecutor Original language: English Classification: Public THE PROSECUTOR v. SALIM JAMIL AYYASH Public Redacted Version of Annex G to F0257 "Prosecution's Submission Pursuant to Rule 91(Part 4) and the Corrigendum for the Annexes A and H to F0246 "Prosecution's Submission Pursuant to Rule 91"" - Corrected Version of the Pre-Trial Brief Office of the Prosecutor: Counsel for Mr. Salim Jamil Ayyash: Mr. Norman Farrell Mr. Emile Aoun and Ms. Anta Guisse Legal Representative of Participating Head of Defence Office: Victims (attack against Mr Hamade): Ms. Dorothee Le Fraper du Hellen Mr Nidal Jurdi Legal Representative of Participating Victims (attack against Mr Hawi): Mr Antonios Abou Kasm Legal Representative of Participating Victims (attack against Mr El-Murr): Mr Adel Nassar ,.,t•."l ~ ... .. ~ \\.t) 11.. _I_ _I_ 11..U_I__I_ VVU.:') .:')l'V_l__l_.:')V_l_VU UJ _I__I_VL.JUV1-1-U1-_l_ ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••II c. BADREDDINE's ROLE IN HEZBOLLAH ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 45 1. BADREDDINE was a Hezbollah leader before, during and after the attacks ............ .45 2. BADREDDINE operated as a high level security operative in 2004-2005 ................ .47 3. BADREDDINE had ties to prominent Hezbollah members and to Hezbollah .......... .49 IV. THE USE OF COVERT TELEPHONE NETWORKS TO COMMIT THE ATTACKS •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 51 A. AYYASH, BADREDDINE, AND OTHERS, USED COVERT TELEPHONE NETWORKS TO FACILITATE THE PLANNING, PREPARATION AND PERPETRATION OF THE ATTACKS •••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• 51 1. -
11 July 2006 Mumbai Train Bombings
11 July 2006 Mumbai train bombings July 2006 Mumbai train bombings One of the bomb-damaged coaches Location Mumbai, India Target(s) Mumbai Suburban Railway Date 11 July 2006 18:24 – 18:35 (UTC+5.5) Attack Type Bombings Fatalities 209 Injuries 714 Perpetrator(s) Terrorist outfits—Student Islamic Movement of India (SIMI), Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT; These are alleged perperators as legal proceedings have not yet taken place.) Map showing the 'Western line' and blast locations. The 11 July 2006 Mumbai train bombings were a series of seven bomb blasts that took place over a period of 11 minutes on the Suburban Railway in Mumbai (formerly known as Bombay), capital city of the Indian state of Maharashtra and India's financial capital. 209 people lost their lives and over 700 were injured in the attacks. Details The bombs were placed on trains plying on the western line of the suburban ("local") train network, which forms the backbone of the city's transport network. The first blast reportedly took place at 18:24 IST (12:54 UTC), and the explosions continued for approximately eleven minutes, until 18:35, during the after-work rush hour. All the bombs had been placed in the first-class "general" compartments (some compartments are reserved for women, called "ladies" compartments) of several trains running from Churchgate, the city-centre end of the western railway line, to the western suburbs of the city. They exploded at or in the near vicinity of the suburban railway stations of Matunga Road, Mahim, Bandra, Khar Road, Jogeshwari, Bhayandar and Borivali. -
Counter-Terrorism Reference Curriculum
COUNTER-TERRORISM REFERENCE CURRICULUM CTRC Academic Project Leads & Editors Dr. Sajjan M. Gohel, International Security Director Asia Pacific Foundation Visiting Teacher, London School of Economics & Political Science [email protected] & [email protected] Dr. Peter Forster, Associate Professor Penn State University [email protected] PfPC Reference Curriculum Lead Editors: Dr. David C. Emelifeonwu Senior Staff Officer, Educational Engagements Canadian Defence Academy Associate Professor Royal Military College of Canada Department of National Defence [email protected] Dr. Gary Rauchfuss Director, Records Management Training Program National Archives and Records Administration [email protected] Layout Coordinator / Distribution: Gabriella Lurwig-Gendarme NATO International Staff [email protected] Graphics & Printing — ISBN XXXX 2010-19 NATO COUNTER-TERRORISM REFERENCE CURRICULUM Published May 2020 2 FOREWORD “With guns you can kill terrorists, with education you can kill terrorism.” — Malala Yousafzai, Pakistani activist for female education and Nobel Prize laureate NATO’s counter-terrorism efforts have been at the forefront of three consecutive NATO Summits, including the recent 2019 Leaders’ Meeting in London, with the clear political imperative for the Alliance to address a persistent global threat that knows no border, nationality or religion. NATO’s determination and solidarity in fighting the evolving challenge posed by terrorism has constantly increased since the Alliance invoked its collective defence clause for the first time in response to the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 on the United States of America. NATO has gained much experience in countering terrorism from its missions and operations. However, NATO cannot defeat terrorism on its own. Fortunately, we do not stand alone. -
Transcript Prepared from a Tape Recording.]
1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION SABAN CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST POLICY TOWARD A NEW IRAN POLICY A SABAN CENTER SYMPOSIUM Tuesday, November 23, 2004 The Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 2 [TRANSCRIPT PREPARED FROM A TAPE RECORDING.] MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 3 A G E N D A Introductory Remarks Martin Indyk, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution Opening Address "U.S. Policy Toward Iran in a Second Bush Administration" Danielle Pletka, American Enterprise Institute Panel 1: Iran's Foreign Policy and Motives Moderator: Shaul Bakhash, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution Ray Takeyh, Council on Foreign Relations M. Hadi Semati, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Panel 2: The Lay of the Land: The Threat from Iran and the International Perspective Moderator: Martin Indyk, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution Daniel Byman, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution David Kay, former head of the Iraq Survey Group Philip Gordon, The Brookings Institution Lunch Address "An Alternative Approach to Iran" Ken Pollack, Saban Center at the Brookings Institution MILLER REPORTING CO., INC. 735 8th STREET, S.E. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20003-2802 (202) 546-6666 4 P R O C E E D I N G S INTRODUCTORY REMARKS MR. INDYK: Welcome to the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution and to the symposium that we are hosting today entitled "Towards a New Iran Policy." We've gathered a group of experts on Iran and on U.S. -
Why Do Americans Go Abroad to Fight in Foreign Conflicts?
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive DSpace Repository Theses and Dissertations 1. Thesis and Dissertation Collection, all items 2018-06 WHY DO AMERICANS GO ABROAD TO FIGHT IN FOREIGN CONFLICTS? Harris, Alphonso Monterey, CA; Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/59679 Downloaded from NPS Archive: Calhoun NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS WHY DO AMERICANS GO ABROAD TO FIGHT IN FOREIGN CONFLICTS? by Alphonso Harris June 2018 Thesis Advisor: Mohammed M. Hafez Second Reader: Daniel T. Cunningham Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK Form Approved OMB REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington, DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED (Leave blank) June 2018 Master's thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS WHY DO AMERICANS GO ABROAD TO FIGHT IN FOREIGN CONFLICTS? 6. AUTHOR(S) Alphonso Harris 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION REPORT Monterey, CA 93943-5000 NUMBER 9. SPONSORING / MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND 10. -
Library of Congress
Library of Congress Interview with Brooks Wrampelmeier The Association for Diplomatic Studies and Training Foreign Affairs Oral History Project BROOKS WRAMPELMEIER Interviewed by: Charles Stuart Kennedy Initial interview date: March 22, 2000 Copyright 2004 ADST Q: Today is March 22, 2000. This is an interview with Brooks Wrampelmeier being done on behalf of the Association for Diplomatic Studies and I am Charles Stuart Kennedy. Brooks, can we start at the beginning. When and where were you born? WRAMPELMEIER: I was born in Cincinnati, Ohio on September 27, 1934. Q: Can you tell me a little about your family? WRAMPELMEIER: My father's family was of partly German descent. His grandfather had come over in 1848 and settled in Cincinnati. His mother's family was of Irish and New England stock. My mother's family was primarily of New England, New York City, and Kentucky origins. They had come to Cincinnati in the mid-19th century. Q: Hence the Brooks. WRAMPELMEIER: Yes, my mother's maiden name is Brooks. In fact, her Grandfather Brooks had come to Cincinnati from Kentucky. My father was a third-generation painting contractor. He owned a business founded by his grandfather back in the early 1850s. My mother's father was a naval officer, a 1902 graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy, who Interview with Brooks Wrampelmeier http://www.loc.gov/item/mfdipbib001488 Library of Congress then left the Navy to marry his childhood sweetheart in 1907. They settled in the little suburb of Cincinnati called Wyoming where they were born. My parents lived a few years in Cincinnati and when I was three they also moved to Wyoming.