Needed Interventions to Reduce Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Health

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Needed Interventions to Reduce Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Health Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law Population Health Needed Interventions to Reduce Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Health David R. Williams Harvard University Valerie Purdie-Vaughns Columbia University Abstract Large racial/ethnic and socioeconomic status (SES) differences in health persist in the United States. Eliminating these health disparities is a public health challenge of our time. This article addresses what is needed for social and behavioral interventions to be successful. We draw on important insights for reducing social inequalities in health that David Mechanic articulated more than a decade ago in his article “Disadvantage, Inequality, and Social Policy.” We begin by outlining the chal- lenge that interventions that have the potential to improve health at the population level can widen social inequalities in health. Next, given that there are racial differences in SES at every level of SES, we review research on race/ethnicity-related aspects of social experience that can contribute to racial inequalities in SES and health. We then explore what is needed for social and behavioral interventions to be successful in addressing disparities and consider the significance of race/ethnicity in designing and developing good policies to address this added dimension of inequality. We conclude that there is a pressing need to develop a scientific research agenda to identify how to build and sustain the political will needed to create policy to eliminate racial/ethnic health disparities. Keywords health disparities, interventions, race Introduction There are large racial variations in health in the United States. Acknowl- edging that the exclusive use of one measure of health inequity is value laden and that the choice of a measure of inequity can lead to different interpretations of the same data (Harper et al. 2010), table 1 presents both the absolute (the difference between two groups) and the relative (dividing the rate of one group by that of another) racial and socioeconomic status Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law, Vol. 41, No. 4, August 2016 DOI 10.1215/03616878-3620857 Ó 2016 by Duke University Press Published by Duke University Press Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 628 Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law Table 1 Death Rates from All Causes, Age-Standardized, for Non-Hispanic Blacks and Whites, Aged 25–64, 2001 Black/White Black-White Education Blacks Whites Ratio Difference Men All 791.9 415.6 1.91 376.3 < 12 years 1,211.0 914.6 1.32 296.4 12 years 1,042.3 595.1 1.75 447.2 13–15 years 455.3 291.8 1.56 163.5 16 + years 386.5 216.2 1.79 170.3 Low-high difference 825 698 Low/high ratio 3.13 4.23 Women All 470.9 247.3 1.9 223.6 < 12 years 577.6 539.5 1.07 38.1 12 years 634.8 321.6 1.97 313.2 13–15 years 318.2 175.5 1.81 142.7 16 + years 318.7 147.4 2.16 171.3 Low-high difference 259 392.1 Low/high ratio 1.81 3.66 Source: Jemal et al. 2008 Notes: Rates per 100,000, United States. Low-high difference = lowest education category minus highest category; low/high ratio = lowest education category divided by highest category. (SES) differences in health, for all-cause mortality for non-Hispanic blacks and whites (Jemal et al. 2008). For both men and women, the absolute racial differences in death rates are substantial, with rates for blacks almost twice as high as those for whites. Other data reveal that racial groups characterized by legacies of social exclusion, economic disadvantage, and political or geographic marginalization have worse health than the dom- inant racial groups in virtually every society (Williams 2012). Although immigrants of all racial/ethnic groups tend to have better health than their native-born peers, marked declines are evident in the health of socioeco- nomically disadvantaged immigrants over time (Williams 2012). For exam- ple, US-born persons of Mexican ancestry have rates of heart disease and cancer that are almost twice as high as those of Mexican immigrants (Dominguez et al. 2015). These racial/ethnic differences in health are not new. In the late nine- teenth century, W. E. B. DuBois ([1899] 1967) documented large racial disparities in health in Philadelphia. He indicated that these differences in health could be explained by the poor living and working conditions of Published by Duke University Press Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law Williams and Purdie-Vaughns - Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Health 629 African Americans. Consistent with DuBois’s analysis, a large body of scientific evidence confirms that SES, whether measured by income, education, occupational status, or wealth, is arguably the strongest pre- dictor of variations in health (Commission on Social Determinants of Health 2008). Table 1 also shows variations in mortality using education as a marker of SES. The education gaps in mortality for men and women of each racial group are generally larger, in absolute and relative terms, than the racial gaps. However, for men and women, at every level of education a racial gap persists. Notably, for both men and women, the relative but not the absolute racial gap is largest at the highest level of education. Thus these national data are not entirely consistent with the hypothesis of “diminishing returns,” which argues that blacks receive smaller health benefits from increasing SES compared to whites (Farmer and Ferraro 2005). Social inequity in health is one of the greatest public health challenges of our time, and there is interest in eliminating racial/ethnic disparities in health. Addressing disparities in health is one of the priorities of the National Institutes of Health, and the Healthy People 2010 initiative made eliminating health disparities one of its objectives. There is a growing consensus that since the key drivers of good health lie in the social deter- minants of health, we need to look “upstream” and intervene on the con- ditions of life in our homes, neighborhoods, schools, and workplaces (Marmot et al. 2008; Braveman, Egerter, and Mockenhaupt 2011). Healthy People 2020 embraced these goals, calling for improving the health of all, eliminating disparities, and creating healthy social and physical environ- ments (US Department of Health and Human Services 2010). Accordingly, this article outlines the steps that are needed to develop a toolbox of cre- ative, rigorous, theory-informed interventions that would address the social determinants of health in order to improve the health of vulnerable popu- lations and reduce racial gaps in health. We draw heavily on, and extend in some cases, important insights for reducing social inequalities in health that David Mechanic (2002) articu- lated more than a decade ago. In an article titled “Disadvantage, Inequality, and Social Policy,” he raised a number of critical issues that had not received wide currency in the literature on racial disparities in health. Limited progress has been made in reducing racial disparities since then (Thomas et al. 2011), and Mechanic’s article is still timely today. In this article, we address what is needed for social and behavioral interventions to be successful. We begin by outlining the challenge that interventions that have the potential to improve health at the population level can widen social inequalities in health. Next we review research on race-related aspects of Published by Duke University Press Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 630 Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law social experience that can contribute to racial inequalities in SES and health. We then explore what is needed for social and behavioral inter- ventions to be successful in addressing disparities, and we conclude that there is a pressing need to develop a scientific research agenda to identify how to build and sustain the political will needed to create policy to eliminate racial health disparities. Understanding the Problem and Evaluating Action A 2013 report from the Institute of Medicine documented that for nine key indicators of health status, Americans had worse health than their counterparts in sixteen high-income countries (Woolf and Aron 2013). Moreover, the report indicated that the poorer health of Americans compared to people in other rich nations was evident at all ages from birth to age seventy-five and that even the most advantaged Americans, those with high SES, healthy behaviors, and health insurance, had worse health than their peers in other affluent democracies. Thus health inter- ventions in the United States are needed to improve the health of all, even while they seek to reduce the large gaps in health by race/ethnicity and SES. Mechanic (2002) indicates that the development of sound policy requires a clear understanding of the dynamics that undergird social inequality because that will inform how, when, and for whom to implement population-level interventions. We discuss three dimensions of social inequalities that are important for health policy initiatives to attend to: the tension between reducing disparities and improving population health, the reality that SES inequalities in health reflect a gradient and not a threshold, and the need to address social inequalities linked to race/ethnicity that are not captured by SES. Improving Health versus Reducing Disparities One of Mechanic’s(2002) important insights was that improving the health of the US population would not inevitably lead to a reduction in social inequalities. He argued that enhancing overall population health and reducing disparities are objectives that can conflict with each other and that the strategies likely to have the greatest impact in improving population health are likely to widen SES-related disparities, including racial/ethnic disparities. Trend data on cigarette smoking and adolescent obesity illus- trate this challenge.
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