November 24, 1967 Memorandum of Conversation Between
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Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR
asdf PMUNC 2015 Cuban Missile Crisis JCC: USSR Chair: Jacob Sackett-Sanders JCC PMUNC 2015 Contents Chair Letter…………………………………………………………………...3 Introduction……………….………………………………………………….4 Topics of Concern………………………...………………….………………6 The Space Race…...……………………………....………………….....6 The Third World...…………………………………………......………7 The Eastern Bloc………………………………………………………9 The Chinese Communists…………………………………………….10 De-Stalinization and Domestic Reform………………………………11 Committee Members….……………………………………………………..13 2 JCC PMUNC 2015 Chair’s Letter Dear Delegates, It is my great pleasure to give you an early welcome to PMUNC 2015. My name is Jacob, and I’ll be your chair, helping to guide you as you take on the role of the Soviet political elites circa 1961. Originally from Wilmington, Delaware, at Princeton I study Slavic Languages and Literature. The Eastern Bloc, as well as Yugoslavia, have long been interests of mine. Our history classes and national consciousness often paints them as communist enemies, but in their own ways, they too helped to shape the modern world that we know today. While ultimately failed states, they had successes throughout their history, contributing their own shares to world science and culture, and that’s something I’ve always tried to appreciate. Things are rarely as black and white as the paper and ink of our textbooks. During the conference, you will take on the role of members of the fictional Soviet Advisory Committee on Centralization and Global Communism, a new semi-secret body intended to advise the Politburo and other major state organs. You will be given unmatched power but also faced with a variety of unique challenges, such as unrest in the satellite states, an economy over-reliant on heavy industry, and a geopolitical sphere of influence being challenged by both the USA and an emerging Communist China. -
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
Introduction Chapter 1 Chapter 2
Notes Introduction 1. I am grateful to Richard Boyd for his teaching and supervision, as a result of which I was introduced to the eminent importance, both within and outside philosophy, of arguments for naturalistic realism in Anglo- American analytic philosophy. See Boyd 1982, 1983, 1985, 1988, 1999, 2010. 2. This is how the term is spelled in Goodman 1973. Chapter 1 1. This took place at a talk at the University of Havana on the occasion of receiving an honorary degree December 8, 2001, Havana, Cuba. 2. Take, for example, Senel Paz saying, “I have always thought that it is the duty of the intellectuals . to examine closely all of our errors and negative tendencies, to study them with courage and without shame” (my translation) in Heras 1999: 148. 3. I have discussed this view at some length in Babbitt 1996. 4. Julia Sweig’s statement is significant given that she was director of Latin Ameri- can studies at the Council of Foreign Relations, a major foreign policy forum for the US government. See Sweig 2007, cited in Veltmeyer & Rushton 2013: 301. 5. “US Governor in First Trip to Castro’s Cuba” (1999, October 24), New York Times, p. 14, http:// search .proquest .com .proxy .queensu .ca /docview /110125370 / pageviewPDF ?accountid = 6180 [accessed March 10, 2013]. 6. The fact- value distinction emerged in European Enlightenment philosophy, originating, arguably, with Hume (1711– 1776) who argued that normative arguments (about value) cannot be derived logically from arguments about what exists. 7. The view that the mind, understood as consciousness, is physical, although distinctly so, is defended by philosophers of mind (Searle 1998; see also Prado 2006). -
Ernesto 'Che' Guevara: the Existing Literature
Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara: socialist political economy and economic management in Cuba, 1959-1965 Helen Yaffe London School of Economics and Political Science Doctor of Philosophy 1 UMI Number: U615258 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615258 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 I, Helen Yaffe, assert that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Helen Yaffe Date: 2 Iritish Library of Political nrjPr v . # ^pc £ i ! Abstract The problem facing the Cuban Revolution after 1959 was how to increase productive capacity and labour productivity, in conditions of underdevelopment and in transition to socialism, without relying on capitalist mechanisms that would undermine the formation of new consciousness and social relations integral to communism. Locating Guevara’s economic analysis at the heart of the research, the thesis examines policies and development strategies formulated to meet this challenge, thereby refuting the mainstream view that his emphasis on consciousness was idealist. Rather, it was intrinsic and instrumental to the economic philosophy and strategy for social change advocated. -
Court Proposes New Session to Handle Reapportioning
I^N ESD A Y, OCTTOT^ 18, 186^ iKitnrlrpBt^r lEttrabig ll^raUt ATtnc* Dally Not Press Rm Weather Fsr the Weak l!a«ed Faraoaat of V. S. WMither 24, U M ' fla g Karinaa from tosvn are About Town taking part in Operation Steal Oloadjr and oairier tenlgkt, law Pika In Spaht. Tliey are: Pfc. f r o m b ib s t o c r ib s h e e t s 14,065 4e-46; fair aad eaelar to m u m m , Douglas P. Johnson, aon of aC tka Audit Mgk ee-86. W m KuBitoi Pwiy, dwigh- Douglas A. Jcdinaon, 144 Birch tar oC Mr. «w l M n. JamM Pn^ St.; Lance Cpl. Robert M. a( Maneh0tter— A City of ViUagm Chorm ly, m HoOMar 8t^ !■ a mem- Smith, eon of Mr, and Mrs. celebrating bar o t the program commlttaa RuUedga J. Smith, 411 Bum- for an Open Houaa at Meriden ham St.; Cpl. John B. Fales, VOL. LXXXIV, NO. 25 tTWBNTY-BIGHT PA6BSF-TWO SECTIONS) MANCHESTE^^ CONN., THURSDAY, OCTOBER 29, 1964 (Ctoarifisd Advartiatag aU Faga 24) PRICE SEVEN CE^TS Haqdtal Sdiool of Ntiraing. son of Mr. and Mrs. Bbnmons . n ie event, acheduled for R. Falea, 1S8 N. Elm St.; Wednaaday, Nov. 4, front 12:46 Lance Cpl. James J. Antonio, B A B Y W EEK to S p.m., la open to high school son of Mr. and Mrs.i^James R. atpdents, their parcAta and Antonio, 147 Oloott St., and Events counsektra. Mlsa Perry la a atu- Lance Cpl. -
Title of Thesis: ABSTRACT CLASSIFYING BIAS
ABSTRACT Title of Thesis: CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis Directed By: Dr. David Zajic, Ph.D. Our project extends previous algorithmic approaches to finding bias in large text corpora. We used multilingual topic modeling to examine language-specific bias in the English, Spanish, and Russian versions of Wikipedia. In particular, we placed Spanish articles discussing the Cold War on a Russian-English viewpoint spectrum based on similarity in topic distribution. We then crowdsourced human annotations of Spanish Wikipedia articles for comparison to the topic model. Our hypothesis was that human annotators and topic modeling algorithms would provide correlated results for bias. However, that was not the case. Our annotators indicated that humans were more perceptive of sentiment in article text than topic distribution, which suggests that our classifier provides a different perspective on a text’s bias. CLASSIFYING BIAS IN LARGE MULTILINGUAL CORPORA VIA CROWDSOURCING AND TOPIC MODELING by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Gemstone Honors Program, University of Maryland, 2018 Advisory Committee: Dr. David Zajic, Chair Dr. Brian Butler Dr. Marine Carpuat Dr. Melanie Kill Dr. Philip Resnik Mr. Ed Summers © Copyright by Team BIASES: Brianna Caljean, Katherine Calvert, Ashley Chang, Elliot Frank, Rosana Garay Jáuregui, Geoffrey Palo, Ryan Rinker, Gareth Weakly, Nicolette Wolfrey, William Zhang 2018 Acknowledgements We would like to express our sincerest gratitude to our mentor, Dr. -
Cuban Leadership Overview, Apr 2009
16 April 2009 OpenȱSourceȱCenter Report Cuban Leadership Overview, Apr 2009 Raul Castro has overhauled the leadership of top government bodies, especially those dealing with the economy, since he formally succeeded his brother Fidel as president of the Councils of State and Ministers on 24 February 2008. Since then, almost all of the Council of Ministers vice presidents have been replaced, and more than half of all current ministers have been appointed. The changes have been relatively low-key, but the recent ousting of two prominent figures generated a rare public acknowledgement of official misconduct. Fidel Castro retains the position of Communist Party first secretary, and the party leadership has undergone less turnover. This may change, however, as the Sixth Party Congress is scheduled to be held at the end of this year. Cuba's top military leadership also has experienced significant turnover since Raul -- the former defense minister -- became president. Names and photos of key officials are provided in the graphic below; the accompanying text gives details of the changes since February 2008 and current listings of government and party officeholders. To view an enlarged, printable version of the chart, double-click on the following icon (.pdf): This OSC product is based exclusively on the content and behavior of selected media and has not been coordinated with other US Government components. This report is based on OSC's review of official Cuban websites, including those of the Cuban Government (www.cubagob.cu), the Communist Party (www.pcc.cu), the National Assembly (www.asanac.gov.cu), and the Constitution (www.cuba.cu/gobierno/cuba.htm). -
Cuban Communism: from Orthodoxy to Heresy to Orthodoxy
CUBAN COMMUNISM: FROM ORTHODOXY TO HERESY TO ORTHODOXY Terrance William Witt BOA. Simon Fraser University, 1972. A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Sociology and Anthropology. Terrance William Witt 1974 @ Simon Fraser University January 1975 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Name: Terrance Mi11 iam Witt Degree: Master of Arts Title of Thesls: Cuban Comnunlsm: From Orthodoxy to Heresy to Orthodox);. t Examining Conmi ttee : Chairman: Professor da1 e Bratton - - ~- -- - Dr. M. ~al~er!n: Senfor Supervisor -1 -- .. - ~- - 1 Professor R. I. External Ex Department of History Simon Fraser Unlversl ty Date Approved: PARTIAL COPYRICHT LICEN~E I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to.lend my thesis or dissertation (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for 'such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its 'own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying ' or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of ~hesis/~issertation: Cuban Communism: From Orthodoxy to Heresy to Orthodoxy Author: CI1 - (signature) (name ) I (date) ABSTRACT The first chapter of this thesis explains why the Cuban C.P. -
“Techno-Diplomacy” for the Twenty-First Century: Lessons of U.S.-Soviet Space Cooperation for U.S.-Russian Cooperation in the Arctic
THE HURFORD FOUNDATION 2015-2016 HURFORD NEXT GENERATION FELLOWSHIP RESEARCH PAPERS No. 6 “TECHNO-DIPLOMACY” FOR THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: LESSONS OF U.S.-SOVIET SPACE COOPERATION FOR U.S.-RUSSIAN COOPERATION IN THE ARCTIC Rachel S. Salzman EASI-Hurford Next Generation Fellow The Hurford Fellows Program is sponsored by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and is made possible by a generous grant from the Hurford Foundation THE HURFORD FOUNDATION The Hurford Fellowships, administered by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, support the Euro- Atlantic Security Initiative (EASI) Next Generation Network in identifying young academics conducting innovative research on international security in the Euro- Atlantic area. 2 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 4 Cooperation and Techno-Diplomacy: Some Definitions ......................................................... 4 Learning the Wrong Lessons: Is the Cold War Really the Right Frame? ............................ 6 From “the Pearl Harbor of American Science” to the “Handshake in Space”: U.S.- Soviet Space Cooperation ................................................................................................................... 7 The Good .............................................................................................................................................................. 8 The Bad ............................................................................................................................................................. -
Dartmouth Conf Program
The Dartmouth Conference: The First 50 Years 1960—2010 Reminiscing on the Dartmouth Conference by Yevgeny Primakov T THE PEAK OF THE COLD WAR, and facilitating conditions conducive to A the Dartmouth Conference was one of economic interaction. the few diversions from the spirit of hostility The significance of the Dartmouth Confer- available to Soviet and American intellectuals, ence relates to the fact that throughout the who were keen, and able, to explore peace- cold war, no formal Soviet-American contact making initiatives. In fact, the Dartmouth had been consistently maintained, and that participants reported to huge gap was bridged by Moscow and Washington these meetings. on the progress of their The composition of discussion and, from participants was a pri- time to time, were even mary factor in the success instructed to “test the of those meetings, and it water” regarding ideas took some time before the put forward by their gov- negotiating teams were ernments. The Dartmouth shaped the right way. At meetings were also used first, in the early 1970s, to unfetter actions under- the teams had been led taken by the two countries by professionally quali- from a propagandist connotation and present fied citizens. From the Soviet Union, political them in a more genuine perspective. But the experts and researchers working for the Insti- crucial mission for these meetings was to tute of World Economy and International establish areas of concurring interests and to Relations and the Institute of U.S. and Cana- attempt to outline mutually acceptable solutions dian Studies, organizations closely linked to to the most acute problems: nuclear weapons Soviet policymaking circles, played key roles. -
Number 39 REVOLUTION and RACE: BLACKS in CONTEMPORARY
\I f _, } Number 39 REVOLUTION AND RACE: BLACKS IN CONTEMPORARY CUBA by Lourdes Casal Rutgers University Author's note: This paper was presented at an August 14, 1979 colloquium of the Latin American Program, Woodrow Wilson Inter national Center for Scholars, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C. 20560. It should not be quoted without consent of the author. This essay is one of a series of Working Papers being distributed by the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson Tnt.ernational Center for Scholars . This series will include papers by Fellows, Guest Scholars, and interns within the Program and by members of the Program staff and of its Academic Council, as well as work presented at , or resulting from seminars, workshops, colloquia, and conferences held under the Program's auspices. The series aims to extend the Program's discussions to a wider community throughout the Americas, and to help authors obtain timely criticism of work in progress ... Support to make distribution possible has been provided by the Inter-American Development Bank. Single copies of Working Papers may be obtained without charge by writing to: Latin American Program, Working Papers The Wilson Center Smithsonian Institution Building Washingt9n, D.C. 20560 The Woodrow Wilson international Center for Scholars was created by Congress in 1968 as a "living institution expressing the ideals and concerns of Woodrow Wilson . symbolizing and strengthening the fruitful relation between the world of learning and the world of public affairs." The Center's Latin American Program, established in 1977, has two major aims: to support advanced research on Latin America, the Caribbean , and inter American affairs by social scientists and humanists, and to help assure that fresh insights on the region are not limited to discussion within the scholarly community but come to the attention of persons interested from a variety of other professional perspectives: in governments, international organizations, the media, business, and in the professions. -
Party and State in Cuba: Gender Equality in Political Decision Making Ilja A
Party and State in Cuba: Gender Equality in Political Decision Making Ilja A. Luciak Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University This article examines the Cuban record concerning gender equality in political deci- sion making. I begin with a brief overview of Cuba’s system of government. I then examine the gender composition of the country’s legislative structures, discuss efforts to strengthen women’s political participation, and compare the inclusion of women into key state and party decision-making bodies. The article is guided by three main argu- ments: First, in Cuba’s legislative structures, women have a greater presence at the national than at the local level, contrary to the experience of the United States and Western Europe. Second, despite the official position denying the existence of gender quotas, Cuba does implement measures of positive discrimination in order to strengthen women’s presence in politics. Finally, Cuban women face a glass ceiling as they move up to positions of greater decision-making power, a reality faced by women all over the world. The excellent gender composition of Cuba’s parliament is an apparent excep- tion that confirms the following rule: The state of gender equality in Cuba’s decision- making structures reveals an inverse relationship between the actual decision-making power of a particular institution and the presence of women. That is, the higher we get in the institutional decision-making hierarchy, the fewer women we find. The evidence presented in this article demonstrates that Cuba has not made as much progress in achieving gender equality in political decision making as some of the official data would indicate, and that women continue to be largely excluded from the most important decision-making bodies.