Notes

Introduction 1. For a more in-depth discussion of patriarchy and nationalism, see Kim’s analysis of the argument of Gates (2005, 16) and Garcia (1997). 2. Omi and Winant (1986) trace the historical development of privilege tied to white- ness but also foreground discussions of race to contest claims that only those in power— that is, those considered white— can be racist. Omi and Winant argue that whenever the construct of race is used to establish in and out groups and hierarchies of power, irrespective of who perpetrates it, racism has occurred. In “Latino Racial Formation,” De Genova and Ramos-Zayas (2003b) further develop the ideas of history and context in terms of US Latinos in their argument that US imperialism and discrimination, more than any other factors, have influenced Latino racializa- tion and thus contributed to the creation of a third pseudoracial group along the black/white continuum that has historically marked US race relations. The research of Omi and Winant and De Genova and Ramos-Zayas coincides with the study of gender, particularly masculinity, in its emphasis on the shifting nature of constructs such as race and gender as well as its recognition of the different experiences of gendered history predicated upon male and female bodies of people of color. 3. In terms of the experience of sexuality through the body, Rodríguez’s memoir (1981) underscores the fact that perceptions of one’s body by the self and others depend heavily on the physical context in which an individual body is found as well as on one’s own perceptions of pride and shame based on notions of race and desire. For a complete discussion of the effect of intersection of race and class on the body see the chapter “Complexion.” 4. In the 1950s the US government invested in “character studies,” in which anthro- pologists studied other cultures of interest to the United States in an attempt to better understand their societies for foreign policy purposes. The work of Adams (1957) and Lewis (1961) emerged at this time as founding texts on Latin American families and gender roles. While Adams focused on Central American nations— Panama, Nicaragua, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras—Lewis concentrated on Mexico and Puerto Rico. Adams’s research, published in 1956–57 for the Pan American Sanitary Bureau of the Regional Office of the World Health Organiza- tion, described Nicaraguans as having a “loose familial structure” due to dislocation resulting from loss of land. Similarly, Lewis constructs masculinities in Mexico and Puerto Rico as a function of poverty. Lewis’s study focuses largely on the aggression of Mexican men and their need to establish a position of power in familial and 174 ● Notes

social hierarchy. The following quote from Lewis’s work appears often in anthro- pological discussions of Mexican men and machismo: “In a fight, I would never give up, or say, ‘enough’ even though the other was killing me. I would try to go to my death smiling. This is what we mean by being ‘macho,’ by being manly” (1961, 30). Much study of Latin American masculinity has focused on poor men, and so Latin American masculinity becomes synonymous with poverty, and vice versa, in the US imaginary. Recent scholarship has sought to understand Latin American and Latino mas- culinities in a more nuanced way. This scholarship examines Latin/o American masculinities not only within the framework of social class and sexuality but also from a transnational perspective in its attempt to broaden the scope of what we understand to define Latin American and Latino male identities. Gutmann’s work (1996) contributes to masculinity studies in that, first and foremost, it establishes that there is no one universal, not even one consistent Mexican, definition of the meaning of the term macho. Likewise, Mirandé found similar results among Chi- cano men in his study (1997). The main difference between the ethnographic work of Gutmann and Mirandé is that Mirandé worked with a heterogeneous class sample while Gutmann worked in one working- class community. In both Gutmann and Mirandé’s data, overall men preferred the term hombre as a signifier of a heterosexual masculinity that is both respectful of women and independent of the control of oth- ers. In Mirandé’s study, however, some men identified the term macho as a posi- tive attribute associated with nationalism and caring for the family (1997, 67–69). Lancaster asserts that machismo exists as a pervasive force: “Machismo is resilient because it constitutes not simply a form of ‘consciousness’ not ‘ideology’ in the clas- sical understanding of the concept, but a field of productive relations” (1994, 19). While transnational practices and global economies indeed strongly influence constructions of masculinity in Latin America as I have demonstrated, transna- tional politics and economies particularly impact Puerto Rican society due to its status as a US territory. Indeed in the introduction to his study, Ramírez argues that upon coming to the United States to study anthropology as an island-born Puerto Rican adult, he learned that in the United States, machismo is a phenomenon that is considered pathological, resulting from “underdevelopment” in places like Puerto Rico (1999, 1–2). Ramírez traces the origins of machismo, the development of masculinity, and the specific social and historical context of masculinity in Puerto Rico. He argues that sociological and economic factors impact how men experience masculinity in terms of bodily practice as well as social interaction. 5. In terms of the economy, Watson and Shaw’s recent work (2011) argues that eco- nomic contexts shape gender constructions, specifically citing unemployment and foreclosures (2–3). Evidence of the impact of economies on Latino bodies abound in media portrayals of immigrants, stressing the unstoppable wave of job- stealing immigrants entering through the Mexican border on the one hand but rendering Latino immigrants as a feminized labor force on the other. While it is beyond the scope of this introduction to provide an exhaustive list, the following texts provide critical interventions to queer Latino studies in gen- eral and masculinity studies in particular: Balderston and Guy, Sex and Sexuality in Latin America (1997); Bergmann and Smith, ¿Entiendes¿ Queer Readings, His- panic Writings (1995); Chávez-Silverman and Hernández, Reading and Writing the Notes ● 175

Ambiente: Queer Sexualities in Latino, Latin American and Spanish Cultures (2000); Molloy and Irwin, Hispanisms and Homosexualities (1998); Foster, Sexual Textuali- ties: Essays on Queering Latin American Writing (1997); Sifuentes-Jáuregui, Trans- vestism, Masculinity, and Latin American Literature: Genders Share Flesh (2002); and Gaspar de Alba Velvet Barrios: Popular Culture and Chicana/o Sexualities (2003). 6. Some important creative interventions authored or coauthored by women writ- ing the gang experience include Murray’s Locas (1998), Ruíz’s memoir Two Badges (1997), and Sanchez’s and Rodríguez’s Lady Q (2008), Anders’s film Mi Vida Loca (1993) also captures female gang life.

Chapter 1 1. This analysis of MACHOS parts from the writings on gender and performance of Butler, Carlson, and Schechner. Butler (1990) posits gender as a wide- ranging and shifting construct shaped by social factors as well as psychological ones with the aim of revealing the inherent hierarchies and power structures underpinning the ways in which individuals perform gender. Performance studies scholars Carlson and Schechner argue that performance itself encompasses a range of actions and critical viewpoints, particularly where there is a consciousness of doubleness—that is, where actors compare their own actions to a potential idea (Carlson 2004, 5). Schechner identifies a symbiotic relationship between performance and anthropol- ogy in which performance theory is useful for training anthropologists in their craft while anthropology can teach performance studies scholars to understand actions within the context of social systems (1985, 25). Given the performative context of MACHOS in which women perform as male characters based on ethnographic inter- views, these two critical points undergird the development and analysis of the piece. 2. Sandoval-Sánchez examines ways that theater and ritual performance embody both a process of Latinization, in which the dominant culture appropriates Latino cultural performance to its own end through subordination, and latinidad, in which Latinos have agency in the shaping of performance as a political act of self-determination (1999, 15). With respect to masculinity, his analysis of West Side Story reveals the ways in which popular culture shapes non- Latinos’ percep- tions of individual men. Likewise Arrizón traces Latina theater from a transna- tional perspective in her argument that Latina theater is a political activist project, couching her analysis in border theory and transgression as ways of articulating dif- ference (1999, 2– 28). More recently, Paredez expands Latina performance analysis using the case of fallen Tejana singer Selena as a text through which Latino/as are able to articulate and negotiate identity as a panethnic project (2009, 1– 30). For Sandoval-Sánchez, Arrizón, and Paredez, Latino/a performance constitutes an activist moment for Latino/a subjects to exert agency and act in their own interests. 3. Kaufman notes that though masculinity is associated with many positive attributes such as strength, courage, rationality, and sexual desire, these traits have become distorted and lead to a rejection of any trait remotely associated with femininity, resulting to a need to articulate maleness as a corrective to such distortion (2007, 34). MACHOS is concerned with interrogating this distortion. 176 ● Notes

4. Former Teatro Luna artistic director and director of MACHOS, Paz earned her PhD in performance studies at Northwestern University, one of the pioneering programs in the field. Northwestern’s program philosophy combines the making of art with analysis of the interaction between art and its surrounding community as well as articulating artistic projects through community activism (Schechner 2006, 24). 5. The author spoke with MACHOS’s director Paz at Dollop Café in Chicago, Illinois on August 11, 2010, to gain a wider context for the creation and origins of the MACHOS project. 6. Rodríguez explains that his work with Michael Meade and the mythopoetic men’s movement has revealed to himself and to Chicanos and other youth of color the need for elders to use their own stories to empower young men through the teach- ing of decolonial history (González 1996, 187– 201). 7. The MACHOS rehearsal draft spelling “Reichers,” refers to New York prison Rikers Island 8. In his transnational ethnography of Mexicans in New York and Ticuani Mexico, Smith explores the notion that gender dynamics shift with the departure from the traditional rural context in Latin America and the arrival in the urban United States, where women more often work outside the home, altering the gendered power structure of the family, a condition that informs men’s perceptions of them- selves and sometimes nourishes a desire to return to the sending country. 9. The term homosocial is used here and throughout in accordance with the work of Sedgewick (1985) in Between Men, in which homosociality refers to interactions between men who seek to buttress a patriarchal structure that subordinates women. 10. Both Schechner (2006) and Carlson (2004) identify sports as key rituals of perfor- mance given the aspects of nationalism and spectacle that surround them. Addi- tionally, Boyd (1997) argues that through spectacle, sports media both questions and reaffirms hegemonic values. While Birrell and McDonald (2000) read sports as a reflection of dominant power structures, Andrews and Jackson (2001) under- stand sports celebrities as an embodiment of sports as a site of individual and group intimacy through supposedly shared affective attachments and values akin to those of a nation. 11. Several scholars studying hip hop and race (hooks 2004; Kelley 1997) argue that men of color often symbolically reference material culture and violence as mascu- linist signifiers in an effort to redress racism against them. 12. In Latino Ethnic Consciousness, Padilla (1985) posits that various ethnic groups will unite under circumstances of mutual benefit, termed latinismo. Building on Padil- la’s research, De Genova and Ramos- Zayas (2003a), argue that Chicago’s Mexican and Puerto Rican communities define themselves sometimes in opposition to one another via perceptions, sometimes based on stereotypes.

Chapter 2 1. The Latin King narratives, especially My Bloody Life, remain popular among Chi- cago youth. In the summer of 2008, a database search of the Chicago Public and South Suburban library catalogues revealed that at most libraries the book was either checked out or missing. During his presentation, Sanchez joked that he has Notes ● 177

been told that many copies of the book had been stolen from libraries, and he did not want to know if he was signing any such copies. 2. Most gangs exist on a tight-knit local level, forged through bonds of friendship and shared interests among the group, though globalization has somewhat broadened that local scope, particularly in transnational ties between local gangs in the United States and (im)migrant-sending countries such as Mexico, Puerto Rico, and El Sal- vador. Besides current US deportation strategies, it is not uncommon for a family to send an adolescent back to the country of origin as a corrective move away from street life consisting of local “cliques.” In such cases the gangs’ names and cultures migrate with their members. 3. Moore and Hagedorn locate the evolution of violence and criminal activity within gangs in the lack of opportunity of the underclass, as they argue that access to opportunity in the formal economy influences the duration and level of intensity of gang activity of a given individual (Hagedorn 1998, 3– 17). Brown, in her study of Chicana/o and Puerto Rican gang narratives, engages the concepts of citizens and delinquents as she argues that conceptualizations of nation and citizenship must be reformulated from the inside so as to enfranchise groups that have been discon- nected from the nation. She further posits that the very nature of territoriality and shared history and culture that characterizes nations such as the United States also binds the members of gangs (2002, xxvii, xxxi). Brown’s call for a reformulation of the nation dialogues with earlier ethno- graphic research on Mexican and Puerto Rican gangs, which explores the relation- ship between ethnic identity and other factors such as racism and poverty in gang formation. In his study of Chicano gangs in Southern California, Vigil coins the term choloization to describe the marginalized status of outcast Chicano youth, resulting from a variety of factors in their barrio, including poverty, familial stress, and institutional failure in the form of educational and criminal justice systems that do not meet their needs. Vigil argues that at the core of these conditions, a lack of belonging rooted in the contested history of US colonization of the Southwest contributes to choloization as the very name cholo signifies a marginalized popu- lation. Vigil states, “[The gang] thus has become an institutionalized entity that provides many poor, barrio youths with human support networks and a source of personal ego identity that are unavailable to them elsewhere” (1988, 39). Padilla postulates that gangs function similarly in the contested space of Chicago’s Puerto Rican community, as the gang becomes an enterprise for Puerto Rican migrants, akin to other businesses within the formal economy. Community residents see that there are few opportunities for them as migrants and children of migrants and feel that the gang will take care of their needs where the state will not. According to Padilla, “Because of this perception, they have turned inward, appropriating social and cultural elements of their Puerto Rican ethnicity and barrio life creatively in a way that enables them to experience gang participation and activities as superior to the roles traditionally forced upon youngsters of their backgrounds by the domi- nant culture” (1992, 5). Taken together Vigil and Padilla’s work indicates a shared sense of displacement among Mexicans and Puerto Ricans that contributes much to the identity formation of both groups, particularly the most marginalized and criminalized among them, gang members. 178 ● Notes

4. In order to further contextualize the current racial climate in Chicago, I open each section of this chapter with quotes taken from The Lincoln Park Project: An oral His- tory of the Young Lords Organization held by DePaul University in Chicago. These quotes articulate the types of neighborhood tensions that led to the formation of groups like the Latin Kings and underscore such organizations’ intent to mobilize the Latino community for positive change. 5. As its name indicates, the “single use city” model severely limits a city’s possibility for stability and renders it vulnerable to economic and market shifts. Increasing globalization has resulted in the deindustrialization of many major US cities and leaves a young, undereducated workforce with few options to earn a decent living. As a result such youth succumb to pressures to participate in informal economic practices including gangs. 6. A good example of this phenomenon is the case of José Padilla, a former Latin King from Chicago’s Humboldt Park neighborhood, who traveled to the Middle East and adopted the Muslim faith. Padilla was arrested in O’Hare International Airport for purportedly carrying the ingredients to make a “dirty bomb.” Coverage of the case emphasized his gang past in Chicago and implied that the progressions from gang member to terrorist is a natural one. I will discuss Padilla’s case in more detail in a later chapter. 7. In this essay, both in primary text quotations and in the body of the essay, to “repre- sent” means to display gang symbols or to evoke gang slogans as per common usage among gang members. 8. It is important to note that the ambiguity of the boundary between gang and party crew is such that in some neighborhoods and suburbs of Chicago groups called party crews are in fact considered gangs. For example, Aguilera identifies the Guess Boys as a party crew whereas in some areas they were considered a gang. 9. Cumpián’s critique of the Sanchez narratives parallels tensions among literary crit- ics surrounding Latino literature of the post- 1960s period. In their work on the Latino cannon since the 1960s, Dalleo and Machado Sáez (2007) argue that some critics unjustly dismiss literature produced after the civil rights era as more invested in market position than political engagement. Indeed Sánchez González argues that much current US– Puerto Rican literature has become depoliticized just as it has gained favor within the academy and the publishing industry and at its worst entirely ignores communitarian activism in favor of self-aggrandizement (2001, 135). Situating their critical gaze within the field of cultural studies, Dalleo and Machado Sáez exhort readers to view more contemporary works as building on the political activist tradition of the 1960s and reshaping political projects to include the market forces that currently affect the production of all cultural texts (2007, 7). 10. Aparicio and Chávez- Silverman define “tropicalize” as “to trope, to imbue a particular space, geography, group or nation with a set of traits, images and values” (1997, 8). 11. Ramírez underlines the classed construction of Latin American and Latino men in the United States through a discussion of his own experiences coming from a middle- class background in Puerto Rico to study anthropology. Course readings characterized men of Latin American background through violence and poverty to such an extent that Ramírez’s peers formed their perceptions of him from that perspective. Ramírez also notes that when reading such anthropological studies, he Notes ● 179

neither recognizes nor relates to such constructions of Puerto Rican and other Latin American men. 12. Both Almaguer and Ramírez underscore the difference between Latino and Anglo understandings of homosexuality and contrast the public presence afforded to homosexuality in Anglo culture, if on a limited basis, with the greater occlusion and silencing of homosexuality in Latino culture. 13. In an interview for the Lincoln Park Project: An Oral History of the Young Lords Organization, Young Lord Omar López explains that the riots of 1966 contributed to the formation of the Latin Kings as a community- oriented organization, one that sometimes collaborated with the Young Lords Organization. 14. Given the population and economy of Puerto Rico, many families are forced to travel between the island and the mainland for work. US political and economic interventions in Puerto Rico have done little to ameliorate this situation, leading to familial, cultural, and economic instability. For more information on the cultural impact of such instability, see Duany (2001). 15. Chicago has been a site for much study and activism within Latino communi- ties, particularly Mexican and Puerto Rican communities. Since Chicago is the US city with the largest communities of Mexicans and Puerto Ricans sharing the same space, scholars have long studied sociological and linguistic issues in order to understand how the two communities relate to each other, as well as to the larger context of Chicago’s segregated landscape. They examine how the two groups have responded to racial and economic subordination. Influential studies have been published since the 1940s, beginning with Elena Padilla’s thesis on Mexican Puerto Rican (im)migrants in Chicago and New York and Felix Padilla’s work on inter- Latino relations and coalitions. More recent research includes the work of Baker, Ramos- Zayas, De Genova, Alicea, and Rúa. All of these scholars study Mexican and Puerto Rican identity construction within the context of conditions of subor- dination and activism grounded in questions of economy and language.

Chapter 3 1. According to the Sentencing Project’s “Facts about Prisons and Prisoners,” in 2006 40 percent of persons in prison or jail were black and 20 percent were Hispanic (http://www.sentencingproject.org). It is important to note that inconsistencies in the term Hispanic as defined by the Bureau of Justice must be taken into account in this statistic. Additionally, according to Todd R. Clear, professor of criminal justice, the US prison population spiked in 1972. This amounted to a 500 percent prison population growth within one generation (quoted in Mendoza 2006, 18). Much of this unprecedented growth resulted from an increase in arrests for drug possession and sales in major cities, which impacted people of color in high numbers. 2. The historical development of imprisonment as a form of punishment in the United States has historical roots in the issues of race, particularly slavery. The peni- tentiary system as a form of punishment in the United States dates back roughly to the period just after the American Revolution, as one of several forms of punish- ment inherited from England. Other forms of punishment concentrated more on physical pain to the body, such as burning, branding, amputation, whippings, and 180 ● Notes

pillories. These forms of punishment were meant to affect spectators as much, if not more than, the person being punished (Davis 2003, 40– 41). Historically, prisons have functioned to buttress laws targeting racialized popu- lations in such a way that when no other legal recourse remains, prisons may house significant sectors of the US population so as to sustain white hegemony. For exam- ple, with the abolition of slavery, a number of laws, known as the “Black Codes,” established a range of acts including vagrancy, absence from work, possession of firearms, and certain “insulting gestures or acts” as punishable by imprisonment if the person charged was black (Davis 2003, 28). Davis draws a parallel between the institutions of Black Codes and slavery to the present moment, when the use of space by undocumented immigrants and Middle Eastern men is severely policed since the attacks of September 11, 2001. Thomas and Baca’s narratives examine the dynamics and mechanisms of this same historical paradigm. While Thomas grew up in a poor New York neighborhood, where he saw his Afro–Puerto Rican father spend significant periods unemployed or underemployed due to racist hiring practices, Baca saw his father drown his pain in alcohol as a poor, landless Chicano, a habit that often resulted in jail time. As Davis reminds us, Marxist theories of imprisonment contend that the emergence of commodity systems coincided with the emergence of the penitentiary as the primary form of punishment (2003, 44). 3. The two “voices” in Thomas’s head represent the contradictory discourse of law enforcement juxtaposed by an analysis of the conditions of inequity that represent the contradictory nature of the prison space. The prison is both an extremely hege- monic and an extremely queer space all at once. The presence of law and discipline is greater than in any other place in society and its inhabitants are those who that same law has deemed should be removed from society. Consequently, they develop survival strategies based on resistance, similar to the transgressors of the border- lands theorized by scholars such as Anzaldúa (1987). In making this comparison, I in no way mean to criminalize those who transgress national and gender norms, as studied by Anzaldúa, but rather to point out that prisons, like the borderlands, both physically and metaphorically contain social transgression, from the most mundane to the most vicious of crimes and criminals. In fact, in her recent abo- litionist writing, Are Prisons Obsolete?, Davis uses the example of undocumented immigrants detained in prison settings as a case of excessive use of imprisonment as punishment in which bodies are literally punished for being in the wrong place (2003, 30–31). As the crux of her argument, Davis poses the question, has prison become such an integral part of daily life and social reality that it is impossible to imagine life without it or to imagine alternative forms of punishment? According to Davis, “It is difficult to imagine life without them [prisons]. At the same time, there is a reluctance to face the realities hidden within them, a fear of thinking about what happens inside them” (2003, 15). Gilmore emphasizes the extent to which discussions of prisons occlude social problems in describing prison as “a geographical solution to socio-economic problems” (1998–99, 174). The fact that people of color account for a disproportional number of prisoners fuses notions of uses of space and transgression onto dark bodies. 4. During both the Chicano and Nuyorican movements, poetry and performance pieces were used as a means of education and community empowerment. Authors Notes ● 181

such as Alurista and Luis Valdez deployed poetry and theater respectively to orga- nize, educate, and decry the erasure of Chicano history and racism against Chica- nos. In New York, the Nuyorican Poets’ Café was established as a place of freedom of political expression featuring the works of Miguel Algarín and Miguel Piñero among others. Though Baca and Thomas’s texts emerge within such an activist tradition, their literary contexts differ somewhat from each other and the aforementioned activist traditions. As Dalleo and Machado Sáez (2007) point out, Thomas’s first text, Down These Mean Streets (1967), has overshadowed his two subsequent mem- oirs, Savior, Savior Hold my Hand (1972) and Seven Long Times (1974), as it has received the majority of the critical attention focused on Thomas. As for A Place to Stand, like Down These Mean Streets, it has become a widely read text on the experiences of ethnic minorities. According to Olguín (2010), Baca finds himself in a bind in that the very experience of abjection he chronicles has garnered him such success that he now writes for a wider and more mainstream audience. Indeed pinto poet Ricardo Sánchez has accused Baca of writing for a white audience and misrepresenting the Chicano prison experience. 5. I contextualize my use of the term testimonial within the context of Olguín’s (2010) analysis of Baca’s A Place to Stand as a picaresque text, due to its use of Baca’s child- hood narrative of poverty and street smarts as a means of social critique, a genre that Olguín argues limits the power of resistance of the text (84). Though I agree with Olguín’s reading, the text still does underscore racial and gendered tensions embedded in the history of New Mexico and so proves useful to our understanding of Latino experiences of criminality and poverty in a broader national context. 6. Piñero’s play Short Eyes (1974), published the same year as Thomas’s Seven Long Times, has become an important text in the representation of the conditions of Puerto Rican prisoners in New York in terms of both racial dynamics with other prisoners and the ways in which convicts judge and police each other within prison walls based on the crime committed. The very name of the play, “short eyes,” is a term used to refer to child molesters, the most abject of inmates. 7. According to Fregoso (1993, 123), American Me combines elements from bio- graphical research on Chicano gang and prison experiences in the 1940s and 1960s. Since its creation and release, the film has influenced many subsequent cultural productions of prison experiences, including Baca’s 1993 screenplay for the film Bound by Honor. It also continues to receive attention from cultural critics, some of whom denounce the film as an example of “gangxploitation,” a genre defined as exploitation of the violence of the gang experience to feed mainstream fetish with no regard for the community depicted, a critique leveled by Salinas among others (Olguín 2010, 153). Other critics, such as Olguín and Pérez, argue that despite its problematic elements, American Me can provide a text through which to understand performances of heteronormative masculinity and the state appara- tus (Pérez 2009) and the complicated relationship between Chicano spectators of various classes and backgrounds, some of whom read the film as oppositional to gangxploitation (Olguín 2010, 157). 8. Olguín (2010, 9) contextualizes his own definition and argument regarding Chi- cano and Puerto Rican crime in the previous work of Mirandé (1987). Both critics 182 ● Notes

argue that because Chicanos and Puerto Ricans became citizens of the United States through imperialist wars, constructions of the male criminality of both groups stem from their refusal to passively accept US rule of their lands. 9. It is important to note that both Richard Wright’s Native Son (1940) and John Oli- ver Killen’s Youngblood (1954) occupy a significant place in the cultural production of men of color as both speak frankly about racial injustice and depict marginalized men who are typically excluded from mainstream literary production. For this rea- son they continue to inspire writing and other cultural production by men of color and serve as texts that bridge black and Latino dialogues of racism and injustice. 10. Sanchez (2003) makes a similar observation in speaking of his incarceration dur- ing his time as a Latin King. Older imprisoned Kings lament the change in the organization, which they see as the result of a less politically conscious and greedier younger generation, a generation willing to commit violent acts against their own people. This older generation encourages Sanchez to empower himself through education to both stop the violence against Puerto Ricans and avoid becoming a repeat offender (2003, 94– 95). 11. Though I do not mention Cuba specifically here, I in no way intend to erase this part of Thomas’s identity. In his writing, Thomas self identifies as boricua, perhaps due to having grown up in a Puerto Rican barrio in New York. For this reason I focus on his Puerto Rican roots in my discussion of ethnic identity. 12. The ideological implications of “manifest destiny” inform the uneven citizenship rights of New Mexicans and Puerto Ricans tied to imperialist land acquisitions on the one hand and the need to limit citizenship rights and land ownership on the other. As Perea argues with respect to Puerto Rico, despite the fact that island Puerto Ricans were granted citizenship in 1917, the initial legislation proposed by Senator Foraker did not acknowledge individual rights of Puerto Ricans but rather stated that “Puerto Rico belonged to the United States of America” (2001, 161). Similarly, in his analysis of the implementation of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, Griswold del Castillo points out that while the land ownership was exploited in all of what now constitutes the US Southwest, native New Mexicans suffered even greater loss of land through legal prosecution, because during the period when New Mexico was a territory, US law required congressional mediation of all land owner- ship disputes between New Mexicans and encroaching western expansionists. Due to protracted and expensive legal battles, as well as racism on the part of appointed land surveyors, many New Mexicans lost their land (1990, 77– 80). 13. I use the term tropicalization here in accordance with the work of Aparicio and Chávez-Silverman (1997), which uses the idea of the tropical and all of its fan- tastic connotations to understand the ways in which Latino culture is constructed in the United States through images associated with leisure and the tropics. This viewpoint is useful in understanding how expressive cultures capture these aspects of culture in such a way as to complicate what it means to be Puerto Rican. This is even more important for Thomas given that he has never lived in Puerto Rico, and his knowledge of Puerto Rican culture comes from material and expressive cultures present in El Barrio growing up. 14. Here I reference the work of Omi and Winant (1986) in their construction of racial formation, in which race functions as a construct that varies over historical periods Notes ● 183

and is always undergoing change. Particularly relevant to my argument here is Omi and Winant’s assertion that shifting power relations manifest themselves in the con- struction of who is considered white and who is not in a given historical moment. 15. Brady (2002) employs the example of a railroad depot turned police station in Douglas, Arizona, to make the point of how institutions of surveillance physically represent the symbolic encroachment of Anglo-American culture into what had historically been Mexican/Chicano territory. This argument, and my use of Brady’s work, is additionally informed by the previous work on space, ethnicity, and power articulated by scholars such as Henri Lefeuvre (1991), de Certeau (1984), Edward Soja (1996), and Raúl Homero Villa (2000), all of whom argue that both the sub- ordinated and the dominant use space as a means of acquiring power. While I do not mean to argue that prisons constitute the same spatial dynamic as the urban centers studied by these critics, their articulation of space and power as well as the strategic responses of the subordinated to that same power is perhaps most relevant in the closed space of prison. 16. In contrast to scholarship on gender that parts from the premise of gender as per- formative along a continuum as opposed to a binary model—as argued by schol- ars such as Butler (1990) and Halberstam (1998)—much ethnographic work on Latino masculinities highlights the male/female binary by which homosexuality is rendered invisible. Almaguer (1991) argues that Chicano/Latino sexuality operates on an axis of aggression and passivity in such a way that the gender of one’s sexual partner does not determine sexuality but rather the role one performs in the sex act itself. Likewise, Lancaster (1994) uses the binary of the active position as honor and passivity as shame based on his fieldwork in Nicaragua. Mirandé (1997), Gutmann (1996), and Ramírez (1999) have found similar results predicated on the basis of class. Scholars working on popular culture, such as Jiménez (2004), Rodríguez (2003), and Pérez (2009), criticize Latino cultural production predicated upon a heteronormative perspective in which masculinity exists at the service of patriarchal and/or imperialist nationalism. González (2007) further ties the hypermasculinity of the popular culture market articulated in mainstream hip hop to public health issues in his work on the invisibility of homosexuality among Latinos in “Latinos on Da Down Low: The Limitations of Sexual Identity in Public Health,” in which denial of homosexuality literally becomes a matter of life and death. 17. The work of Ferguson is useful here as he argues that diverse gender and sexual prac- tices in communities of color result from the needs of a capitalist economy, but these same acts are pathologized as they are seen as divergent from dominant US ideals of domesticity and respectability (2004, 11– 18). As we have already seen, inside and outside the prison, dark poor bodies become objects of sport and ridicule. 18. The fact that this inmate evokes the spirit of Malcolm X is significant given that, as Franklin argues in his study of prison narratives, Malcolm X has become a semi- nal symbolic figure in the representation of oppositional identity among African Americans and other people of color. In his own prison writing, Malcolm X links the experiences of great numbers of African Americans incarcerated in the South with movements of people of color in the 1960s (1978, 233– 76). 184 ● Notes

Chapter 4 1. This title is taken from a chapter title of Savior, Savior, Hold My Hand (1972) by Piri Thomas. 2. M. Davis (2000) and Valle and Torres (2000) argue that conditions of neglect and lack of infrastructure present in poor Latino urban areas incubate the type of violence present in many US cities today. They further posit that the very growth of cities and the suburbanization of areas deemed desirable have contributed to this neglect and thus created pockets of violence. 3. Thomas has become a canonical figure in the US literary market as well as the classroom, as Down These Mean Streets is widely read in high school and college courses. Rodríguez has risen to the top of his generation of Latino male authors with the publication of Always Running (1994), which has surpassed the works of other authors of the 1990s and 2000s, such as Abraham Rodríguez, Art Rodríguez, Reymundo Sanchez, Luis Gabriel Aguilera, and Ernesto Quiñones, who have all published memoirs and short story collections depicting urban environments simi- lar to those of Piri Thomas and Luis Rodríguez. All of these authors cite Thomas as influential to their work. 4. Several studies have proven that mainstream media portrays Latinos as foreign and a threat to the US nation-state. Santa Ana (2002) and Bender (2003) particu- larly stress that Latino immigrants and men appear as dangerous, threatening, and invading in media production. 5. Kaufman bases his own work on Marcuse (1975) and Horowitz (1977). It is impor- tant to note these dates, as such psychologically based theories, particularly influ- enced by Freud, were quite prevalent in the 1970s. 6. Both Piri’s relationship with John and the dynamic involving the Latin Kings described by Barrios underscore the twofold function of religion as argued by Gramsci, who says that religion can inspire social movements to resist oppression just as it contributes to the creation of class structure. For a more detailed explana- tion of this see the work of Billings (1990). 7. In Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight (2004), Avila refers to the suburban movement pattern underpinning Piri’s family’s move to Babylon in terms of the proliferation of chocolate cities and vanilla suburbs where mechanisms of settle- ment such as land development favored those considered white and largely rel- egated nonwhites to decaying urban areas (1– 19). The construction and regulation of amusement parks articulated a race-based fantasy of white entertainment predi- cated upon the exclusion of people of color, as Piri observes in the case of Palisades Park in New Jersey (106– 44). 8. In a chapter titled “Complexion” in his autobiography, Hunger of Memory (1981), Richard Rodríguez underscores the importance placed on white skin in Latino families, describing daily practices from limiting exposure to the sun to techniques for skin lightening. He further argues that social context and class imbue skin color with positive or negative meaning as color itself carries no inherent meaning. For Piri Thomas and those who will not hire him during the 1950s, black skin signifies a reminder of the continued racial tension and segregation in the United States. Notes ● 185

Chapter 5 1. According to Rose, starting from the period of 1995 to 2001. white listeners com- prised 70 to 75 percent of hip hop fans. These figures persist in the present (2008, 4). 2. De Genova and Ramos-Zayas posit the construct “Latino racial formation,” which challenges the black/white racial system but also unites Latinos around experiences of colonization, both historical and current in the United States and Latin America to explain this type of hybridity (2003b). 3. Indeed, with respect to the history of race in the United States, in White by Law (1996), legal studies scholar López argues that in the early twentieth century, Ital- ians, along with Irish, Asians, and most Latin Americans, were not considered “white” and thus denied the full rights of citizenship, a condition that persists for mainland and island Puerto Ricans. Exclusion from the requisite citizenship cat- egory of “white” often depended not on one’s skin color but rather on perceptions of certain ethnic groups as a threat to the dominant Anglo-Protestant ruling class (1996, 61). 4. Rodríguez (2009) argues that Chicano rappers deploy a hypermasculine perfor- mance, based on mafia culture, to assert their oppositional power as working-class subjects, subject to frequent violence and racial profiling. He further asserts that the “familia” that these men create does little to liberate Chicanos as a people due to its exclusion of women and gay men from its membership (95–134). A similar argument could be made for reggaetoneros. 5. Rivero traces the connection between anticolonial movements in the black power movement in the United States and the independence movement in Puerto Rico via media and popular culture (2005, 67– 114). 6. In Rivera’s study of the history of New York Puerto Ricans in hip hop (2003), she argues that the question of who may belong to the hip hop family shifted accord- ing to sociohistorical and gendered contexts that included Puerto Ricans at times when US black authenticity was not threatened or when Latino/Puerto Rican bod- ies and/or cultural production was in fashion. Laó-Montes (Mirabal et al. 2007) contends that the idea of family as an ambiguous form of ethnoracial unity between African Americans and Latinos masks national tensions among Latinos as well as labor- related and political tensions between Latinos and African Americans. 7. While some writers and intellectuals portrayed Puerto Rico from a Eurocentric perspective, referencing the Spanish jíbaro mountain peasant figure, others concen- trated on the image of the Taino, and still others celebrated African cultural influ- ences in Puerto Rico through the cultura negroide movement, which sometimes objectified the exotic, African Other. Interventions by literary and cultural studies scholars Gelpí (1993), Blanco (1985), and Aparicio (1998) trace the development of European, indigenous, and African strains of Puerto Rican identity in history, literature, and popular culture. 8. The presence or absence of blackness in Puerto Rican culture centers many debates on puertorriqueñidad due to its contested relationship to class. Upper- class notions of Puerto Rican identity deemphasize, if not silence, Puerto Rico’s African charac- ter, while many working class notions of what it means to be Puerto Rican, par- ticularly on the mainland, deploy African inheritance as a source of pride. Guerra asserts that those marked as Others in Puerto Rico, due to gender, class, or race, 186 ● Notes

reject the hierarchy that marginalizes them through popular expression (1998, 212– 321). Negrón- Muntaner (2004) argues that it was precisely his status as a blanquito, and as perhaps the most famous Puerto Rican of his time, that allowed Ricky Martin to incorporate African elements of bomba and plena music into his mainstream pop. Cultural critic Rivero uses the Meléndez family of 1990s, Cosby Show– inspired Puerto Rican sitcom Mi Familia to illustrate continued ambivalence to black Puerto Rican identity as she argues that, though the Meléndez family is presented as “Puerto Rican, period,” stereotypes of lack of intelligence, laziness, and hypersexuality persist in the show’s content (2005, 147– 84). 9. Cultural critic Aparicio (1998) provides an intervention on issues of gender and class relations in salsa music, dance, and consumption, which can be seen in reg- gaetón as well. Aparicio underscores the class tensions and violence visited on wom- en’s bodies through the figure la bandoera (the gold digger) as well as the forced submission of women in the lyrics of salseros such as Daniel Santos. In her work on reggaetonera Ivy Queen, cultural critic Báez (2006) argues, similarly to Aparicio, that the roles constructed by reggaetón’s gender politics complicate the possibility for female agency, resulting in women’s need to balance their images as bandoleras or yales (dancehall girls seeking the attention of men) and their own ambition, aesthetic vision, and voice within the genre. 10. Sedgewick (1985) argues that heterosexual relationships are often a pretext for rela- tionships between men. I use the term homosocial throughout this chapter in accor- dance with Sedgewick’s work, as she defines homosocial practices as those that seek to sustain patriarchy and privilege the interests of men through male bonding. 11. The textual translation into English is mine. “Mi opinión es que los salseros de trayectoria que intervienen en estos proyectos dejan ver sus costuras, guisar en otro género, ante la falta de taller en su expresión natural. Algunos alegan que hay que atemperarse y evolucionar con los tiempos. A la larga, sin embargo, el afán por el negocio socavará su credibilidad, sin considerar que desvirtúan la identidad de la cultura salsera que forjaron Ismael Rivera, Héctor Lavoe y otras leyendas.” 12. Throughout my discussion I distinguish between el negro and the nigga in order to tease out the Caribbean and African American influences in Don Omar’s per- sona. El negro refers to the complex relationship to African identity in Puerto Rico and elsewhere in the Caribbean, where this same term signifies a pride in African heritage as well as a derogatory and painful reference to slavery and racism in the region. Nigga, a term that seeks to redress the racism of the term “nigger,” refers to an Afro-centric figure associated with violence as a strategy to uplift the African American community. 13. For a full explanation, see Velmo E. Romero Joseph’s essay “From Hip Hop to Reggaeton: Is There Only a Step?” in Reggaeton (Rivera, Marshall, and Pacini Her- nandez 2009) 14. The cultural capital associated with whiteness is particularly prevalent in Puerto Rico, known as “the whitest of the Antilles. It is argued that Puerto Rico will become entirely racially mixed by 2200 with the rest of the Spanish Caribbean fol- lowing a few centuries later” (Godreau 2002, 281). Notes ● 187

15. It is important to note that gangsta rap, with its emphasis on womanizing, violence, and criminal acquisition, is but one subgenre of rap. Due to music industry market forces, gangsta rap enjoys the lion’s share of mainstream exposure. 16. The complexity of blackness among Caribs and African Americans marks much lit- erary production by Latino males. Both Thomas (1967) and Colón (“Little Things Are Big”) acknowledge that US racism operates in such a way as to censure and control their black bodies. Thomas’s protagonist seeks to separate himself from African Americans as he has his own problems as a Puerto Rican and thus cannot handle the problems of the black man as well. Díaz takes up the issue of shame over the black body in his short story “How to Date a Browngirl, Blackgirl, Whitegirl or Halfie” when he states that you (an Afro- Carib male) secretly “love the hair, skin and lips [of the whitegirl] more than you love your own” (1996, 147). 17. Judy points out that the “nigga” realizes that his work will not convert to the capital necessary for the possibility of success in US society. 18. According to an article posted on Univision.com, Acevedo Vilá acknowledged the problematic images surrounding Don Omar and his work but felt that the campaign should take advantage of his popularity and willingness to participate. Aragunde did not agree, pointing out that Landrón himself did not graduate high school and only received his GED years later. 19. This is most surely a reference to Pedro Roselló and the New Progressive Party (PNP) mano dura policy to abate crime, which was targeted at public housing projects (Giovannetti 2003, 87). 20. The choice of Tego Calderón as partner for this duet is significant given his status both as an icon of reggaetón and as one of its most staunch critics due to its com- mercialization. Also, Calderón, himself a fan of salsa vieja, evinces an Afro- centric persona in his own work and is known as an icon of Afro–Puerto Rican pride due to his work as well as his large afro. In his work on the production of Puerto Rican masculinity, Jiménez has identified Calderón as one of few truly oppositional fig- ures of reggaetón, citing the performance of Afro-centrism through his body as well as his work, in contrast to the highly colonial imagery of American culture such as sports teams and material cultural production that abounds in most reggaetón videos (2004, 122– 50). 21. Dinzey- Flores and many sociologists argue that the space of the city itself is mas- culine in its design and construction, and thus discussions of urban spaces must include gender. 22. Feminist scholars have contested this idea of male-centered power within relation- ships and family particularly with respect to men of color. While bell hooks argues that men dominate in their homes because the male supremacy that they see in media and popular discourse does not translate to power in the workforce and thus leads them to exert power over women, Crenshaw (1995) and Fregoso (2003) point out that the solution to domestic violence and abuse resulting from the lack of power described by bell hooks requires that patriarchal constructs of power be destabilized. Perry similarly argues that the term patriarchal is problematic when applied to African American men, as it implies the privilege of white male power, not the subordinated position of black men (2004, 117– 22). Thus I use the term 188 ● Notes

here, cognizant of that power dynamic, to refer to gendered interests in male and female relationships. 23. This idea of the treacherous woman functions on economic and effective levels as a means for men to negotiate shifts in gender roles and assert their masculine supremacy. As Aparicio argues in her analysis of the “bandolera” (golddigger) and of women of mystery, such as witches in salsa lyrics, these figures belie the tensions wrought in capitalist society at odds with constructions of gender in Latino culture (1998, 161, 163–64). Though not called bandoleras per se, the treacherous women in the lyrics of Don Omar “hechizan” (bewitch) their male victims. In “Scandal- ous,” performed with Cuban Link, Omar is the victim of a “ho” who only wants his “paper.” He laments his obsession with her admitting, “She’s scandalous, so bad for me.” While reggaetoneros certainly do not suffer the economic strains of the barrio or caserío even economic success does not relieve them of anxiety over gender roles. 24. Cepeda (2009) points out that given its aesthetic ties to hip hop and its historic ties to the zoot suit era, reggaetón in general attracts US youth. “Reggaetón Latino (Chosen Few Remix)” in particular attempts to unite Latinos via masculine images of the Latino family, past and present, through its video (527– 48). 25. All of these performers are Puerto Ricans from New York and are well-known in the hip hop/rap community. Don Omar’s union with these performers repre- sents a larger Puerto Rican unity among island- and New York–based perform- ers. N.O.R.E. in particular marks his place as cultural bridge in reggaetón history: “They say I introduced reggaetón to Americans.” 26. Luis Rafael Sánchez’s metaphor of “la guagua aérea,” or the air bus that connects New York and San Juan perhaps best illustrates the unbounded spatiality of Puerto Rican identity. Duany and Flores’s work explores the impact of labor, economy, and cultural production on what Duany has termed “the Puerto Rican nation on the move.” Duany (2002) argues that Puerto Ricans often forge their identities in relation to the mainland as well as the island due to economic and labor practices that require sustained migration for economic survival. In his work on Caribbean music and identity, Flores (2004) notes the transnational trajectory of Caribbean music in the postsalsa period, noting that hip hop and rap have had the greatest impact of any musical genre on Carib youth. Flores notes that many do not recog- nize the contribution of the peoples of the diaspora in the creation of Caribbean hip hop. Furthermore, according to Flores, racism against African Americans and negative perceptions of hip hop have resulted in the ban of hip hop floats from the Puerto Rican Day Parade in New York City (2004, 288). Similarly, Rivera (2003) emphasizes the hybridity of hip hop created by Puerto Rican youth in New York as a product of Puerto Rican heritage as well as experiences of urban poverty in New York, neither one supplanting the other. Rivera further argues that many Puerto Rican hip hop artists in New York do not identify as separate from African Ameri- cans in hip hop. 27. Marshall has identified this trajectory as moving from more racially coded and nationalist signifiers to pan-Latino signifiers, termed by reggaetóneros themselves from “Música negra” to “Reggaetón Latino” (Rivera et al. 2009, 49– 50). 28. Vasconcelos’s construct of la raza cósmica, which celebrates and empowers Latino identity in the multicultural inheritance of Spanish, indigenous, and African roots, Notes ● 189

has been contested and criticized for its oversimplification of the actual racial cli- mate in Latin America. Bonfil Batalla (1990) in particular has argued that Vascon- celos does not pay enough attention to issues of class and gender connected to race in Latin America and privileges “la raza cósmica” as a mechanism to whiten Latin America. 29. According to Fraticelli, Landrón’s criticism of UBO resulted in a lawsuit against him. UBO spokesman Román Suárez explains that the objective of using Latino political icons such as Che Guevara and Fidel Castro, along with the flags of Latin American nations, is precisely the type of unity that Landrón claims to represent with his music. 30. This tension of identification as a Latino nation on the one hand and a related community of listeners belonging to separate nations in terms of ethnicity, racial, gender, or class on the other is one function of performance in popular music. While Frith (1987) argues that music is indeed a powerful medium of identifica- tion for its fans, both with performers and as a more patriotic discourse, Flores (2000) reminds us that such identifications are never so easy and shift with respect to time, space, and transnational identity. Flores uses the example of the relation- ship between Puerto Ricans, Dominicans, and Mexicans in New York City to illustrate the tenuous nature of latinidad. Further, Cepeda (2003) questions the politics behind Shakira as Colombian as well as US- Latina. Her persona becomes a medium through which to strategically construct her as a Colombian, a Latina, or both in shifting contexts. These varying currents and questions inform the study of Don Omar in that, as an island-born Puerto Rican who now resides in Puerto Rico and the United States as an elite transnational subject, he embodies a complex site of layered Latino and Puerto Rican performance. Through “Reggaetón Latino” and his outspoken call for Latino unity, Don Omar casts himself as a Latino figure but as a boricua above all else. 31. Aparicio’s (2003) work on Jennifer López’s portrayal of Selena in the movie about the Mexican American singer’s life has shown that issues of class and shared expe- rience in the United States inform relationships between Mexicans and Puerto Ricans. For example see “Jennifer as Selena: Rethinking Latinidad in Media and Popular Culture.” 32. It is important to note that the response of Don Omar’s Chicago audience reflects not only inter-Latino relations but also regional issues. Given Chicago’s dominant Mexican population— 70 percent of the overall Latino population as opposed to 15 percent of Puerto Ricans— it is no surprise that much of the audience would identify with Omar’s rendition of the ranchera, a response that might differ in New York for example where Caribs dominate the Latino population.

Chapter 6 1. I use the terms place and space throughout this essay in accordance with the distinc- tion set forth by Arreola (2004, 4): place refers to a geographical terrain imbued with a sense of identity and specificity attached to the group inhabiting the area, whereas space evokes a more institutional and broad designation of geographical terrain. 190 ● Notes

2. Film and ethnographic work document the lives of the abuses of young Caribbean players, especially those who do not make it. For example, in Stealing Lives (2002), Guevara and Fidler document recent abuses in Dominican academies via the life story of Alexis Quiroz, a Venezuelan player who was sent to train in the Chicago Cubs’ Dominican academy. These abuses include unhealthy living conditions and dangerous, unskilled medical care. Additionally, the 2008 film Sugar directed by Boden and Fleck tells the story of Miguel “Azúcar” Santos, a young Dominican recruited to play for MLB. The film chronicles his time in the Kansas City Royals’ Dominican academy and his time in the United States as part of the Royals’ minor league system in the rural Midwest. As with Stealing Lives, the film shows what happens to those prospects who do not make it to the major league level. 3. An MLB.com “Hot Stove” article states, “The Alliance, which seeks to use baseball as a catalyst for improving the lives of the less fortunate in the Dominican, is a part- nership between Major league Baseball, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Peace Corps and six well-known charitable non-profit institutions—World Vision, Save the Children, Plan International, Esperanza International, Batey Relief Alliance and the Dominican Institute for Integrated Development” (Falkoff 2008). 4. For an extensive analysis of how mass media constructs Latinos as perpetually for- eign invaders through imagery and language, see Santa Ana’s study Brown Tide Rising (2002). Santa Ana provides an exhaustive sociolinguistic analysis of media coverage of Latinos with a particular focus on newspapers. 5. For more information on how the Spanish, Taino, and African heritages have been socially constructed and institutionalized via Dominican cultural production, see Candelario (2007). Candelario argues that cultural institutions in the Domini- can Republic, such as museums, have occluded the African heritage in favor of “el Indio” as representative of Dominican ethnicity. Simmons further unpacks black Dominican identity and the African diaspora via comparison and collaboration between US and Dominican blacks, emphasizing the silencing of blackness on the part of Dominican cultural politics (2011). 6. R. Rodríguez (1981) explains that as a Mexican of dark complexion, his body is read differently if he enters a hotel through the front door in formal attire, in which case his skin marks leisure as others assume he has tanned on a ski trip, than if he enters that same hotel via the back door in casual attire, in which case he is marked as a member of the service staff and his skin color denotes assumed poverty. For a full explanation, see Rodríguez’s chapter “Complexion.” 7. Trujillo’s work on the media construction of pitcher Nolan Ryan proves par- ticularly illustrative of the white masculinity underpinning mediated sports figures. According to Trujillo, Ryan’s media coverage presents him as the embodiment of hegemonic American masculinity associated with a supposedly Anglo- Protestant, American value system of “(1) physical force and control, (2) occupational achievements, (3) familial patriarchy, (4) frontiersmanship, and (5) heterosexuality” (2000, 15) 8. The term culture of poverty refers to a theory of poverty put forth by American soci- ologists in the 1950s and 1960s, in which poverty results from an inherent pathol- ogy that renders its victims powerless to affect positive life change, thus forced to Notes ● 191

live under conditions of scarcity, danger, and violence. Such conditions are perpetu- ated generationally according to this theory. 9. Good Hair, Chris Rock’s 2009 satirical documentary, documents the Bonner Brothers annual hair show in Atlanta where black hairstylists hone and celebrate their craft. He also locates Atlanta as the locale “where all important black decisions are made.” 10. Avila (2004) documents how the building of Dodger stadium displaced the Mexican American community in Chávez Ravine. He emphasizes the face that as racialized subjects, the Mexican residents of the area were seen as a disposable population that could and should be cleared away to satisfy the whims and eco- nomic interests of the white middle class, who would not cede their own territory for the stadium project. 11. This is an important moment of Latino unity given that Latinos are not the homo- geneous group that the term Latino implies. Instead this group consists of a cohort of nationalities in North, Central, and South America as well as the Caribbean. These groups have their own national and ethnic traditions, to say nothing of class, gender, and race differences within national groups. Members of the Latino com- munity unite in order to solidify common political and cultural goals, pride in sports and sports figures like Ramírez being one such cultural goal. For more exten- sive work on inter-Latino relations, see Padilla (1985) and De Genova and Ramos Zayas (2003a). 12. Aparicio and Chávez- Silverman stress that tropicalization operates on a systemic level via power relations that subordinate Latinos but also render them a “hot” marketable group. Tropializations also favor a non- Latino gaze as they homogenize and oversimplify Latino cultures, whether practiced by Latinos or non-Latinos. The authors do, however, stress that Latinos may sometimes appropriate tropical- ized images to contest hegemonic power. One could certainly argue that Ramírez has successfully manipulated characteristics of the laid back and cool urban Latino male to his advantage as a baseball superstar. References

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Abalos, David T., 12– 13, 109– 10 Bonfil Batalla, G., 188– 89n28 academy system, Major League Baseball, Boras, Scott, 165– 66 151, 157, 160, 166, 190n2 Bound by Honor (film), 181n7 Adams, R., 173– 74n4 Boyd, Todd, 127, 154, 158, 176n10 Aguilera, Luis Gabriel: Gabriel’s Fire, 7, Boyle, Greg, 52, 110 42, 47, 49, 52, 54– 57, 63– 68, 96, Brady, Mary Pat, 81, 183n15 178n8, 184n3 Brown, Mónica, 42, 44, 60, 177n3 Almaguer, Tomás, 59, 179n12, 183n16 Brown Tide Rising (Santa Ana), 190n4 Always Running (Rodríguez), 42, 44– 46, Burgos, A., 157 48, 54, 96– 97, 184n3 Bush, George W., 37, 97– 99 American Gangster (film), 143 Butler, J., 175n1 American Me (film), 72, 181n7 Andrews, Davis, 147, 176n10 Cacho, Lisa, 6, 93– 94, 148 Anzaldúa, Gloria, 48, 74, 180n3 Calderón, Sila, 134 Aparicio, Frances R., 4, 167, 178n10, 182n13, Calderón, Tego, 127, 129, 131, 134– 35, 185n7, 186n9, 188n23, 191n12 139, 187n20 Arrizón, Alicia, 12, 175n2 Calle 13, 129 Avila, Eric, 45, 184n7, 191n10 Camillo, Marvin Félix, 72 Candelaria, Cordelia, 73 Baca, Jimmy Santiago: A Place to Stand, Canedy, D., 100 69– 94, 180– 81n4, 181n5 Capone, Al, 47 badman, folklore figure of the, 132– 35 Carlson, M., 175n1, 176n10 Báez, J., 186n9 Carrillo, Ed, 101, 105 Bailey, B., 158 Carter, Jimmy, 98 baseball, 8, 145– 71, 191n11– 12 caseríos, 124, 128, 132– 36, 140, 143, Baxter, Kevin, 155 188n23 Becoming Manny (Rhodes and Boburgh), Castañeda, Xóchitl, 57 160– 61 Castro, Fidel, 140, 189n29 bell hooks, 109, 127, 187– 88n22 Catholic Church, 97, 109, 114, 134 Bennett, William J., 97, 99 Cepeda, M. E., 188n24, 189n30 Between Men (Sedgewick), 59, 176n9, Chávez Ravine community, 166, 168, 186n10 191n10 Blake, Casey, 166 Chávez- Silverman, Susana, 4, 167, Bly, Robert, 97, 102– 5 178n10, 182n13, 191n12 Iron John, 103 Christianity and Christian symbolism, Boburgh, Shawn, 160– 61 28, 97, 99, 101, 111, 113– 17, 119, Body Count (Bennett et al.), 97, 99 138– 39. See also Catholic Church 206 ● Index cinemachismo, 5 Don Omar Cisneros, Sandra, 1 appearance on My Block Puerto Rico, citizenship 128– 29 delinquent, 49, 60, 177n3 and the badman, 132– 35 deviance as a means of exclusion from, 148 “Caserío #2,” 132– 35 forced, 79, 181– 82n8 childhood and background of, 124 Italians and, 185n3 Da Hitman Presents Reggaeton Latino, normative, 12 123– 26, 139– 40, 188n24, prison system as gatekeeper for, 82 188n27, 189n30 productive, 70, 106, 135 “Dale, Don Dale,” 129 Ramírez and, 148– 50, 163– 65 and the gangster figure, 125– 27 uneven rights of, 182n12 “Infieles,” 136– 37 USA Patriot Act and, 99– 100 King of Kings, 139, 141 Clear, Todd R., 179n1 “La recompensa,” 132– 33 Clemente, Roberto, 46, 140, 164 Last Don, The, 124, 126– 27 Clemente High School (Chicago), 46 Latina magazine profile of, 129 Clinton, Bill, 99 “Los bandoleros,” 134– 35 Clinton, Hillary, 34 Los Cocorocos, 130 Colón, Jesús: “Little Things Are Big,” 45, “Muñecas de porcelana,” 137– 39 187n16 and el negro, 125, 127– 29, 131– 32, Columbine High School shootings, 106 137, 143, 186n12 concientización, 71, 73– 77 and the nigga, 131–35, 186n12, 187n17 Connell, R. W., 3, 147 persona of, 123– 29, 132– 33, 142 culture of poverty, 56, 161, 190– 91n8 “Pobre diabla,” 137 Cumpián, Carlos, 54, 178n9 and Puerto Rican blackness, 127– 31 “Reggaetón Latino,” 125, 139– 40, Daddy Yankee, 139, 143 188n24, 188n27, 189n30 Dalleo, R., 178n9, 180– 81n4 “Quien la vio llorar,” 136 Dancing with the Devil (Limón), 72 salseros as influence on, 130– 31 Davis, Angela, 74, 84, 179– 80n2, 180n3 Down These Mean Streets (Thomas), Davis, M., 184n2 42, 45, 67, 95–97, 100, 108, 116, de Certeau, Michel, 74, 183n15 180– 81n4, 184n3 De Genova, N., 57, 100, 157, 173n2, Duany, Jorge, 139, 188n26 176n12, 179n15, 185n2, 191n11 de la Mora, Sergio, 5 El Barrio (New York), 78– 79, 94, 110– 11, Delgado, Abelardo, 72 113, 182n13 Delgado Román, Héctor. See Héctor “el Epstein, Theo, 164 Father” Extinct Lands, Temporal Geographies DeLuca, Joe, 153 (Brady), 81 deviance, 6– 7, 24, 42, 89, 148, 158– 59, 162, 167– 71 Fajardo, Victor, 134 Dilulio, John J., 99 Fannon, Franz, 3 Dinzey- Flores, Zaire, 143– 44, 187n21 Fat Joe, 139– 40 Discipline and Punish (Foucault), 62 Ferguson, R., 183n17 disidentification, 4, 12 Ferreira, Carlos “Macaco,” 160 domestic/rustic binary, 103 Fidler, D., 190n2 Index ● 207

Fiedler, L., 103 Hagedorn, John, 43– 44, 68, 177n3 Field of Dreams (film), 149 Halberstam, Judith, 2, 183n16 Flores, Juan, 139, 188n26, 189n30 Hard Bodies: Hollywood Masculinity in the foreign in a domestic sense, 148– 49, 153 Reagan Era (Jeffords), 98 Foucault, Michel, 62 Harlow, Barbara, 74– 75 Francona, Terry, 164 Hart, John, 155 Franklin, H. Bruce, 74, 183n18 Hassine, Victor, 84 Fraticelli, M., 189n29 Hayden, Tom, 42, 98– 99 Fregoso, Rosa Linda, 1, 8, 181n7, Héctor “el Father,” 131, 133 187– 88n22 Hernández, Carlos, 162 Frith, Simon, 189n30 Hernández, Orlando, 157 Frost, Kid: East Side Story (album), 101 Hillman, James, 104, 107 hip hop, 124– 32, 135, 141, 144, 146, Gabriel’s Fire (Aguilera), 7, 42, 47, 49, 52, 161, 176n11, 183n16, 185n1, 54– 57, 63– 68, 96, 178n8, 184n3 185n6, 188n24– 26 Gallego (José Raúl González), 133– 34 History of Men, The (Kimmel), 2 gangs homophobia, 3, 7, 20, 24, 84, 86– 88 and citizenship, 48, 60, 67, 177n3 homosexuality, 20, 23– 24, 59, 84– 88, and criminal activity, 45– 46, 60– 62, 137– 39, 179n12, 183n16. See also 67– 68, 177n3 queer theory and gangxploitation, 42, 181n7 homosociality, 20, 23– 24, 30– 31, 59, 129, 134, 136, 176n9, 186n10 and masculinity, 45– 60 Horowitz, G., 102, 184n5 party crews as distinct from, 43 Humboldt Park neighborhood (Chicago), and search for belonging, 48– 52 42, 46, 49, 62– 63, 66, 178n6 supergangs as distinct from, 43 Two Six, 51 independentista FALN, 46 use and origin of the term, 42– 43 Inmate’s Dilemma, 84– 85 See also Latin Kings street gang; In the Heights (Broadway play), 149 Ultimate Party Crew (UPC) gangsta rap, 125– 33, 141, 143– 44, 187n15 Jackson, Steven, 147, 176n10 Garciaparra, Nomar, 170 Jacobs, Vic “the Brick,” 167 Gay Hegemony/Latino Homosexualities Jeffords, S., 98 (Guzmán), 88 Jiménez, F., 183n16, 187n20 Gennari, John, 126 Jiménez, José Alfredo, 35, 142 Gilmore, R., 180n3 Jiménez, José “Cha Cha,” 44, 52 Gilroy, Paul, 53 Johnson, E. Patrick, 4, 88, 91, 94 González, M. A., 183n16 Johnson, Leola, 159 González, Ray, 11– 13, 103 Jordan, Michael, 158– 59, 161 González, Sánchez, 178n9 Judy, R. A. T., 132– 33, 187n17 Good Hair (film), 191n9 Guerra, L., 185– 86n8 Kahlo, Frida, 140 Guevara, Che, 140, 189n29 Kaplan, Caren, 71 Guevara, Marcano, 190n2 Kaufman, Michael, 2, 15, 102, 175n3, Gutmann, M., 173– 74n4, 183n16 184n5 Guzmán, Manolo, 87– 88 Kelley, Robin, 109, 131, 146, 176n11 208 ● Index

Kellner, Douglas, 147– 48 Malone, Bonz, 126 Killen, John Oliver: Youngblood, 75, 182n9 Mambo Mouth (performance piece), 11 Kim, Daniel Y., 2– 3, 5, 8, 173n1 Manhood in America (Kimmel), 136 Kimmel, Michael, 2, 102– 4, 136 Marcuse, H., 102, 184n5 King, Stephen, 164 marianismo, 28 Klein, Alan M., 150– 51 Martin, Ricky, 185– 86n8 Kurkjian, Tim, 170 Martínez, Pedro, 164 masculatinidad, use of the term, 1– 5 Lady Q (Sanchez and Rodríguez), 41– 42, masculinity 53, 56, 58, 64, 67, 175n6 defining, 2– 3 Lafrance, Mélisse, 159 and escape, 119 La Mara 18 street gang, 43 female, 2 La Mara Salvatrucha street gang, 43, 68 and gangs, 72 Landrón Rivera, William Omar (Don and machismo, 3, 28, 55, 75, 109, Omar), 124– 25, 134– 35, 137, 173– 74n4 140– 41, 187n18, 189n29. See also and men’s movement, 101– 10 Don Omar and prisons, 72, 75, 83– 88, 94 Lasorda, Tommy, 165 scholarship of, 173– 74n4 latinidad, 4– 5, 8, 15, 34, 44, 73, 87, sociopolitical and historical contexts 124– 25, 139– 42, 175n2, 189n30 of, 97– 101 Latin Kings street gang, 41– 43, 48–49, and sports, 146– 52, 157– 59 53– 63, 67– 68, 114, 176– 77n1, Matos, Palés, 130 178n4, 178n6, 179n13, 182n10, McCourt, Frank, 154– 55, 167 184n6 McKinley Park neighborhood (Chicago), Latino Ethnic Conciousness (Padilla), 42, 47, 49– 50 176n12 Meade, Michael, 17, 97, 104– 7, 176n6 Latino Male: A Radical Redefinition, The Mendoza, Louis G., 71, 73 (Abalos), 12, 109 men’s movement, 17, 28, 35, 97, 101– 10, Latino Metropolis (Valle and Torres), 45 176n6 Lavoe, Héctor, 130 MENSWEB, 106 Law & Order (television series), 148– 49 mestizaje, 73, 128 LDA, 139– 40 mexicanidad, 18, 36 Leguízamo, John, 11– 13 Mirandé, A., 173– 74n4, 181– 82n8, 183n16 Lewis, O., 173– 74n4 Mohanty, Chandra Talpade, 74 Limón, José, 1, 8, 72– 73 Moore, Joan, 43, 177n3 Lindh, John Walker, 100 Moraga, Cherrie, 74 Llenas, Winston, 161 Mosaic Foundation, 105– 6, 108 López, I. H., 185n3 Movements in Chicano Poetry (Pérez-Torres), López, Jennifer, 189n31 72– 73 López, Omar, 179n13 Muñoz, José Esteban, 4, 12 Muy Macho: Latino Men Confront Their Machado Sáez, E., 178n9, 180– 81n4 Manhood (ed. González), 11– 12, machismo, 3, 28, 55, 75, 109, 173– 74n4 101– 3 MACHOS (performance piece), 7, 11– 27, My History, Not Yours (Padilla), 72 33– 35, 175n1, 175n3, 176n4– 7 mythopoetic movement, 35, 97, 101– 8, Major League Baseball. See baseball 176n6 Index ● 209

Naison, Mark, 147 queer theory, 2– 4, 12, 83, 87– 88, negro, el, 125, 127– 29, 131– 32, 137, 174– 75n5, 180n3. See also 143, 186n12 homosexuality Negrón- Muntaner, F., 100, 185– 86n8 Queer Latinidad: Identity Practices, Nelly, 131 Discursive Spaces (Rodríguez), 2 Nieves, Tito, 131 Queering the Color Line (Somerville), 88 Nieves Moreno, Alfredo, 129 Quinn, Eithne, 131– 33 nigga, 131– 35, 186n12, 187n17 Quiñones, Ernesto, 184n3 N.O.R.E., 139, 188n25 Quiroga, José, 4

Ocasio, Billy, 46 racial formation, 5, 81, 157, 182– 83n14, Olguín, B. V., 72, 180– 81n4, 181n5, 185n2 181n7, 181– 82n7 Rail, Geneviève, 159 Omi, Michael, 3, 173n2, 182– 83n14 Rambo (film), 98 O’Nan, Stewart, 164 Ramírez, Manny Ortíz, David “Big Papi,” 151, 164, 170 appearance of, 161– 62 childhood and background of, 145– 48, Padilla, Elena, 179n15 152, 161 Padilla, Félix, 44, 176n12, 177n3, and citizenship, 163– 65 179n15, 191n11 Loose Cannons, on, 167 Padilla, Genaro, 72 as “el Maldito Loco,” 156– 63 Padilla, José (Abdullah Al Mujajir), 99–100, and Mannywood, 165– 69 120, 178n6 “Oh Manny Song,” 162– 63 Papelbon, Jonathan, 167 persona of, 8, 146– 48, 156– 67 Paredez, Deborah, 12, 175n2 Ramírez, Rafael, 55– 56, 59, 173– 74n4, party crews, 7, 42– 44, 49– 55, 67, 178n8. 178– 79n11, 179n12, 183n16 See also gangs Ramos- Zayas, 57, 157, 173n2, 176n12, Patriot Act, 45, 99– 100, 149 179n15, 185n2 Paulino, Richard, 160 rape in prisons, 85– 86 Paz, Coya, 11, 13– 15, 24, 176n4– 5 rap music, 53, 101, 124– 35, 140, 144, Pentecostal Church, 97, 110– 13, 117, 119 185n4, 187n15, 188n25– 26. See Pérez, Daniel Enrique, 4, 12, 83, 181n7, also gangsta rap 183n16 Reagan, Ronald, 97– 99, 159 Pérez, Gina, 66 reggaetón, 8, 123– 44, 151, 185n4, Pérez- Torres, Rafael, 72– 73 186n9, 187n20, 188n23– 25, Perry, Imani, 127, 129, 131, 187– 88n22 188n27 Piñero, Miguel, 72, 180– 81n4, 181n6 Rhodes, Jean, 160– 61 Pinto Poets, 72, 180– 81n4 Rivera, Ismael, 129– 30, 186n11 Practice of Everyday Life, The (de Rivera, Raquel, 125, 135, 139, 143, Certeau), 74 185n6, 188n26 Puente, Tito, 140 Rivero, Y. M., 185n5, 185– 86n8 puertorriqueñidad, 78, 185– 86n8 Rodman, Dennis, 159, 161 Puzo, Mario: The Godfather, 126 Rodríguez, Abraham, Jr., 124, 184n3 Rodríguez, Alex, 170 quare theory, 88, 91 Rodríguez, Art, 184n3 queer, use of the term, 12 Rodríguez, Juana María, 2, 183n16 210 ● Index

Rodríguez, Luis J., 7– 8, 17, 61, 66– 68, Schechner, R., 175n1, 176n10 93, 95– 109, 120 Scott, James, 131 “Always Running” (poem), 105 Sedgewick, Eve Kosofsky, 59, 129, Always Running, 42, 44– 46, 48, 54, 176n9, 186n10 96– 97, 184n3 Selena, 12, 175n2, 189n31 Hearts and Hands, 96– 97, 106– 7 September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks of, “On Macho,” 53, 101– 2, 106– 7, 176n6 43, 99– 100, 149, 179– 80n2 Rodríguez, Richard T., 53– 54, 126, Seven Long Times (Thomas), 70– 94 185n4, 190n6 S- e- x- oh! (performance piece), 13 Hunger of Memory, 158, 173n3, Shaw, M. C., 174– 75n5 184– 85n8 Simpson, Nicole Brown, 159 Rodríguez, Sonia (pseudonym): Lady Q Simpson, O. J., 159, 161 (with Sánchez), 41– 42, 53, 56, 58, Sinatra, Frank, 126 64, 67, 175n6 single use city model, 45, 178n5 Roediger, David, 159 slamdancing, 51– 52, 54 Rome, Kris, 166 slavery, 125, 127– 28, 132, 142, 179– 80n2, Romero Joseph, Velmo E., 131 186n12 Rose, Tricia, 127, 131, 144, 185n1 Smith, Robert Courtney, 66, 176n8 Roselló, Pedro, 134, 187n19 Sobchack, Vivian, 149 Rúa, Mérida, 4– 5, 179n15 Solo Latinas (performance piece), 13 Ryan, Nolan, 190n7 Somerville, Siobhan, 88 Sosa, Sammy, 33, 152, 154 sacred, the, 109 South Side neighborhood (Chicago), 42, Salinas, Raúl, 72– 74, 181n7 46– 49, 49– 50, 54, 67 salsa, 130– 31, 186n9, 188n23 Spencer, Michael, 133 salsa vieja, 187n20 Stark, Jayson, 170 salseros, 130– 31, 186n9 Stavans, Ilan, 48 Sánchez, Luis Rafael, 139, 188n26 Stealing Lives (documentary), 190n2 Sánchez, Marta E., 5, 8 street gangs. See gangs Sánchez, Reymundo, 7, 41– 42, 48– 49, Street Wars (Hayden), 98– 99 53– 68, 178n9, 182n10, 184n3 strip searches in prison, 83– 84 Lady Q (with Rodriguez), 41– 42, 53, Sugar (film), 190n2 56– 58, 64, 67, 175n6 Sykes, Gresham, 83 My Bloody Life, 41, 54, 61– 63, 67– 68, 176– 77n1 Teatro Luna (theater group), 7, 11–37, 176n4 Once a King, Always a King, 41, 54, Terminator, The (film), 98 61– 62, 67– 68 Thomas, J., 100, 187n16 Sánchez, Ricardo, 72, 74, 180– 81n4 Thomas, Piri, 7 Sánchez González, L., 178n9 Down These Mean Streets, 42, 45, 67, Sandoval, Chela, 6, 74 95– 97, 100, 108, 116, 180– 81n4, Sandoval- Sánchez, Alberto, 12, 175n2 184n3 Santa Ana, O., 184n4, 190n4 “Means Streets” dedicated to, 95 Santa Rosa, Gilberto, 131 Savior, Savior, Hold My Hand, 95– 98, Santos, Daniel, 186n9 109, 115– 16, 119, 180– 81n4 Saracho, Tanya, 13– 14 Seven Long Times, 70– 95, 180– 81n4, Saray, Elva, 166 181n6 Index ● 211

Thompson, Robert J., 126 Washington Heights (New York), 145, Thoreau, Henry David: Walden, 101– 3, 120 148– 56, 159– 60, 169 Toch, Hans, 84 Watson, E., 174– 75n5 Torre, Joe, 162, 167 West Side Story (Broadway play), 100, 175n2 Torres, Arlene, 128 White, Mickey, 156 Torres, Rodolfo D., 45, 184n2 White by Law (López), 185n3 Torres Torres, Jaime, 130 whiteness, 47, 81– 82, 89, 114, 118, 128, Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, 72, 140, 152, 173n2, 186n14 182n12 Winant, Howard, 3, 173n2, 182– 83n14 Trujillo, Rafael Leonidas, 150, 190n7 Wright, Richard: Native Son, 75, 182n9 Writing Manhood in Black and Yellow Ultimate Party Crew (UPC), 49– 51, (Kim), 2– 3 54– 55 Young Lords Organization, 44, 52, 63, Valle, Victor M., 45, 184n2 67, 179n13 Vasconcelos, José, 140, 188– 89n28 youth organizations, 42– 43, 45– 46. See Vigil, James Diego, 44, 177n3 also gangs; party crews virginity in gang culture, 57 Zavella, Patricia, 57 Walters, John P., 99 Zion, 131