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Making Fenians: the Transnational Constitutive Rhetoric of Revolutionary Irish Nationalism, 1858-1876
Syracuse University SURFACE Dissertations - ALL SURFACE 8-2014 Making Fenians: The Transnational Constitutive Rhetoric of Revolutionary Irish Nationalism, 1858-1876 Timothy Richard Dougherty Syracuse University Follow this and additional works at: https://surface.syr.edu/etd Part of the Modern Languages Commons, and the Speech and Rhetorical Studies Commons Recommended Citation Dougherty, Timothy Richard, "Making Fenians: The Transnational Constitutive Rhetoric of Revolutionary Irish Nationalism, 1858-1876" (2014). Dissertations - ALL. 143. https://surface.syr.edu/etd/143 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the SURFACE at SURFACE. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations - ALL by an authorized administrator of SURFACE. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the constitutive rhetorical strategies of revolutionary Irish nationalists operating transnationally from 1858-1876. Collectively known as the Fenians, they consisted of the Irish Republican Brotherhood in the United Kingdom and the Fenian Brotherhood in North America. Conceptually grounded in the main schools of Burkean constitutive rhetoric, it examines public and private letters, speeches, Constitutions, Convention Proceedings, published propaganda, and newspaper arguments of the Fenian counterpublic. It argues two main points. First, the separate national constraints imposed by England and the United States necessitated discursive and non- discursive rhetorical responses in each locale that made -
Irish Identity in the Union Army During the American Civil War Brennan Macdonald Virginia Military Institute
James Madison University JMU Scholarly Commons Proceedings of the Ninth Annual MadRush MAD-RUSH Undergraduate Research Conference Conference: Best Papers, Spring 2018 “A Country in Their eH arts”: Irish Identity in the Union Army during the American Civil War Brennan MacDonald Virginia Military Institute Follow this and additional works at: http://commons.lib.jmu.edu/madrush MacDonald, Brennan, "“A Country in Their eH arts”: Irish Identity in the Union Army during the American Civil War" (2018). MAD- RUSH Undergraduate Research Conference. 1. http://commons.lib.jmu.edu/madrush/2018/civilwar/1 This Event is brought to you for free and open access by the Conference Proceedings at JMU Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in MAD-RUSH Undergraduate Research Conference by an authorized administrator of JMU Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 MacDonald BA Virginia Military Institute “A Country in Their Hearts” Irish Identity in the Union Army during the American Civil War 2 Immigrants have played a role in the military history of the United States since its inception. One of the most broadly studied and written on eras of immigrant involvement in American military history is Irish immigrant service in the Union army during the American Civil War. Historians have disputed the exact number of Irish immigrants that donned the Union blue, with Susannah Ural stating nearly 150,000.1 Irish service in the Union army has evoked dozens of books and articles discussing the causes and motivations that inspired these thousands of immigrants to take up arms. In her book, The Harp and the Eagle: Irish American Volunteers and the Union Army, 1861-1865, Susannah Ural attributes Irish and specifically Irish Catholic service to “Dual loyalties to Ireland and America.”2 The notion of dual loyalty is fundamental to understand Irish involvement, but to take a closer look is to understand the true sense of Irish identity during the Civil War and how it manifested itself. -
National University of Ireland St.Patrick's College, Maynooth T Itle
National University of Ireland St.Patrick's College, M aynooth T i t l e FENIANISM - A MALE BUSINESS? A CASE STUDY OF MARY JANE 0 ' DONOVAN ROSSA (1845-1916) by SYLKE LEHNE IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF M.A. DEPARTMENT OF MODERN HISTORY, ST. PATRICK'S COLLEGE, MAYNOOTH HEAD OF DEPARTMENT: P r o f e s s o r R .V . Coiner fo r d Supervisor of Research: Professor R.V.Comerford August 1995 SUMMARY Mary Jane O'Donovan Rossa was born in Clonakilty, Co. Cork in January 1845. Her father's active involvement in the Young Ireland movement, the experience of the Famine years and her marriage to the fenian leader, Jeremiah 0'Donovan Rossa, influenced the formation of her political attitude and her ardent nationalism . As the eldest of ten children she was to take over responsibility for her family at an early stage of her life. She considered her duty for her family always as primary to unnecessary sacrifices for political principles and strongly defended this attitude against Rossa's inconsiderate willingness to sacrifice himself and those close to him. Although Mary Jane submitted to the fenian attitude that women were to be the helpers behind the scene, she proved, particularly in her work as Secretary of the Ladies' Committee (1865-67) that she was capable of leadership and of taking over political responsibility. Being always a loyal, unconditional supporter of her husband and his cause and bearing severe hardship for them throughout her entire life, she left the political stage to Rossa and only took his place whenever he was unable to attend to his political d u t i e s . -
The Insurrection in Dublin” Across the South Atlantic
Rumours of “The Insurrection in Dublin” across the South Atlantic Laura P. Z. Izarra Abstract: This article shows how James Stephens’ daily journalistic record of the rumours and tension of the Easter Rising in Dublin’s streets intersects with beliefs in freedom, idealism, justice and patriotism already present in his previous work, with Roger Casement’s Speech from the Dock and narratives constructed under the Southern Cross. Based on Rosnow’s and Allport and Portsman’s concepts of rumour as well as on Igor Primoratz’s and Aleksandar Pavković’s concepts of patriotism, I deconstruct news of the Rising that reached the South Atlantic shores and spread through local and Irish community newspapers. An analysis of the words chosen by the journalists to describe the Rising – such as ‘insurrection’, ‘rebellion’, ‘revolution’, ‘rioting’, ‘rising’ – reveal the political position adopted by the newspapers of the Irish communities in Argentina and also in Brazil. Keywords: James Stephens, Easter Rising, South American press, Eamonn Bulfin, Roger Casement. On the occasion of the 90th anniversary of the Easter Rising Fintan O’Toole (2006) wrote that much was being said about it but that there were two quite distinct subjects: one was the myth to which great significance had been added “by the meanings that people wish to read into it”; the argument (whether it was a heroic act or an act of treachery…) was not about the past but about the present and the future because this is determined by one’s view on other subjects like the Northern Ireland conflict, or nationalism and socialism, or “the awkward relationship between the terrorist and the freedom fighter”. -
Zjkcilitants of the 1860'S: the Philadelphia Fenians
zJkCilitants of the 1860's: The Philadelphia Fenians HE history of any secret organization presents a particularly difficult field of inquiry. One of the legacies of secret societies Tis a mass of contradictions and pitfalls for historians. Oaths of secrecy, subterfuge, aliases, code words and wildly exaggerated perceptions conspire against the historian. They add another vexing dimension to the ordinary difficulty of tracing and evaluating docu- mentary sources.1 The Fenian Brotherhood, an international revo- lutionary organization active in Ireland, England, and the United States a century ago, is a case in point. Founded in Dublin in 1858, the organization underwent many vicissitudes. Harried by British police and agents, split by factionalism, buffeted by failures, reverses, and defections, the Fenians created a vivid and romantic Irish nationalist legend. Part of their notoriety derived from spectacular exploits that received sensational publicity, and part derived from the intrepid character of some of the leaders. Modern historians credit the Fenians with the preservation of Irish national identity and idealism during one of the darkest periods of Irish national life.2 Although some general studies of the Fenians have been written, there are few studies of local branches of the Brotherhood. Just how such a group operating in several countries functioned amid prob- lems of hostile surveillance, difficulties of communication, and 1 One student of Irish secret societies, who wrote a history of the "Invincibles," a terrorist group of the i88o's, found the evidence "riddled with doubt and untruth, vagueness and confusion." Tom Corfe, The Phoenix Park Murders (London, 1968), 135. 2 T. -
Ireland Her Own’: Radical Movements in Nineteenth-Century Ireland
59 ‘Ireland Her Own’: Radical Movements in Nineteenth-Century Ireland PRISCILLA METSCHER When examining the development of republicanism in nineteenth-century Ireland, we must be aware not only of the elements of continuity in the radical movements of the period, but also of their differences, resulting from specific circumstances and conditions. The first half of the nineteenth century in Ireland was dominated by two socio-economic factors. On the one hand, excessive subdivision of the land among the rural peasantry was accompanied by a tremendous population increase; on the other hand, a general decline in Irish industry in the first decades of the century ensured that the surplus population could not be absorbed into the economic life of the towns. The Act of Union was not the only cause for the decline in industries, but it was a major contributor as free trade between Britain and Ireland was established which meant that Irish manufacturers were no longer in a position to protect the home market from British competition. The huge national debt incurred by the Union also meant that much needed capital for Irish industry was taken out of the country.1 It was hardly surprising that a mass popular movement should arise, under the leadership of Daniel O’Connell, with the aim of repealing the Act of Union. O’Connell, despite his radical use of language, was not a radical. He was a landlord who had great respect for the protection of private property and denounced agrarian secret societies for their use of violence. His policy is summed up in a letter he wrote early in 1833: ‘I would not join in any violation of the law … I desire no social revolution, no social change … In short, salutary restoration without revolution, an Irish Parliament, British connection, one King, two legislatures’.2 Nevertheless, a group of young men were attracted to the Repeal Association who, although staunchly loyal to O’Connell, were prepared to go a step further. -
George D. Cahill Papers 1845-Circa 1921 MS.1993.041
George D. Cahill Papers 1845-circa 1921 MS.1993.041 http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2900 Archives and Manuscripts Department John J. Burns Library Boston College 140 Commonwealth Avenue Chestnut Hill, MA, 02467 617-552-3282 [email protected] http://www.bc.edu/burns Table of Contents Summary Information ................................................................................................................................. 3 Administrative Information .........................................................................................................................4 Related Materials ........................................................................................................................................ 4 Biographical note...........................................................................................................................................5 Historical note................................................................................................................................................5 Scope and Contents note............................................................................................................................... 7 Arrangement note...........................................................................................................................................7 Collection Inventory...................................................................................................................................... 8 Series I: Correspondence and personal -
A Training School for Rebels: Fenians in the French Foreign Legion
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Northumbria Research Link A training school for rebels: Fenians in the French Foreign Legion In 1920, six years before Hollywood made the film Beau Geste, Bray and Arklow doubled for North Africa in another, less famous silent film about the French Foreign Legion made by the Celtic Cinema Company, entitled Rosaleen Dhu. Based on a story by John Denvir, the film tells the romantic tale of an exiled Fenian who joins the Legion and later marries an Algerian woman, only to discover that she is the heiress to a large Irish estate. Such escapism was probably welcome in 1920 as the War of Independence entered its bloodiest phase, but, in the best tradition of film-making, the tale was, in fact, ‘based on a true story’. During the nineteenth century a considerable number of Irishmen served in the Légion Etrangère, and a number of them were indeed members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood. In 1851, seven years before the IRB was established, one of its founders, Thomas Clarke Luby, set out for France, intent on joining the Foreign Legion in order to learn infantry tactics. The Legion had temporarily suspended recruitment at the time, however, and so his Six years before Hollywood made Beau Geste ambition was frustrated. This is the first known (1926), Bray and Arklow doubled for North instance of Irish separatists identifying the Africa in the Celtic Cinema Company’s Legion as a training school for rebels, though Rosaleen Dhu, a romantic tale of an exiled the idea of going abroad to acquire military Fenian who joins the French Foreign Legion. -
Parody in James Stephens's Deirdre
Studi irlandesi. A Journal of Irish Studies, n. 8 (2018), pp. 377-392 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.13128/SIJIS-2239-3978-23383 How Deirdre and the Sons of Uisneac Took the GPO: Parody in James Stephens’s Deirdre (1923) Audrey Robitaillié University of Edinburgh (<[email protected]>) Abstract: This article looks at the parodical aspects of James Stephens’s nov- el Deirdre, published in 1923. It uses Linda Hutcheon’s theoretical framework on parody to analyse how Stephens both follows the me- dieval tradition and the Revivalists, and distances his work from their influence. He breathes life into the age-old narrative of Deirdre by adding dialogues, psychological insights and humour to the story, but also by implicitly comparing the Sons of Uisneac to the Irish Volunteers of 1916. This serves to glorify the rebels, whom he had portrayed in his witness account The Insurrection in Dublin, but the depiction of the fratricidal fight at the court of Emain Macha at the end of the Deirdre legend also acts as a critique of the Irish civil war. Keywords: Deirdre, Irish Revival, James Stephens, Parody, 1916 In the 1920s, James Stephens set out to rewrite the great Irish epic Táin Bó Cuailnge in five volumes. The ancient narrative relates the war between Maeve of Connacht and Conachúr mac Nessa of Ulster1, in which Cúchulinn achieved fame by single-handedly defending Ulster from the Connacht assailants. Ste- phens’s ambitious endeavour never reached completion, but he thus produced Deirdre in 1923, an introductory novel to these events also known as “The Cat- tle-Raid of Cooley”. -
The Clan Na Gael 1912-1916
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Electronic Theses and Dissertations 5-2018 Political activism and resistance in Irish America : the clan na gael 1912-1916. Sara Bethany Bornemann University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/etd Part of the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Bornemann, Sara Bethany, "Political activism and resistance in Irish America : the clan na gael 1912-1916." (2018). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 2940. https://doi.org/10.18297/etd/2940 This Master's Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICAL RESISTANCE AND ACTIVISM IN IRISH AMERICA: THE CLAN NA GAEL 1912-1916 By Sara Bethany Bornemann B.A., Bridgewater State University, 2015 A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of the University of Louisville in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts In History Department of History University of Louisville Louisville, Kentucky May 2018 POLITICAL RESISTANCE AND ACTIVISM IN IRISH AMERICA: THE CLAN NA GAEL 1912-1916 By Sara Bornemann B.A. [Bridgewater State University, 2015] A Thesis Approved On 4/11/2018 By the following Thesis Committee _______________________________________________ Dr. Theresa M. Keeley, Thesis Director _______________________________________________ Dr. -
Those Who Set the Stage Republicans and Those Who Would Resort To
3.0 Those who Set the Stage 3.2 Republicans and those who would resort to physical force 3.2.2 John Devoy, Joseph McGarrity and Clan na Gael Clan na Gael directly contributed to the Rising by providing American funding and arms for the Irish Volunteers. John Devoy (1842-1928) was born into a family living in a cottage on half an acre at Kill, Co. Kildare. The family moved to Dublin where he was educated by the Christian Brothers at O’Connell’s Schools on North Richmond Street, at Marlborough Street model school, and at Strand Street model school, where he became a paid monitor for a couple of years before finding more remunerative employment as a clerk. Devoy came into contact with political activists while learning Irish at evening classes, eventually being sworn into the secret society known as the Fenians in 1861. After a year with the French Foreign Legion in Algeria, he settled in Naas, Co. Kildare, where he worked as a Fenian organiser. The Fenian leader, James Stephens, next entrusted him with the recruitment of Irishmen in British regiments. He was eventually arrested in February 1866 and sentenced to fifteen years penal servitude; he was released in 1871, having served four years in various British prisons. On his release he emigrated to the United States. Around 1873 Devoy joined Clan na Gael (founded in 1867) which under his leadership became the premier Irish-American nationalist organisation. One of his most spectacular coups was the daring rescue of six Fenians 1 3.2.2 John Devoy, Joseph McGarrity and Clan na Gael from penal servitude in Fremantle, Australia in 1876 by means of the whaler Catalpa. -
The Fenian Brotherhood in New York and the US
Chapter 1 The Fenian Brotherhood in New York and the US Irishmen still, thank God, leave their country with the hatred of England lying deep in their souls. For them there is no pretence [sic] of union of hearts, nor of anything but war with England, for which they are at all times willing to supply the sinews.1 —John O’Leary, recollections of Fenians and Fenianism he genesis of the Fenian Brotherhood was the Emmet Monument TAssociation that was established in the United States for the ostensible purpose of erecting a monument to Robert Emmet, who was executed by the British after leading an Irish rebellion in 1803. Although the group publicly had relatively narrow goals, there was a somewhat coded message in its very name. While Emmet was at trial, his closing speech included the words: Let no man write my epitaph; for as no man who knows my motives dare now vindicate them, let not prejudice or ignorance, asperse them. Let them and me rest in obscurity and peace, and my tomb remain uninscribed, and my memory in oblivion, until other times and other men can do justice to my character. When my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then and not till then, let my epitaph be written. At least among the Irish community, this implied that any group devoted to establish such a monument must also be involved in the nationalist 1 © 2018 State University of New York Press, Albany 2 Rebels on the Niagara struggle. This certainly was the case with the Emmet Monument Associa- tion, which had a secret wing devoted to armed action against Britain.