1 Redeeming Ireland: the Historical Problem and a Model for Cultural Analysis

Home , Andrew Kettle, Carracastle, Charles Boycott, Coercion Act, Irish National League, James Daly (activist)

Notes

1 Redeeming Ireland: The Historical Problem and a Model for Cultural Analysis

1. Rev. Joseph Murphy, Catholic curate, at Enniscorthy Demonstration, county Wexford, October 26, 1879 ( Freeman’s Journal , October 27, 1879). 2. I borrow this term from Catherine Bell (1992, 83–85), who synthesizes Kenneth Burridge’s notion of redemptive process and Antonio Gramsci’s hegemony concept. I take Bell’s conceptualization to mean that subordinate groups appropriate from the dominant hegemonic structure elements that help them either negotiate with or resist dominant power. My conceptualization is somewhat different. By redemptive hegemony, I mean a coun- terhegemonic formation that seeks to redeem power from the dominant structure. 3. “Home Rule” would give the Irish power to make domestic decisions only and was to be achieved through parliamentary consent. Radical nationalists, advocating complete separation from Great Britain, were prepared to use violence and physical force if necessary to attain it. 4. “Gallican” refers to the Catholic Church in France that enunciated in its principles of 1682 limited autonomy from Rome, especially in matters con- cerning the well- being of French Catholics. 5. The Franchise Act of 1850 gave farmers with a £12 valuation of their land the right to vote: “With a twelve- pound valuation franchise in the counties after 1850, the proportion of farmers constituting the public political class of the Irish countryside grew significantly to about a third by 1866 and probably nearer to two-fifths by the time of Parnell’s first electoral successes of the early 1880s” (Hoppen 1984, 91). 6. This term refers to the privileged land- owning class in Ireland, whose members were the descendants and successors of the Protestant Ascendancy. 7. Despite the movement’s stated nonsectarian nature, Protestant farmers in the north were put off by the Irish Catholic Church’s involvement, in the same way that its nationalist component alienated tenant farmers loyal to Britain. See Thompson (1985) and Wright (1996). 8. The previous failed movements, to be discussed in chapter 2 , include the Repeal movement and Young Ireland movement (1840s), Catholic 238 Notes

Education movement (1840s), Tenant Right movement (1850s and 1870s), Fenian movement (1860s), Amnesty movement (1868), and Home Rule movement (1870s). 9. Some notable studies that tackle the issue of political alliance in historical movements are Voss (1993), Gould (1995), and Ansell (2001). 10. See Bew (1979, 217–224) for his critique of various explanations of the INLL alliance. 11. The terms “articulation” and “articulatory practices” have a specific meaning in discourse analysis. According to Laclau and Mouffe, articulation is “any practice establishing a relation among [symbolic] elements such that their identity is modified as a result of the articulatory practice” (1985, 105). Sewell expresses this process of articulation more plainly: “In the case of discourses, articulation implies an attachment of ‘joint- ing’ of distinct discourses to one another” (2005, 339). My use of the terms will indicate a joining of discursive elements resulting in discursive transformation. 12. See for example, Kane (1991), Emirbayer and Goodwin (1994), Sewell (1992, 1994 and 1999), Biernacki (1995), and Hall (2000 and 2003). 13. See Alexander (1988b) and Kane (1991) for discussions of the “autonomy of culture” concept; Rambo and Chan (1990) for original conceptualization of “culture structure”; and Sewell (1996a) on the semicoherence of cultural systems. 14. The natural events were bad weather and poor harvest; social structural “events” consisted of landlord refusal of rent reductions, evictions, and government inaction to aid farmers; and movement events included protest organization and demonstrations by tenant farmer defense clubs, and encouragement from Irish American organizations and what is called the “New Departure” (the latter is discussed in chapter 2). 15. Randall Collins’s (2004) conceptualization and discussion of “enchained” ritual events and “ritual enchainment” helped me in my thinking about “path dependence” of ritual events, and is similar to my idea of networked ritual events. Although, as I discuss, my theory about how and why symbolic construction occurs in ritual and ritualistic events differs from that of Collins. 16. According to Mahoney, “self- reinforcing sequences are characterized by processes of reproduction that reinforce early events” (2000, 526; italics in original). 17. Sewell is drawing on and reconceptualizing Marshall Sahlins’s concept of “structure of conjuncture” as specified in Historical Metaphors and Mythical Realities: Early History of the Sandwich Islands Kingdom (1981). Sahlins’s seminal work is also important in the analysis of cultural transformation in, and undetermined outcomes of, ritual events. 18. While the literature on ritual, ritual action, and ritual processes is vast, work that has influenced my thinking includes (but is not limited to): Durkheim (1965), Turner (1969), Bourdieu (1977), Sahlins (1981), Alexander (1988c), Notes 239

Bell (1992), Hunt (1984, 1988), Roth (1995), Sewell (1996b, 2005), and Collins (2004). 19. This is Sewell’s conceptualization of ritual (2005, 252). Most of this quote— and Sewell’s conceptualization, as he acknowledges— is derived from Catherine Bell (1992, 140–141). 20. This section on symbolic meaning is derived from Kane (1997, 255–257). 21. For related but differently focused discussions of this double interpretation, see Alexander (1988a, 314) and Sahlins (1981, 68–70). 22. The conceptualizations in the following two paragraphs are derived largely from LaClau and Mouffe (1985, 93–148). 23. The following conceptualizations draw on Brubaker (1996). 24. However, see Miller (1985, 119–121) for discussion of how the semantic structure of the Irish language continued to influence “an Irish worldview which emphasized dependence and passivity.” 25. This draws on Swidler’s concept (1986), though I use it in a somewhat different way. 26. See Berezin (1997, 21–23) for a discussion of hierarchies of identity. 27. Boycotting, one of the most important forms of modern collective action, acquired its name from an event of the Land War. Captain Charles Boycott, the agent and largest tenant of the Earl of Erne in County Mayo, experienced a complete embargo as a result of what was perceived as unfair treatment, including evictions, of other tenants. For two months in the autumn of 1880, Captain Boycott was unable to hire labor to work his farm. No mer- chant in all of southern Mayo would sell goods and services to the Boycott family, and mail and telegraph services were cut to his house. This event is discussed in chapter 4 . 28. In addition to verbal documentation, a number of newspapers and weekly magazines—such as the Illustrated London News , the Irish American , and United Ireland — provided rich visual imagery of the Land War. For discussions of the role of imagery in the construction of Irish political consciousness, see Moran (1999) and McBride (1999). 29. On the political role of newspapers in later nineteenth- century Ireland, see Loughlin (1991, 221–241), Legg (1999), and Kane (2003, 40–61). For discussions of newspaper reading as a form of ritual and discursive participation, see Andersen (1983) and Jacobs (1996).

2 Historical Antecedents to the Irish Land War

1. Paraphrased from William Sewell (2005, 83). 2. This term is borrowed from Dan Slater and Erica Simmons, “Informative Regress: Critical Antecedents in Comparative Politics,” Comparative Political Studies , July 2010, though not used in the full theoretical or methodological sense. 3. See also Elliot (1978), Donnelly (1980), and Miller (1983). 240 Notes

4. Opposition and resistance to tithes had long been the focus of secret rural society activity. 5. Clark reports that the emergence of the Tithe War can be traced to a parish near the Kilkenny- Carlow border in the province of Munster, where a local priest began an agitation to reduce the tithe composition (1979, 92). 6. Parliament enacted legislation through the 1830s that first reduced the bur- den of tithes and then converted tithes into rent charges. 7. See MacDonagh (1989e, 222–225) for a discussion of the Tithe War. 8. These Lalor quotes are from letters in the journal Irish Felon, 1847–1848, and cited in Davitt (1904, 59–60). 9. For these movements, see Lee (1973), Donnelly (1977, 1978, 1983), Beames (1983, 1987), Garvin (1987b). 10. Feingold notes that due to Lalor’s death in 1849, his proposal for “merging the national and land reform issues into a single political movement aimed at the liberation of both Ireland and the tenant- farmer . . . [was] relegated . . . to the library shelf until, in 1878 [Michael] Davitt presented it in a new form,” (1984, 54), ostensibly the basis of the “new departure.” 11. Located in county Meath, the site contains a number of ancient monuments, and according to Irish historical myth was the seat of the Irish high king. 12. For an excellent description and analysis of the ceremonial form of Repeal monster meetings, which would be reproduced during the Land War, see Owens (1999a, 242–269). 13. One of the most storied of Irish battles, the 1041 “Battle of Clontarf” pit- ted Irish High King Brian Boru (of Munster) against an alliance between Leinster and Viking forces, long situated in Dublin. In literary accounts, the battle at Clontarf represents a struggle for the sovereignty of Ireland. 14. This term is used metaphorically, as by law the Irish could not possess guns and they were exceedingly difficult to obtain, a condition that severely limited radical separatist efforts at least until late in the nineteenth century. 15. D. S. Jones maintains that graziers generally held over two hundred acres, with four hundred being about the average. I am lowering this figure as per Solow and Feingold, because the higher proportion of grassland to crops per- mits the assumption that farmers in this group derived most of the income from livestock. See Solow (1971), Feingold (1984, 101), Jones (1995). 16. See Moody (1982, 560–561, Table B.1). 17. Both Solow (1971, 100) and Crotty (1966, 67) cite Staehle’s (1950/1951) index of total physical output of agricultural production in the twenty- six counties. This index demonstrates a rise, on the basis of 1861 = 100, from 66 in 1847 to 213 in 1909. Solow comments that, “It scarcely needs arguing that per capita income increased dramatically in the quarter of the century after the Famine” (1971, 101). 18. Vaughan has calculated that average rents rose only about 20 percent, from £10 million to £12 million, between the early 1850s and the mid- 1870s, although a rise of 40 percent would have been necessary to give landlords “a proportionate share in the increased wealth of agriculture” (1980, 181). Notes 241

Similarly, Solow calculated that rents rose 12 percent from a little over £11 million in 1865 to between £12,776,000 and £13,305,000 in 1880 (1971, 61–62). 19. This is the word used by Emmett Larkin in his seminal analysis of the post– Famine ICC “Devotional Revolution,” (1972). 20. For the meaning of “Gallican,” see note chapter 1. 2 1 . T h e Nation , April 27, 1850, quoted in Whyte (1958, 11–12). 22. Crawford was an Ulster landlord and a member of Parliament who had been pushing for legislation to aid Irish tenant farmers since 1835. 23. This paragraph draws from Larkin (1980, 170–202). 24. The text in quotes comes from a letter to the Irish people, published in the Freeman’s Journal , December 19, 1851, protesting the election of Henry Wilberforce as secretary to the Catholic Defense Association. See Larkin (1980, 496–497). 25. The IRB derived the name “Fenians” from Na Fianna, the legendary band of Irish warriors led by Fionn mac Cumhaill, the mythical hunter- warrior. 26. For extended discussions of the IRB and the Fenian movement of this period see Comerford (1985) and Ramón (2007). The latter focuses on James Stephens. 27. The following discussion is from Larkin (1987, 343–347). 28. For a discussion of this cultural process, see Owens (1999b). 29. John O’Connor Power would become an MP for Mayo 1874, a leading obstructionist in the House of Commons, and an early organizer and activist of the 1879 land movement. James O’Kelly, a journalist, had opposed the 1867 Fenian uprising, and was an early enthusiast for combining constitutional and revolutionary nationalism. John Nolan, a draper from Dublin, served as secretary of the Amnesty Association. Patrick Egan would become treasurer of the Irish National Land League and a major movement activist. Michael Davitt was the primary architect of the 1879 land movement and cofounder of the Irish National Land League. See Moody (1982). 30. National Archives of Ireland, Fenian Papers , cited in Bew (1979, 43). 3 1 . Hansard , 3rd series, cxcix, 333–390, (ibid., 79). 32. See Vaughan (1989, 748–757) for a discussion of the 1870 Land Act. 33. Like O’Connor Power, O’Donnell was a Fenian who was elected for county Galway in 1877 (Moody 1982, 131–132). 34. Devoy, also a Fenian from the 1860s who was imprisoned for five years for his participation in the escape of James Stephens from Richmond jail in November 1865, was, like O’Kelly, a newspaperman in New York and a key figure in the revived American Fenian movement, the Clan na Gael. 3 5 . F r o m Devoy’s Post Bag, 1871–1928 (1948, 267–268), cited in Lyons (1977, 71). 36. The following paragraph is based on Moody (1982, 190–193). 37. Under the Irish Poor Law of 1838, boards of guardians were established in rural districts— 130 poor law unions in all—to administer relief, specifically in the form of workhouses. Boards of guardians possessed the government- granted power to levy and expend taxes for the workhouse system; but 242 Notes

throughout the nineteenth century, poor law guardians (PLGs) became politically influential on a much wider basis in local areas. Furthermore, as half the PLGs were elected officials, and most tenant farmers could vote in the election of their local board, boards of guardians represented the two main agrarian social classes in Ireland, the tenant farmers and the landlords. Thus, the poor law board came to embody and be the scene of much class struggle (Feingold 1984, xxiii–xxv). Following the work of William Feingold, scholars of late nineteenth-century Irish politics recognize the importance of poor law boards and guardians to the politicization of the Catholic rural elite, their role in political struggles, and their contribution to the development of local political structures. 38. This was the second of the three “new departures” from orthodox Fenianism during the 1870s, the first pioneered by John O’Connor Power and other members of the supreme council in 1873 (Moody 1982, 122–123; Jordan 1986, 48–49). According to Moody, the third occurred in October 1879 with the founding of the Irish Land League (see chapter 4). It is distinguished from the second in being “a scheme for a popular front on the land question under Parnell’s leadership” (Moody 1982, 325–326). 3 9 . D a v i t t , Special Commission Act, 1888: Report of the Proceeding before the Commissioners Appointed by the Act, reprinted from the Times , 4 vols., London. Cited in Jordan (1994, 216). 40. These are approximate figures based on slight variations between numbers of newspapers reported by Clark (1979, 123), Legg (1999, 30), and Comerford (1989a, 376).

3 Emergence of the Irish Land Movement, 1879

1. This discussion of O’Sullivan’s Irishtown speech comes from Kane (1997, 265–268). 2. Demanding rent reduction symbolized to many the degradation of the Irish tenant farmers, emphasizing their complete dependence on landlords and their beggarly position. Indeed, land meetings symbolized to some Irish, such as Father P. J. O’Brien, parish priest of Athreny, county Mayo, the miserable position of the country: More than once, even in this generation . . . have meetings similar to this been held throughout the country, from which plaintive appeals went forth to our unheeding taskmasters, to rescue a starving nation from hunger’s insufferable pangs. And . . . surely will those who come after us in this impoverished country be obliged to assemble at meetings of woe and sorrow, and again and again . . . as long as [Ireland] continues to be trampled down into a degraded province beneath the iron heel of a British Parliament. (Western News and Weekly Examiner , November 8, 1879). 3. Vaughan points out, “Few of the tactics adopted between 1879 and 1882 were new, for tenants had combined to oppose their landlords, encouraged Notes 243

by politicians and others, in 1849–52 and 1869–70” (1994, 177). What was distinctive during the Land War period is that the various forms of collective action were stimulated and supported by an extremely high level of organization, both locally and nationally. 4. The political acts of resistance to rent payment and eviction often resulted in mass demonstrations (and sometimes violence) and the further construction of symbolic meaning. Three of the most important ones were the Dempsey Eviction (see The Nation November 29, 1879; Freeman’s Journal, November 24, 1879; O’Brien 1905, 232; Jordan 1994, 250–251), the Carraroe Resistance (see Davitt 1904, 213–218; Hawkins 1974; Sligo Champion January 10, 1880), and the infamous Boycott Affair (see Bew 1979, 133; Jordan 1994, 285–293). All three events will be analyzed in this book. 5 . T h e n a t i o n a l i s t w e e k l y The Nation printed an abridged version from the Connaught Telegraph . 6. See Hynes (2008, 148–153) for an insightful discussion of the Knock indignation meeting. 7. Tuam is a large Catholic archdiocese in the west of Ireland. 8 . Freeman’s Journal, June 7, 1879; see also Davitt (1904, 153) and Moody (1982, 303). 9. In 1871, the categories of tenant farmers in terms of farm size, and the proportion of all holdings in each category, can be broken down according to the following: peasants (subsistence) less than one acre, 9 percent; small, 1–15 acres, 41 percent; middle, 15–50 acres, 36 percent; and large, over 50 acres, 15 percent. Breaking down the large farmer category, 9 percent (of total holdings) can be labeled as “strong” with 50–100 acres, and 6 percent can be considered “graziers” with over 100 acres. Derived from Crotty (1966), Solow (1971), Moody (1982), and Jones (1995). 10. The Westport meeting was reported in most of the provincial newspapers in the west, as well as in the Freeman’s Journal, The Nation, The Dublin Evening Mail, The Belfast News Letter, The Limerick Reporter , The Times (of London), and the Pall Mall Gazette (Moody 1982, 306). 11. Emmet Larkin (1975, 25, 29, 49–50); Clark (1979, 280); C. J. Woods (1991). 12. Eugene Hynes (2008, 162). 13. O’Shea (1983). 14. Clark (1979, 288); Jordan (1994, 252–253). 15. See Bew’s account of the meeting (1979, 68). 16. In addition to Bew, see Jordan (1944, 237–241). 17. Canon Magee would later become chairman of the Castlebar branch of the Land League (Moran 2002, 166). 18. This section is derived from Kane, “Finding Emotion in Social Movement Processes: Irish Land Movement Metaphors and Narratives,” Pp. 251–266 in Passionate Politics: Emotions in Social Movements , James Jasper, Jeff Goodwin, Francesca Polletta (eds.), (2001), Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. 244 Notes

19. In a chapter discussing foundational ideas of land reform, Philip Bull comments: “Tenant attitudes were to some degree informed by an awareness of conquest . . . a majority memory, and one kept alive not only by persecution but also by religious continuity and a strong indigenous culture” (1996, 27–53). 20. Though one of the strongest and most active was the Ballinasloe TDA in Galway. 21. Also known as “tenant right,” free sale represented the tenant’s interest in the holding, entitling the tenant to compensation when he or she either gave it up or was evicted from the holding. Though customary, and prac- ticed informally and inconsistently throughout Ireland, “tenant right” had become vital in maintaining an optimum land market for graziers (Vaughan 1994, 76–80; Jones 1995, 163–167). Interest in the holding consisted of improvements made by the tenant to the holding. Though it was entirely up to the landlord to grant a tenant the right of free sale, the custom constituted the primary incentive to “non- viable” tenants to give up land; the compensation enabled tenants to pay off rent arrears and debts, and might provide capital to emigrate. Without this incentive to small farmers to release holdings, graziers had difficulty attaining land when they needed it. The other important advantage of free sale for graziers was the remuneration it provided them when they forfeited land during periods of price declines. 22. John Dillon, the son of Young Ireland leader John Blake Dillon, was an ardent nationalist though not a Fenian. He supported the advanced Home Rule movement, and was a member of the Irish National Land League executive (Moody 1982, 310, 373). 23. See L. Perry Curtis’s insightful article (1988) about the use of violent language in nineteenth- century Irish nationalist movements. 24. See for example, the account of a massive land meeting in Dublin on November 21, 1879 in the Freeman’s Journal , November 22, 1879. 25. Demonstrating the path dependence of events, Brennan was arrested for this speech at Balla on the same charge of sedition as Davitt, Killen, and Daly (Moody 1982, 353). 26. The accounts vary as to Parnell’s courage and daring: see for example the Freeman’s Journal, November 24, 1879, W. O’Brien (1905, 232), and the account by Major Wise (the police commander at Balla), cited in Jordan (1994, 250–251). 27. Davitt is referring to Dublin Castle, which had become the center of the Irish government. 28. Public newspaper reading and discussion was a common practice in nineteenth- century rural Ireland (Legg 1999, 65–66). 29. The following vignette is from Kane (2003, 56–60). 30. Poor law guardian, see note 37, chapter 2. 31. This is not to argue that Irish peasants and tenant farmers were a historically and wholly compliant social group. Chapter 2 reveals that the Irish agrarian populace engaged, both individually and collectively, in many forms of resistance to landlords throughout the nineteenth century, and before. Yet, Notes 245

in “normal” times and everyday practices, tenant farmers exhibited deferen- tial attitudes and practices— what Vaughan terms “habits of respect” (1994, 226)— in their relations with landlords. For a sustained discussion of resistance to landlordism in post-Famine Ireland, see Vaughan (1994, 175–216).

4 Movement Expansion, 1880

1. Though the Carraroe episode delayed the evictions, attempts to serve notices continued for months. As will be discussed in the next chapter, the incidents at Carraroe ultimately had unforeseen but major consequences to the unfolding of the Land War. 2. The last resolution in the INLL program stated: “That none of the funds of this league shall be used for the purchase of any landlord’s interest in the land or for furthering the interests of any parliamentary candidate” (Davitt 1904, 172). Davitt points out that this resolution, which Parnell accepted with reluctance, was a concession to extremist sentiments among the Irish Americans who were providing much-needed funds to the organization (ibid., 173). 3. In his analysis of the Land Conference, Bew points out that it represented the first real intervention of “big graziers” into Land League affairs (1979, 99–104). 4. According to Moody, Forster was an ex- Quaker with a distinguished record of relief service during the Famine. A dedicated reformer, Forster accepted the position of chief secretary out of a sense of duty to both Ireland and Gladstone (1982, 391). 5. This law (38 Vict. c. 14) embodied most of the exceptional repressive powers open to the Irish government. 6. During his first tenure as prime minister, Gladstone enacted a bold land reform measure, the Land Act of 1870. According to Moody, this act “gave legal recognition to the tenant’s interest in his holding by entitling him, if evicted from it, to claim compensation for disturbance ( unless the ejectment was for nonpayment of rent ) and for improvements made by him with his landlord’s consent” (1982, 118; italics added). Moody goes on to comment that the Land Act of 1870 represented a radical departure from land law in England in that for the first time Parliament had interfered with the rights of private property. The reform also included a clause allowing tenants to purchase their holding with state aid (ibid., 119). 7. Here Cashel refers to the archdiocese of Cashel and Emly, primarily constituted in county Tipperary. 8. The rent on the Meagher holding was £522 per annum. Commenting on this rent level, an editorial in the Freeman’s Journal claimed it revealed that, “Even upon one of the largest farms and in one of the richest districts of the country the rack rents . . . were piled up under cover of the bloated prices of ten years ago” ( Freeman’s Journal, August 27, 1880, cited in Bew 1979, 116). 9. Davitt characterized P. J. Smyth as an “Irish national Don Quixote” (cited in Moody 1982, 513). 246 Notes

10. Bew (1979, 117). Quoted text from Freeman’s Journal , August 27, 1880. 11. On June 27, 1880, the Fenians held a demonstration at Irishtown to denounce parliamentarianism. The choice of this location to demonstrate against the league was quite symbolic as it was the site of the inauguration of the land movement in April 1879 and the recent anniversary celebration in May 1880. Significantly, a document of the demonstration’s proceedings does not exist as no newspaper covered it. 12. An MP for county Mayo, John O’Connor Power was a hero to non- Fenian reformers in the west. However, he was an ex- Fenian who, following his election to Parliament in 1874, had a tumultuous falling out with the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) supreme council. This added another dynamic to the strained relations between leaders in the west and the Irish National Land League (INLL) executive. See Jordan (1986). 13. The town of Ballaghaderreen was located in county Mayo until 1899, when it was transferred to county Roscommon under the Local Government (Ireland) Act of 1898. The act sought to establish a system of local government in Ireland, similar to that in England, Scotland, and Wales, and as a result the boundaries of a number of counties, such as Mayo and Roscommon, were redrawn. 14. On December 13, 1867, an attempt to free a Fenian organizer from the Clerkenwell jail in England by blowing a hole in the wall led to death and injury of dozens of inhabitants in nearby houses. Condemnation of Fenians and sentiment against the Irish hardened in England. However, at the time “ . . . [Gladstone] gave a clear signal that the excitements about Manchester and Clerkenwell would not affect his unwritten alliance with Irish interests; he declared that Ireland had real grievances [such as the Established Church] which it was England’s duty to remove. . . . ” (Comerford 1985, 149–150). 15. Not only were radical nationalists and agrarian reformers on the platform, but they were joined by Father Patrick LaValle, an extreme nationalist who had been condemned, though not excommunicated, both by Archbishop Cullen and the pope for his radical political activity in the past. See Moran (1986) and Larkin (1987). 16. This section is drawn from Kane (1997, 267–270). 17. The commission was headed by the Earl of Bessborough, and further constituted by two large landowners, MacMurrough Kavanagh and The O’Conor Don (former MPs unseated due to opposition to tenant interests), William Shaw, who was sympathetic to tenant interests, and a government official, Baron Dowse (Moody 1982, 398–399). 18. The government’s tenement valuation, carried out from 1852–1868 by Sir Richard Griffith, set the value of every farm for taxation purposes. Whether or not Griffith’s valuation was a fair standard for setting rent in 1880 has provoked much analysis and debate among economic historians of Ireland. See for example and evidence: Solow (1971), ÓGráda (1988), and Vaughan (1994). 19. As explained by Bew (1979), a landlord who desired to sue a tenant for nonpayment of rent could either bring an ejectment or ordinary action for Notes 247

debt. With ejectment there was no sale of the farm after the judgment, but the sheriff took possession of the farm and evicted the tenant. However, the tenant had the “right to redeem;” at any time within six months he could reacquire the holding if he paid the rent and costs to the landlord. If, on the other hand, the landlord brought an action for debt, the sheriff seized the land and stock of the tenant and proceeded to sell them by auction. If the tenant did not “buy in” at this point and pay his debt plus costs, he lost all right of redemption and lost all claim to or interest in the farm. 20. Bernard Becker in his book Disturbed Ireland (1881) pinpointed the area of Connaught in which the anti-grazier movement arose: “This dis- trict . . . [lying] mainly between the seashore and a line drawn from Leenane to Carna . . . has, during the last twelve months become disturbed in such ways that it is impossible to shut one’s eyes to the fact that here . . . a sort of death set is being made against grazing farmers (78–79). 21. Here is another example of the consolidation narrative: [A]long the ridge of yon hill-side, less than thirty years ago one hundred families dwelt there, and one hundred homesteads looked down upon the beautiful glen . . . What has become of those 500 souls that once dwelt there in peace and comparative comfort? They were removed . . . to the snipe walks of Derrynamul and the straights of Glencastle opposite. They were evicted, and so their sad story is told (loud applause). . . . On some townlands there is not a vestige of hamlet or homestead. The place is populated by bullocks, and here and there the fat, sleek bullock is seen to lie under the shadow of . . . some old monrought still standing, and as it were, raising its strong head heav- enward in silent protest against the loneliness and desolation that reign around. The people are gone— driven out ruthlessly and pitilessly by those who called themselves their “lords.” (Father Henry Hewson, P. P. Glencastle, county Mayo, at the Glencastle demonstration, October 3, 1880, reported in Connaught Telegraph , October 9, 1880) 22. The following historical account is from Jordan (1994, 285–293). 23. This is a good example of an agrarian “outrage.” Threatening letters were a common type of outrage during the Land War, accounting for 37 percent of outrages by 1881 (Hoppen 1984, 381–384). 24. That the Mayo tenants refused to pay the rents is evidence of acting on the call to “hold the harvest.” The tenants were probably also encouraged by the outcome of a wage dispute between Boycott and his farm laborers during the early fall harvest. The laborers went out on strike, and after a day of cut- ting corn himself, Boycott relented and granted a raise. 25. William O’Brien was a strong nationalist journalist, who wrote for the Cork Daily Herald (1868–1875) and then for the Freeman’s Journal from 1876. As a journalist, he was reknown for his excellent reportage on the agrarian crisis. A strong supporter of Parnell and the INLL, O’Brien became editor of the league’s journal, United Ireland , in 1881. See O’Brien (1902) and Warwick- Haller (1990). 248 Notes

26. Also the journey to Fermanagh would have possibly jeopardized the north- ern initiative of the league to mobilize support in Ulster, which they did with limited success. 27. The majority of “outrages” consisted of threatening letters and nonviolent forms of intimidation (Hoppen 1984: 365–369). Statistics on outrages from Moody, Appendix F, “Evictions and Agrarian Outrages, Quarterly by Provinces, 1878–1883,” (1982, 567–568). Also see Vaughan (1994, 281–286). 28. Palmer (1940, Appendix F, 180–181). 29. The exact procedure was the filing of information on the accused, eliminat- ing the need to arrest them. 30. A Land League organizer in Claremorris, county Mayo. 31. A Land League organizer in Tubbercurry, county Sligo. 32. Michael Davitt was not included among those arrested. He was in the United States at the time, and in special circumstances as he was technically a con- vict on ticket of leave (in other words, on probation). To revoke the ticket of leave would be regarded as harsh and somewhat unconstitutional, and the government did not want to heighten the public’s anger (Moody 1982, 432). 33. The following discussion is from Moody (1982, 435–443). 34. Moody (1982, 442) based on Freeman’s Journal , December 29, 1880.

5 Consolidation of Irish Nationalist Identity, 1881

1. See also O’Callaghan (1994, 67–69). 2. Until the Bessborough Commission had reported its findings, the cabinet could not write or propose a land bill. 3. Clontarf was the site of an infamous Irish battle in 1041, heightening its symbolic power during the Repeal movement. See note 13, chapter 2 . 4. Most of this historical detail is drawn from Andrew Kettle’s The Material for Victory and Michael Davitt’s Fall of Feudalism . Though most historians— for example, Moody, Bew, and Lyons— acknowledge that Kettle’s account might be somewhat inaccurate due to his age when he wrote his memoirs, they concur that the basic chronicle is reliable. 5. Two points should be made here. First, this ending of debate turned out to be the death-blow to the obstructionist policy of the Irish. The sitting finally ended when the speaker intervened, “A crisis has arisen which demands the prompt intervention of the chair . . . The usual rules have proved powerless to ensure orderly and effective debate . . . I decline to call upon any more members to speak and will at once proceed to put the question from the chair.” Ending obstructionist tactics in this manner was institutionalized the following week when the House passed a resolution of closure proposed by Gladstone. Second, after the speaker put forth the question of coercion, the house divided and the first reading of the coercion bill was passed, bringing coercion ever closer to Ireland (O’Brien 1957, 59). 6. Davitt had been released from English prison in December 1877, on a license, or “ticket of leave” authorizing him to be at large during the remainder of his Notes 249

sentence provided he met certain conditions, which included not violating any laws and not associating with “bad characters” (Moody 1984, 180). 7. O’Connor (1886, 228), cited in Bew (1979, 153; italics in original). 8. Referring to the tyrannical rulers of the regency of Algiers, which in the early nineteenth century relied greatly on piracy, mostly of European and American vessels, for its revenues. Those captured were often turned into slaves. 9. Henry Hallam, (1777–1859) wrote The Constitutional History of England, from Henry VII to George II . Though not a politician, Hallam was attached to Whig principles, and active in popular movements, including the abolition of the slave trade. 10. In countering statements of general crime and chaos in Ireland, Sullivan compared Irish morality and social order to that existing in England: “There was none of that debasing and degrading crime that marked the decay of public morality. The social ties in Ireland were intact. No Divorce Court plied a busy trade amongst the Irish people. The peasant home life was pure.” 11. Michael Boyton was arrested under the Coercion Act on March 8 on sus- picion of incitement to murder (O’Callaghan 1994, 79). He remained in Kilmainham jail until November 29, 1881, when he was released due to ill health (New York Times , November 30, 1881). 12. These quotes are paraphrases from the pope’s letter by Sir Augustus Paget, the British ambassador to Italy, to Gladstone’s foreign secretary, the Earl of Granville, Foreign Office Papers 170–302 , cited in Larkin (1975, 72). 1 3 . Kirby Papers , cited in Larkin (1975, 78). 14. Ibid., 76. 15. For example, The Wexford People , March 19, 1881. 1 6 . Kirby Papers , cited in Larkin (1975, 101–102). 17. These numbers are from Moody (1982, 567–568). Bew’s numbers (1979, 160) are much higher: 954 for the last quarter of 1880, 1,732 for the first quarter of 1881, and 5,262 and 6,496, respectively, for the second and third quarters. The difference in the figures are due to Moody using “net” evictions (“tenants later reinstated are deducted from the gross total”), and Bew using the gross number of evictions. 18. The act set up a statutory tenure of fifteen years. According to Bew’s reading of various contemporary accounts, Gladstone believed taking away all power of recovery from landlords was unjust, and refused to introduce the bill if it contained fixity of tenure (1979, 275). 19. Solow points out that Gladstone confessed years later that “without the Land League [and the threat of revolution] the Act of 1881 would not now be on the Statute Book.” Gladstone, cited from testimony before Parliament, Hansard , April 21, 1893, cited in Solow (1971, 155–156). 20. Editorial in Freeman’s Journal , April 22, 1881. 21. All excerpts of convention speeches taken from the Freeman’s Journal , April 22, 1880. 250 Notes

22. Hayden was arrested on October 22, 1881, charged with boycotting, and remained imprisoned until May 22, 1882. 2 3 . C . D . C . L l o y d , Ireland under the Land League , Edinburgh 1892: 89. Cited in Bew (1979, 168). 24. Timothy Harrington, president of the Tralee Land League, county Kerry, was arrested in connection for holding one of these courts. 25. For a fuller account, see Donnelly (1975, 272–275). For the perspective of Jones see W. B. Jones, The Life’s Work in Ireland of a Landlord Who Tried to Do His Duty . (London, 1880). 26. For example and as discussed previously, John R. Heffernan of the city of Cork Land League was arrested on May 12, 1881, charged with inciting to riot and assault. Released August 26, he was rearrested on October 15 for preventing payment of rent. List of Persons Arrested under the Protection of Persons & Property (Ireland) Act, 1881 (PP & P Act). 27. List of Persons Arrested, PP & P Act . 2 8 . I b i d . 2 9 . I b i d . 30. This discussion of the Kingston/Mitchelstown rent resistance is derived from Donnelly ibid., 278–281. Donnelly constructed much of the story from accounts in the Cork Examiner December 18, 1880; March 22 and 28, 1881; April 26, 1881; May 30, 1881; June 2, 6, 7, and 30, 1881; July 23 and 26, 1881; August 15, 19, and 22, 1881; September 2, 6, and 8, 1881; and the West Cork Eagle May 28, 1881. 31. The estate itself was in desperate financial difficulty; and the pressure of the debt disallowed accepting the valuation or granting even a small abatement. 32. See Miller (1985, 116–118) for a brief discussion of Irish Catholic beliefs. For an extended discussion of the transformation of ICC discourse during the Land War, see Kane, “The Transcendent Role of Catholic Discourse in the Irish Land War.” In Land, Politics and the State: New and Comparative Perspectives on the Irish Land Question, 1850–2000 , Tony Varley and Fergus Campbell (eds.), (forthcoming, 2012), Manchester: Manchester University Press. 33. Most of the land reforms to be enacted by Parliament during the next quarter of a century were prefigured by the proposals made Parnell and the Irish members during Land Act hearings. “[B]etween 1881 and 1891 £1.2 million was struck off the rents of 277,160 holdings; arrears of £1.8 million were extinguished under section of the arrears act; land purchase was begun in earnest by the Ashbourne act in 1885 . . . ” (Vaughan 1994, 209). 3 4 . Hansard , cclxiii, 1978–1982 (July 27, 1881), cited in Bew (1979, 183). 35. Obviously, the members of Parliament were totally exhausted by the process, which explains the “atmosphere of confusion” on July 27 when Healy’s clause passed. According to Solow, one of Gladstone’s biographers, John Morley, “tells us that few British members understood [the Land Act] and none mastered it. None cared about it” (Solow 1971, 157). Notes 251

36. An editorial appeared in the Munster Express on September 9, 1881, expressing great concern about whether tenants who had lost farms to emergency men would be able to reclaim them under the first clause in part IV of the Act. There seemed to be much confusion about the clause for some time. 3 7 . Limerick Reporter , August 26, 1881, as cited in Bew, 178. 38. Another piece of evidence is Thomas Doherty, the chair at the Kilfinane meeting. Doherty was arrested twice under the coercion act. The first time on May 24, 1881, on the charge of sending threatening notices. He was released on July 7. On October 25, Doherty was again arrested, this time on the charge of preventing payment of rents (he was released on January 21, 1882). Irish National Archives, List of all Persons Detained in Prison under Protection of Person and Property (Ireland) Act, 1881. 39. See Bew (1979, 180–183) for a discussion of the political struggle between INLL executive members and INLL supporters that took place during August and September, 1881. The following few paragraphs are derived from Bew’s account. 40. In March 1880, Daly denounced John Louden, now on the league executive, of diverting relief funds from Mayo ( Connaught Telegraph , March 18, 1880). In July 1880, James Daly publicly accused Joseph B. Walsh of using league funds for personal enrichment ( Connaught Telegraph , August 7, 1881). Walsh bitterly denied the charge in a letter to the executive. Soon afterward, John Nally of the Balla branch accused Daly, Thomas Rieley, John McEllen, and Thomas Conway of the same thing (National Library of Ireland, INLL Papers, MS 17,693). This rancor among the western leaders contributed not insignificantly to weakening the western front of the land movement. See Jordan (1994, 265–277) for more detail. 41. National Library of Ireland, INLL Papers, MSS 17,706. 42. National Library of Ireland, INLL Papers, MSS 17,697. 43. Irish National Archives, List of Persons Arrested, PP&P Act. 44. National Library of Ireland, INLL Papers, MS 17,694. 45. The exact wording of the two resolutions is: That in order to ascertain precisely and speedily the true effect of the Land Act on the rental of Ireland whilst at the same time preserving the unity and maintaining the strength of the Irish National Land League, the executive be authorised to select at their discretion test cases upon estates in various parts of Ireland . . . That, in view of the very stringent and hazardous condition attached to the acceptance of the statutory term of 15 years, by a tenant under the Land Law Act, and the great risk of the rent so fixed becoming impossible before the expiration of the term, owing to foreign competition in corn and meat, and also bearing in mind that the principles of the League require not the fixing of rent, but its abolition, we warn the tenant farmers of Ireland against any action involving engagement or liability to pay rent for a longer period than that of a yearly tenantry. (Freeman’s Journal, September 17, 1881) 252 Notes

46. Quinn, an ex- schoolteacher and Fenian from Claremorris, county Mayo, was an INLL clerk. 4 7 . Freeman’s Journal , October 19, 1881; Davitt (1904, 333–337), paraphrased by Moody (1982, 494). 48. The infamous prison in Dublin where most of the leaders were incarcerated. 49. Parnell’s perspective was relayed by letter to Katherine O’Shea the morning of his arrest. Cited in Lyons (1977, 174–175). 50. A pseudonym for agrarian violence. 51. Irish National Archives, List of Persons Detained in Prison January 1882 under the Protection of Persons and Property Act (Ireland) 1881. 52. Most tenant farmer graziers held land through yearly leases. Along with tenants in arrears, leaseholders could not benefit under the terms of the Land Act.

6 Out of the Land War: Irish National Identity

1. Hutchinson’s paraphrasing of Brandon Bradshaw (ibid., 106). 2. Geoff Eley and Ronald Gigor Suny, (1994, 9). See also Brubaker (1996) and Duara in Eley and Suny (1994). 3. See, for example, Townsend (2002), Kane (2000). 4. See, for example, Bew (1979); Comerford (1985); Tom Garvin, The Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics (Dublin, 1981). 5. This is a paraphrase of Brandon Bradshaw by Hutchinson (1966, 108), indi- cating that traditional historians are (probably unintentionally) aligned with new theories of nationalism in recognizing the power of national identity. 6. Of course, it matters greatly in terms of Ireland and Irish national identity in the present and future. Because constructions of national identity clas- sify particular groups (religious, class, state, etc.) as “others” and outsiders, inaccurate historical understandings that are embodied in nationalist discourse and narrative often lead to deleterious outcomes. Part of the Irish revisionist project has been to eliminate inaccurate historical knowledge that has contributed to social injustice, division, and violence among the Irish people(s) and the inability for decades to reunite all the provinces into one nation. 7. Work preceding mine has identified antagonisms between and within constituent land movement participants (Bew, Jones), regional antagonisms (Donnelly, Jordan), power struggles between movement elites (Bew, Moody, O’Callaghan), the role of movement leaders in constructing Land War ideology (O’Callaghan, Larkin, Laughlin), the mobilizing force of land meetings and the newspapers (Bew, Jordan, Legg, Loughlin), the nationalist content of movement discourse and ideology (Bew, Moody, O’Callaghan), the mediating impact of structural and natural conditions and contingent events (Bew, O’Callaghan), and the paradoxical Notes 253

and contradictory nature of Land War outcomes (Bew, Jordan, Larkin, MacDonagh). 8. Though my use of the term “performative” refers simply to cultural and discursive practice, see Alexander (2004) for discussion and theory of practice and performance, and a transformed conceptualization of ritual.

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Clare Independent Connaught Telegraph Cork Daily Herald Dundalk Democrat Freeman’s Journal Leinster Express Limerick Reporter Munster Express The Nation Sligo Champion Tipperary Free Press Western News and Weekly Examiner Wexford People

Manuscript Material

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Index

A c t s o f U n i o n ( 1 8 0 1 ) , 3 2 , 3 5 B o r r i s , 1 8 1 , 1 8 3 a g r a r i a n c r i s e s , 4 4 , 5 8 , 1 1 6 – 1 7 , B o u r k e , U l i c k ( C a n o n ) , 7 7 – 7 8 2 2 8 – 2 9 , 2 4 0 n 1 7 B o y c o t t , C h a r l e s ( C a p t a i n ) , 1 5 9 – 6 1 , 1 6 2 see also Famine, the b o y c o t t s t r a t e g y , 2 6 , 1 6 0 , 2 0 2 , 2 3 9 n 2 7 A l e x a n d e r , J e f f r e y , 8 , 2 3 8 n 1 3 , 2 3 9 n 2 1 , B o y t o n , M i c h a e l , 1 3 8 – 4 0 , 1 4 8 , 1 6 2 , 2 5 3 n 8 1 8 3 , 2 4 9 n 1 1 a l l i a n c e , p o l i t i c a l , 5 – 7, 2 2 6 , 2 3 8 n 9 B r e n n a n , T h o m a s A m n e s t y A s s o c i a t i o n , 5 1 – 5 2 a r r e s t s o f , 1 0 5 , 1 6 2 , 2 0 2 , 2 4 4 n 2 5 Amnesty Movement, 51–54 on Boycott affair, 160 Anderson, Benedict, 224 d i s c o u r s e o f , 1 0 2 , 1 4 3 – 4 4 , 1 9 8 a n t i - g r a z i e r c a m p a i g n , 5 , 1 2 7 – 2 9 , 1 3 1 , p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e s o f , 1 4 2 , 1 7 6 – 7 7 , 2 1 5 1 4 0 , 1 5 6 , 2 4 7 n 2 0 Bright, John, 50 , 173 A t h e n r y , 8 3 B r i g h t C l a u s e s , 5 3, 9 5 B r u b a k e r , R o g e r s , 1 8 , 2 3 9 n 2 3 B a l l a , 1 0 1 – 4 Butt, Isaac Ballaghaderreen, 143 Amnesty Association and, 51–52 B a l l i n a s l o e , 5 7 , 5 8 , 2 4 4 n 2 0 H o m e R u l e a n d , 5 4 , 5 5 – 5 6 , 5 7 B a l l i n r o b e , 1 5 9 opposition to, 65–66 , 125 B a l l y c l o u g h , 1 6 4 B y r n e , C o r o n e r , 1 4 5 , 1 5 5 – 5 6 B a l l y h a u n i s , 8 6 Byron, George Gordon, Lord, 59 B e s s b o r o u g h C o m m i s s i o n , 1 3 6 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 7 – 5 0 , 1 9 4 c a p i t a l i s m , 1 3 3 , 1 5 6 , 2 2 9 B e w , P a u l Carracastle, 105 on “Battle of Carraroe,” 120 C a r r a r o e , 1 1 9 – 2 0 , 1 3 5 , 2 4 3 n 4 o n e v i c t i o n r a t e s , 2 4 9 n 1 7 C a s h e l , 2 0 6 , 2 4 5 n 7 on Land Conference, 245n3 C a s t l e b a r , 7 9 on Meagher episode, 141 C a t h o l i c A s s o c i a t i o n , 3 3 – 3 5 on Parnell acquittal, 177 C a t h o l i c C h u r c h , I r i s h . see also Vatican o n p o l i t i c a l a l l i a n c e s , 6 , 6 2 , 1 4 5 , 1 4 8 devotional revolution in, 42–44 o n s t r a t e g y , 1 5 1 , 1 5 2 d i s c o u r s e o f , 7 6 – 8 3 , 1 8 6 – 9 0 , 2 2 0 , Biggar, Joseph Gillis, 55–56 , 59 , 2 3 0 – 3 1 1 2 4 – 2 5 , 1 6 2 doctrine on bearing hardship, 137 , B o d k i n , M a t t h e w , 1 2 0 – 2 1 1 3 9 , 2 0 6 268 Index

Catholic Church, Irish— Continued Catholic Relief Bill (1829), 34 doctrine on property, 138 , 230 c h a i n o f e q u i v a l e n c e , 2 1 – 2 3 , 9 2 effect of land movement on, 206 Chamberlain, Joseph, 173 Emancipation movement and, C h a r l e v i l l e , 1 5 4 – 5 5 3 3 – 3 4 , 6 3 Church of Ireland (Protestant), F e n i a n s a n d , 4 7 , 8 1, 1 3 7 3 4 – 3 5 , 6 3 Home Rule and, 54–55 d i s e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f , 5 0 and involvement of clergy in politics, c l a i m m a k i n g , 2 6 , 3 1, 2 2 5 – 2 6 4 5 – 4 6 , 4 7 , 1 7 2 , 2 3 0 c l a i m s Irish-Liberal alliance and, 50–54 to Christianity, 154 I r i s h n a t i o n a l i d e n t i t y a n d , 1 8 2, 1 8 5 , Clare Farmers’ Club, 108 , 112 1 8 9 , 2 0 1 , 2 0 6 , 2 2 7 , 2 3 0 – 3 1 of Constitutionalism, 173 Land Act of 1870, dissatisfaction Davitt, 106 w i t h , 5 3 i d e n t i t y , 1 9 p o l i t i c a l s y s t e m a n d , 3 , 1 3 7 n a t u r a l r i g h t , 1 5 7 Repeal movement and, 35–36 p o w e r , 2 4 role in land movement, 73 , 77 , o f t e n a n t s , 3 8 , 7 0 1 8 6 – 9 0 , 2 0 5 – 7 , 2 2 0 for Three Fs, 45 Tithe War and, 34–35 C l a n n a G a e l , 6 1 , 2 4 1 n 3 4 Catholic clergy, 2 Clare Farmers’ Club, 107–11 , 232 arrests of, 200–201 Clare Independent, 1 0 8 – 1 1 confronting radicals, 98–99 C l a r e m o r r i s , 6 9 , 7 7 – 7 8 , 8 0 discursive transformation of, 186–87 Clark, Samuel, 6 as dominant group in land on Repeal movement, 40 movement, 181 o n T i t h e W a r , 3 5 , 2 4 0 n 5 f a c t i o n s i n , 3 , 4 3 – 4 4 , 6 5 , 1 8 6 o n t o w n s p e o p l e , 6 4 o n I r i s h t o w n m e e t i n g , 7 2 C l o n e e n , 1 3 8 – 4 0 as Land League organizers, 77 , C l o n m e l , 1 4 1 , 1 9 8 137 , 141 C l o n t a r f , 3 9 , 1 7 4 and land movement discourse, B a t t l e o f , 2 4 0 n 1 3 169 , 171 c o e r c i o n , 9 8 – 1 0 7, 1 6 1 – 6 9 , 1 7 2 – 8 6 l a n d r e f o r m a n d , 4, 5 , 4 3 – 4 4 , 6 3 , demonstrations against, 183 7 6 – 8 3 , 1 1 5 – 1 6 , 1 3 7 forging solidarity, 185 rebuking government, 181–82 a s s y m b o l , 1 6 4, 1 7 5 , 1 7 9 – 8 5 , on rent resistance, 154 200–201 see also under individual names collective action C a t h o l i c e d u c a t i o n , 3 7 – 3 8 , 4 3 discursive analysis of, 234 a n d l i t e r a c y r a t e s , 6 4 in Emancipation movement, 33–34 Catholic Emancipation movement, 4 , e m o t i o n s a n d , 6 , 1 2 7 , 1 6 2 2 6 , 3 3 – 3 4 , 6 3, 1 8 0 i d e n t i t y a n d , 1 0 , 1 8 , 2 2 6 C a t h o l i c h i e r a r c h y , 2 i n L a n d W a r , 2 5 – 2 6 , 3 1 , 7 2 , 1 1 8 – 1 9 d i v i s i o n s a m o n g , 3 , 4 3 – 4 4 Repeal movement and, 40 l a n d r e f o r m a n d , 4, 5 i n s u m m e r o f 1 8 8 0 , 1 3 6 – 4 1 see also Catholic Church, Irish; i n T i t h e W a r , 3 4 – 3 5 V a t i c a n Colleges Bill (1845), 37 Index 269

C o l l i n s , R a n d a l l , 1 1 , 8 7 , 2 3 8 n 1 5 Cullen, Paul (Archbishop of Armagh; C o l l o n , 9 2 C a r d i n a l ) , 4 2 – 4 4 , 4 5 , 4 6 , 4 8 , 4 9 , c o m m e r c i a l w o r k e r s , 6 4 , 1 1 7 5 0 , 5 4 , 2 4 6 n 1 5 c o m m u n i c a t i o n s s y s t e m s , 6 4 c u l t u r a l a n a l y s i s , 7 , 8 , 2 9 , 2 3 3 c o m m u n i s m , 1 5 4, 1 5 5 cultural construction, 23–25 appropriation of label, 154 c u l t u r a l s o c i o l o g y , 8 , 2 2 5 Compensation for Disturbance Bill, 129 , c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e s , 9 – 1 0 , 1 2 – 1 4 1 3 3 , 1 3 6 , 1 4 1 , 1 4 2 – 4 6 , 1 5 1 , 1 6 1 c u l t u r a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , 2 , 8 , 9 , 1 4 , 1 7 c o n c i l i a t i o n C u r r y , 8 6 a m o n g l a r g e r f a r m e r s , 5 9 , 6 5 , 9 2 d i s c o u r s e o f , 5 9 , 8 8 , 8 9 – 9 5, 1 3 9 , D a l y , J a m e s , 5 7 , 5 8 , 1 4 2 , 1 6 0 1 6 9 , 2 0 6 – 7 arrests of, 100–101 , 104–5 meaning of, 219 , 232 d e n o u n c i n g J o h n L o u d e n , 2 5 1 n 4 0 C o n g , 9 7 , 1 4 4 a s e x a m p l e , 1 1 0 c o n j u n c t u r e , 8, 1 0 at meetings, 128 C o n n a u g h t p r o v i n c e , 4 2 , 1 5 6 D a v i s , T h o m a s , 3 6 , 1 3 9 e c o n o m i c s o f , 1 1 6 – 1 7 Davitt, Michael a s n a t i o n a l i s t s t r o n g h o l d , 5 1 , 2 4 7 n 2 0 on aggressive moral force, 201 Connaught Telegraph, 5 7 , 5 8 , 6 9 – 7 0 , 1 4 2 charged with sedition, 100–101 , constitutionalism. see also nationalists, 1 0 4 – 7 , 1 7 4 constitutional c o m m e n t s a b o u t , 1 0 5, 1 5 9 m i l i t a n t , 1 7 1 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 0 o n c o n s p i r a c y t r i a l , 1 9 6 t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f m e a n i n g , 1 4 6 – 6 1 , d i s c o u r s e o f , 7 4 , 8 5 , 9 8 – 9 9 , 1 8 2 – 8 3 1 6 9 – 7 0 , 1 8 4 – 8 6 , 2 3 1 – 3 3 o n e l e c t i o n s , 1 2 2 c o n t i n g e n c y , 8 , 1 0, 2 3 3 emergence as leader, 51 o f n a t u r a l e v e n t s , 4 7 , 1 1 5 , 1 5 1 as hero, 201 of political events, 145 , 190 on importance of Balla meeting, 104 and ritual events, 105 , 110 imprisonment of, 177 , 178 , 181 , 190 and transformation of meaning, 16 , as Irish National Land League 170 , 219 s e c r e t a r y , 9 6 , 1 5 8, 1 6 7 – 6 9 , 1 7 6 , C o r k , 4 4 , 9 0 – 9 1, 1 4 8 – 4 9 , 1 7 5 1 8 7 , 1 9 6 , 2 0 3, 2 0 5 Cork, county, 117 , 150 , 202–5 , o n L a n d A c t o f 1 8 8 1 , 1 9 4 , 1 9 9 208 , 217 o n l a n d a n d n a t i o n , 5 7 , 6 2 , 1 0 6 Cork Daily Herald, 2 4 7 n 2 5 o n l a n d c o n v e n t i o n o f 1 8 8 1 , 1 7 2 Cork Farmers’ Club, 123 , 148 on No-Rent Manifesto, 216 c o u r t s a n d r i t u a l , 1 1 , 1 0 4 – 5 , planning campaign of outrages, 62 1 2 0 – 2 2 , 1 4 1 on process serving, 119 C o w p e r , E a r l , 1 2 2 , 1 3 5 , 1 6 2 , 1 7 3 r i f t w i t h P a r n e l l , 1 3 6 Crawford, Sharman, 45 on strategic choices, 181 Croke, Thomas (Archbishop of Cashel) t r a v e l t o U n i t e d S t a t e s , 6 1 discourse of, 82–83 , 139 Defender movement, 32–33 E m l y s e r m o n , 2 8 , 1 3 7 – 3 8 d e f e r e n c e , 1 1 3 role in land movement, 186 , 188–89 , demonstrations, as ritual events, 11 , 2 0 5 – 7 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 7 6 4 , 1 4 1 Cromwell, Oliver, 16 , 182 Devoy, John, 57 , 61–62 , 158 270 Index

d i a c h r o n i c i t y , 8 – 9 , 2 7 , 2 3 3 – 3 4 d i s c u r s i v e c o n f r o n t a t i o n , 1 2 9 – 3 3 D i l l o n , J o h n , 9 9 , 1 5 1 , 2 4 4 n 2 2 discursive elements, 15 a r r e s t s o f , 1 6 2 , 1 7 7, 2 1 6 , 2 1 8 discursive moments, 15–16 , assuming Land League leadership, 97–111 1 7 8 – 7 9 d i s c u r s i v e p e r f o r m a n c e , 1 3 7 , 1 5 8 , 2 2 0 , at Grangemockler meeting, 199–200 2 2 8 , 2 3 1 , 2 3 3 as symbol, 200 discursive structure, 228 Dillon, John Blake d i s c u r s i v e s t r u g g l e , 2 , 2 7 , 7 4 , 1 1 3 , N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n a n d , 4 8 227 , 233 Young Ireland founder, 36 in Catholic Church, 186–90 , 230 discourse, analysis of, 7 in election campaign, 126 a r t i c u l a t i o n i n , 7 , 2 3 2, 2 3 8 n 1 1 and movement expansion, a r t i c u l a t o r y p r a c t i c e s , 7 , 2 3 8 n 1 1 136–41 , 147 c h a i n s o f e q u i v a l e n c e , 2 1 – 2 3 i n n e w s p a p e r s , 2 7 , 2 1 1 c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n , 1 5 in ritual events, 169 emotions in, 83–87 , 169 b e t w e e n t e n a n t f a r m e r s , 1 1 1 , f l o a t i n g s i g n i f i e r s , 1 6 158 , 229 fluctuations of meaning in, 15 discursive transformation, 39 , 110 , and identity formation, 21–23 1 4 7 – 5 0 , 1 5 7 m o m e n t s , 1 5 , 1 6 o f C a t h o l i c c l e r g y , 1 8 6 – 8 7 narratives in, 16–18 Disraeli, Benjamin, 55 , 122 n o d a l p o i n t s , 1 5 Donegal, county, 101 o r d e r o f , 2 4 D o n n e l l y , J a m e s , 6 , 1 1 7 , 2 0 3 , 2 5 0 n 2 5 , a s p r a c t i c e , 2 3 – 2 5 , 2 3 3 2 5 0 n 3 0 structure of, 15–16 D r o g h e d a , 1 5 4 , 1 7 4 s y m b o l i c e l e m e n t s i n , 1 5 D r o m a h a n , 1 7 2 – 7 3 t e x t s , 2 3 D r o m o r e W e s t , 8 1 discourse, in Land War D r u m c o n r a t h , 1 9 1 a r t i c u l a t o r y p r a c t i c e s , 9 8 , 1 6 9 D r u m s n a , 1 0 6 Catholic, 76–83 D r u n m a n o r / K i l l a s s e r , 1 4 4 c o n c i l i a t o r y , 5 9 – 6 0, 6 5 , 8 8, 1 3 9 , D u b l i n , 4 4 , 4 5 , 5 6 , 5 7 , 1 0 4 , 1 8 7 , 1 4 5 , 1 5 0 , 1 7 5, 2 0 7 2 0 8 – 9 , 2 4 4 n 2 4 “ c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , ” 1 7 3 , 1 7 5 – 7 6 D u f f y , C h a r l e s G a v i n , 3 6 , 3 8 , 4 4 c o u n t e r h e g e m o n i c , 1 2 7 , 1 7 5 , 2 0 5 D u n d a l k , 1 8 3 junctures of, 106–7 , 113 Dundalk Democrat, 1 0 3 – 4 “ l a n d g r a b b i n g , ” 8 6 , 1 2 7 – 2 9 , 1 4 0 , Dungarvan sheriffs’ sale, 193 1 5 2 – 5 5 , 1 5 6 , 1 6 0 D u r k h e i m , É m i l e , 1 1 “ l a n d l o r d , ” 1 5 moderation of, 169 E g a n , P a t r i c k , 5 1 , 1 5 2 , 1 6 2 , 1 7 8 – 7 9 , “ m o d e r n i t y , ” 1 3 3 2 4 1 n 2 9 “nationalist militancy,” 162 e l e c t i o n o f 1 8 8 0 , 5 , 1 0, 2 7 , “ o s t r a c i s m / b o y c o t t , ” 1 6 0 1 2 2 – 2 6 , 1 3 0 r e t r i b u t i v e , 5 9 – 6 0 , 8 7 – 9 5 , 1 1 1 – 1 2 , Eley, Geoff, 224 1 4 8 , 1 5 0 , 1 7 5 , 2 0 0 Emancipation movement (1820s), 4 , 17 , “ r i g h t s , ” 1 0 2 , 1 5 7 , 1 6 9 , 2 0 6 – 7 2 6 , 3 3 – 3 4 , 3 5 , 3 8, 3 9 , 6 3 , 1 8 0 and solidarity, 178 e m e r g e n c y m e n , 1 9 1 , 1 9 4 , 2 1 1 Index 271 e m i g r a t i o n , 4 0 , 4 3 , 4 8 , 8 6 , 9 8 , 1 3 1 , f a r m e r s , “ r e s i d e n t i a l , ” 1 3 0 – 3 1 , 2 2 9 1 9 5 , 2 4 4 n 2 1 farmers, small E m l y , 2 8 , 1 3 7, 1 3 9, 1 5 4 , 2 4 5 n 7 agrarian crisis, effects on, 117 e m o t i o n s a n t i g r a z i e r c a m p a i g n , 1 2 7 – 2 9 , a r r e s t s a n d , 1 7 3, 2 2 0 140 , 156 and “habitus of humiliation,” 83 , 112 disaffection from Land League, at meetings, 162–63 , 184 2 1 2 – 1 3 n a r r a t i v e s a n d , 8 3 – 8 7 , 1 1 3 , w o r l d v i e w , 1 1 2 , 1 3 2 , 2 2 7 – 2 8 124–25 , 185 farmers, tenant s y m b o l i c c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d , 1 6 9 categories of, 243n9 emplotment, 17–18 c l a s s d i v i s i o n s a m o n g , 3 4 – 3 5 , enchainment 1 2 7 – 3 3 , 1 4 0 – 4 3 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 5 – 5 9 , o f r i t u a l e v e n t s , 9 , 1 1 3 , 1 3 9 – 4 1 , 1 8 9 , 166–67 , 192–93 , 208 , 212 2 3 2 – 3 3 and Compensation for Disturbance in symbolic construction, 9 bill, 129 E n n i s , 1 0 7 – 8 , 1 5 2 – 5 3 , 2 0 6 dissatisfied with land tenure E n n i s c o r t h y , 1 2 5, 1 6 2 – 6 3 , 2 3 7 n 1 system, 3–4 e v e n t f u l t e m p o r a l i t y , 8 – 1 0 , 2 3 3 effects of Famine on, 41 e v i c t i o n r e s i s t a n c e , 9 , 1 1 9 – 2 0 a s h e r o e s , 1 1 2 , 1 5 6 , 1 9 1 – 9 2 and Compensation for Disturbance nationalist movement and, 38 , 52 bill, 129 r e g i o n a l v a r i a t i o n s a m o n g , 4 1 – 4 2 , Dempsey family, 101 , 104 8 9 , 1 1 5 , 1 5 1 and discursive contention, 25 and Repeal movement, 35 government fear of, 135 U l s t e r C u s t o m a n d , 5 3 Meagher family, 138 Fenian movement meetings about, 91–92 a l l i a n c e w i t h P a r n e l l , 6 1 – 6 2 a s r i t u a l e v e n t , 1 1 , 1 2 0 – 2 1 C a t h o l i c c l e r g y a n d , 5 5 , 8 1 , 9 8 e v i c t i o n s , r a t e s o f , 1 9 3 , 2 1 7 – 1 8 constitutional strategies of, 65–66 Constitution of the Irish Republic Fairymount, 200 d r a f t e d , 5 1 Famine, the f o r m a t i o n o f , 4 6 – 4 8 , 2 4 1 n 2 5 and Catholic “devotional gaining control in south, 201–2 revolution,” 42–44 imprisonment of members, 51–52 e m o t i o n s a n d , 9 9 and Irish National Land League, 95 , i m p a c t o n r u r a l s o c i e t y , 4 0 – 4 2 , 6 4 1 4 1 – 4 2 , 1 9 9 , 2 1 2 as persuasive image, 130 , 164 Irish Republican Brotherhood, farmer, “strong Irish,” 29 , 140 , 227–30 46–48 f a r m e r s , l a r g e r , 3 , 4 1 , 8 9 – 9 5 , 2 4 0 n 1 5 and New Departure, 61–63 and defeat of Compensation for r e o r g a n i z a t i o n , 5 1 Disturbances Bill, 145 , 149 , 151 as symbol, 49–50 as dominant group in land u p r i s i n g o f 1 8 6 7 , 4 9 – 5 0 movement, 181 , 209–12 a n d W e s t p o r t m e e t i n g , 7 2 a s h e r o e s , 1 3 2 – 3 3 Ferguson, John, 69–70 and “rent at the point of bayonet” F e r m a n a g h , 1 6 0 , 2 4 8 n 2 6 strategy, 152 f i x i t y o f t e n u r e , 5 3 , 1 9 5 w o r l d v i e w , 8 9 – 9 1 , 1 3 2 , 2 2 8 – 2 9 see also T h r e e F s 272 Index

f l o a t i n g s i g n i f i e r s , 1 6 Gort, 175 Forster, William Edward, Chief Grange, 125 Secretary for Ireland, 134–36 , G r a n g e m o c k l e r , 1 9 9 – 2 0 0 1 4 3 , 1 4 5 g r a z i e r s , 3 , 4 1 a n d c o e r c i o n p o l i c y , 2 , 1 6 1 – 6 2 , 1 7 3 , c a m p a i g n a g a i n s t , 1 2 7 – 2 9 1 7 6 , 2 0 2 in Kilmartin letter, 60–61 and Land Acts, 215 see also farmers, large Franchise Act (1850), 4 , 237n5 G r i f f i t h , F a t h e r , 1 6 5 – 6 6 Freeman’s Journal G r i f f i t h ’ s v a l u a t i o n , 1 5 2 , 1 5 4 , 2 4 6 n 1 8 Croke letter in, 188–89 G u r t e e n , 9 8 – 1 0 0 on Drumsna meeting, 165 and enchained ritualized events, h a b i t u s o f h u m i l i a t i o n , 8 3 , 1 1 2 , 1 8 7 – 8 9 124, 184 Gillooly letter in, 53 Hallam, Henry, 180 , 249n9 a n d H e a l y C l a u s e , 2 0 8 – 1 1 H a r r i n g t o n , T i m o t h y , 1 9 2 , 1 9 4 , and land convention discourse, 196 2 5 0 n 2 4 MacHale letter in, 73–74 H a r r i s , M a t t h e w , 5 7 McCabe letters in, 186–88 charged with conspiracy, 162 New Departure announced in, 61 and Irish National Land League, 141 on No-Rent Manifesto, 217 at Land Conference of 1880, 131 pope’s letter in, 186 a t m e e t i n g s , 5 8 , 7 4 , 1 4 4 – 4 5 on Shanagolden meeting, 106–7 Healy, Timothy (Member of o n W e s t p o r t m e e t i n g , 7 3 Parliament), 194 , 207–9 f r e e s a l e , 1 4 5 – 4 6 , 2 4 4 n 2 1 H e a l y C l a u s e , 2 0 7 – 9 , 2 5 0 n 3 5 see also T h r e e F s H i l l o f T a r a m e e t i n g , 3 9 h i s t o r i c a l s o c i o l o g y , 2 3 3 G a l l i c a n c l e r g y , 3 , 4 3 – 4 4 , 2 3 7 n 4 , h i s t o r y , I r i s h r e v i s i o n i s t , 2 2 4 – 2 5 2 4 1 n 2 0 Hobsbawm, Eric, 224 Galway, 178 H o g a n , M i c h a e l , 2 1 0 – 1 1 G a l w a y , c o u n t y , 5 8 , 6 9, 1 2 1 , 1 4 1 , Home Government Association, 54 , 55 156 , 161 Home Rule League, 55 Gillooly, Laurence (Bishop of Home Rule movement, 3 , 4 , 54–63 , E l p h i n ) , 5 3 2 3 7 n 3 Gladstone, William Ewart (Prime collective action tactics and, 122 Minister) d i v i s i o n s w i t h i n , 9 3, 1 2 2 – 2 6 closure resolution, 179 , 248n5 f r u s t r a t i o n o f , 8 8 c o e r c i o n a n d , 1 7 3 l a n d r e f o r m a n d , 5 6 – 5 7 , 1 7 2 , 2 0 8 Compensation for Disturbance Bill rejection by nationalists, 74–75 , 227 a n d , 1 4 5 Home Rule Party conclusion of Land War and, 218 c r i t i c i s m o f , 5 8 – 5 9 , 7 4 election of, 4 e l e c t i o n o f 1 8 8 0 , 5 , 1 2 5 fearing land movement, 135 f o r m a t i o n o f , 5 5 first government of, 50–51 a t m e e t i n g s , 6 9, 9 3 , 1 2 4 , 1 3 1 , o n f i x i t y o f t e n u r e , 5 3 1 3 8 – 4 0 , 1 4 7 Land Act of 1870 and, 52–53 , 194 in Parliament, 126 , 181 , 208 , 220 return to power 1880, 126 P a r n e l l i t e f a c t i o n , 1 2 5 , 1 2 6 Index 273

P a r n e l l l e a d i n g , 1 2 6 , 1 5 8, 1 7 2 i d e n t i t y , s o c i a l , 2 1 p o l i t i c a l a l i g n m e n t o f , 5 5, 5 7 , 6 5 – 6 6 , i d e n t i t y , t h e o r i e s a b o u t , 2 0 – 2 1 , 7 7 , 2 3 2 2 2 4 – 2 6 , 2 3 5 Whig secession from, 172 identity boundaries, 166 H y n e s , E u g e n e , 7 2 – 7 3 , 2 4 3 n 6 i m a g e r y , v i s u a l , 2 3 9 n 2 8 Inchiquin, Lord, 107–11 , 232 I C C . see Catholic Church, Irish I n d e p e n d e n t I r i s h P a r t y , 4 5 , 4 6 i d e n t i t y I n d e p e n d e n t O p p o s i t i o n , 4 6 c o n f l i c t i n g , 2 3 indignation construction, 20–21 coercion measures and, 174 , 201 a n d d i s c o u r s e , 2 1 – 2 3 at landlord intransigence, 109 f o r m s , 2 0 m e e t i n g s , 7 2 – 7 3 , 9 2 , 1 0 1, 1 0 4 , 1 7 5 a n d n a r r a t i v e s , 2 3 n a r r a t i v e s , 8 5 symbolic structure of, 21–23 , i n p r i n t , 1 8 8 206 , 233 provoked by arrests, 100 , 110 , 162 , identity, collective, 21 1 6 4 , 1 6 9 , 1 7 3 c o n f l i c t i n g , 1 2 6 – 3 3 a s s h a r e d e m o t i o n , 1 8 5 c o n s t r u c t i o n o f , 8 , 2 1 , 1 6 6, i n h e r i t a n c e , 9 1 225–26 , 234 i n t e r d i s c u r s i v i t y , 2 5 , 8 9 and interdiscursivity, 89 , 170 , 171 i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , 1 3 – 1 4 , 1 5 0 n a t i o n a l i s t , 1 8 – 2 1, 1 1 3 , 2 2 6 of symbolic models, 234 a n d “ O t h e r , ” 1 9 and transformation of meaning, r e l i g i o u s , 1 9 1 6 9 – 7 0 , 2 3 1 a n d r i t u a l s , 1 1 i n t e r t e x t u a l i t y , 2 5 , 7 6 , 8 2 – 8 3 , 1 0 4 , a n d s h a r e d e m o t i o n , 1 1 3 1 2 5 , 1 3 0 , 2 0 1 i d e n t i t y , I r i s h a g r a r i a n , 1 3 2 , 1 4 0 , and formation of master 1 5 5 – 5 9 , 1 6 6 , 1 7 0 , 1 7 1 , 2 2 0 , 2 2 7 – 3 0 narrative, 132 identity, Irish national I P P . see Irish Parliamentary Party a n d C a t h o l i c i s m , 1 8 2, 1 8 9 , 2 0 1 , 2 0 6 , I R B , 4 6 – 5 1 2 2 7 , 2 3 0 – 3 1 see also Fenian movement and constitutionalism, 227 Ireland, visions of, 133 , 232 c o n t o u r s o f , 2 2 7 – 3 3 Irish Catholic Church. see Catholic a s c o u n t e r h e g e m o n i c , 1 7 , 1 8 , 2 0 , Church, Irish 1 8 9 , 2 3 5 Irish Land War (1879–1882) d i s c u r s i v e p r o c e s s a n d , 2 , 1 5 7 , 1 8 2 , cultural aspects of, 7 2 0 7 , 2 2 6 e c o n o m i c c r i s i s a s c a u s e , 1 1 7 – 1 8 e l e c t i o n a n d , 1 3 0 and “eventful temporality,” 8–10 e m e r g e n c e o f , 7, 6 3 – 6 6 , 1 0 7 – 1 3 , historical overview, 3–5 1 8 2 , 2 2 0 l a n d m e e t i n g s a n d , 9 , 6 7 a n d F e n i a n d i s c o u r s e , 2 3 2 negotiations concluding, 218 Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) and, 181 political alliances in, Land War and, 2 5–7 , 190 and narratives, 17 , 100 political bias in accounts of, n a t i o n a l a u t o n o m y a n d , 2 223–27 redemptive hegemony of, 138 , 182 , p r i n c i p l e s o f , 6 7 2 2 7 , 2 3 4 r i t u a l e v e n t s i n , 1 1 274 Index

Irish National Land League (INLL) K e t t l e , A n d r e w , 9 5 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 2 , 1 7 7 , a t t e m p t t o c e n t r a l i z e p o w e r , 1 6 7 – 6 9 202–3 and Boycott affair, 160–61 K i l b u r r y , 1 3 8 collapse of western region, 212–18 K i l c o c k , 1 6 5 c o n f e r e n c e o f 1 8 8 0 , 1 2 9 – 3 3 K i l d a r e , 1 4 7 as controlled by tenant farmers, 158 K i l f i n a n e , 2 0 9 c o n v e n t i o n s o f 1 8 8 1 , 1 9 6 – 2 0 1 , K i l l a l a , 8 2 2 1 3 – 1 5 , K i l l e n , J a m e s , 9 9 and defeat of Compensation for charged with sedition, 100 , 104–5 Disturbance Bill, 145 Kilmainham Treaty, 218 dissolution of, 218 K i l m a r t i n , J a m e s , 6 0 , 8 6 – 8 7 , e x p a n s i o n o f , 9 0 , 1 2 1 – 2 2 , 1 3 8 214–15 f i s s u r e s i n l e a d e r s h i p , 1 3 6 , 1 4 2 – 4 3 , Kingston estate, 203–5 1 5 9 , 1 9 0 , 2 1 2 – 1 8 Knock demonstration, 72–73 formation (1879), 5 , 95–97 K ö v e c s e s , Z o l t a n , 8 5 , 8 7 function as de facto government, 202 increasing militancy of, 199–205 L a c l a u , E r n e s t o , 1 5 – 1 6 , 2 3 l e a d e r s h i p o f , 9 5 , 2 4 1 n 2 9 Ladies’ Land League, 187–88 local autonomy in, 201–5 L a k o f f , G e o r g e , 8 5 , 8 7 and Mitchelstown resisters, 204 Lalor, James Fintan, 38–39 and nationalist cause, 183 , 200 Lalor, Richard (Member of opposition to Bessborough P a r l i a m e n t ) , 9 5 , 1 3 0 C o m m i s s i o n , 1 4 7 – 4 8 l a n d i n P a r i s , 1 7 8 as common property, 132 r e n t p a y m e n t s b y , 1 0 4 , 1 4 2 , 1 9 3 – 9 4 a s n o d a l p o i n t , 1 5, 1 6 , 8 9 , 1 0 0 r i t u a l s a n d , 9 6 – 9 7 , 2 1 3 a s s y m b o l , 1 3 , 5 2 , 7 6 , 1 0 5 , 1 1 1 , s t r a t e g i e s o f , 6 , 1 1 8 – 2 2, 1 4 2 , 1 5 1 – 5 5 , 150 , 170 1 7 6 – 7 7 , 1 9 3 – 9 4 , 2 0 8 Land Act (1870), 52–54 suppression of, 100–102 , 217 “ c o n t r a c t i n g o u t , ” 5 6 symbolic impact of, 97 , 183 r e s i s t a n c e b a s e d o n , 1 2 0 – 2 2 t r i a l o f l e a d e r s , 1 6 2, 1 7 2 , 1 7 6 – 7 7 L a n d A c t ( 1 8 8 1 ) , 2 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 4 – 9 6 , women in, 187–88 2 0 7 – 1 2 Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP), 5 , 126 and collapse of Land League, 212 a n d c o e r c i o n , 1 7 2 – 8 6 c o n c l u s i o n s a b o u t , 2 1 8 – 2 1 enhanced power of, 220 , 227 L a n d C o n f e r e n c e o f 1 8 8 0 , 1 2 9 – 3 3 , 1 4 0 growing popular respect for, l a n d g r a b b i n g d i s c o u r s e , 1 2 7 – 2 9 , 1 4 0 , 195 , 199 1 5 2 – 5 5 , 1 5 6 , 1 6 0 and Irish National Land League, 142 L a n d L e a g u e . see Irish National Land P a r n e l l a s c h a i r m a n , 1 3 4 League (INLL) I r i s h P o o r L a w , 2 4 1 n 3 7 l a n d l o r d s , 3 , 1 2 , 1 0 9 , 1 2 6 , 1 9 1 Irish Republican Brotherhood, 46–51 defensive tactics of, 190–94 see also Fenian movement p o r t r a y a l s o f , 1 1 2 , 1 5 3 – 5 4 , 1 8 3 , Irish Tenant League, 44–46 , 51–52 2 2 8 – 2 9 I r i s h t o w n , 6 2 , 6 7 – 7 2, 1 1 2 – 1 3 , 2 4 6 n 1 1 supporting Home Rule, 54 I r i s h W h i g P a r t y , 1 0 7 , 1 2 6 , as symbol, 79–80 , 122 1 7 2 , 2 4 9 n 9 land meetings. see meetings Index 275

land movement. see also Irish National L o u i s b u r g h , 8 5 Land League L o u t h , 9 1 – 9 2 C a t h o l i c c h u r c h a n d , 1 8 7 , 1 9 0 , 1 9 2 l o y a l i s t s , 1 5 9 and defeat of Compensation for Disturbances Bill, 145 M a c D o n a g h , O l i v e r , 3 4 , 2 2 7 – 2 8 , e x p a n s i o n i n 1 8 8 0 , 1 3 6 – 4 1 240n7 Home Rule movement and, 56–57 MacHale, John (Archbishop of Tuam), ideological transformation of, 3 6 , 3 7 , 4 6 , 4 8, 7 3 1 5 0 – 5 2 Magee, James (Canon), 79–80 , 243n17 n a t i o n a l i s m a n d , 3, 4 , 4 7 , 6 1 – 6 2 , 6 6 , M a l l o w , 1 4 5 , 1 5 5 1 6 5 , 1 8 8 M a n c h e s t e r M a r t y r s , 5 0 and obstructionist tactics in M a r y b o r o u g h , 9 4 Parliament, 176 Mayo, County l a n d t e n u r e s y s t e m a g r a r i a n c r i s i s i n , 5 8 , 1 1 6 – 1 7 c a l l s t o a b o l i s h , 8 0, 1 3 8 , 1 4 7 , 1 5 4 , a s c e n t e r o f p r o t e s t , 5 8 , 6 2 , 7 2 , 1 6 8 , 1 9 6 – 9 7 1 4 1 – 4 5 , 1 5 6 , 1 9 4 c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f h o l d i n g s , 8 6 , 9 4 , M a y o A b b e y , 1 2 8 – 2 9 1 2 7 – 2 9 McCabe, Edward (Archbishop of e f f e c t s o f F a m i n e , 4 1 , 6 5 D u b l i n ) , 1 8 6 , 2 1 7 l a r g e r f a r m e r s a n d , 9 0 – 9 1 , 1 3 3 , M c D e r m o t t , J o h n , 9 8 – 1 0 0 , 1 0 5 1 5 6 – 5 7 Meagher family eviction, 138–41 , 151 metaphors for, 84–85 meaning a n d n a t i o n a l i s m , 3 8 – 3 9 , 4 3 , 1 0 6 – 7 contention over, 148 r e f o r m e d b y L a n d A c t , 2 1 9 – 2 1 a n d d i s c o u r s e , 2 3 – 2 4 , 1 6 9 , 1 7 1 as symbol, 100 , 112 a n d i d e n t i t y , 2 0 L a n d W a r . see Irish Land War and myth, 148 (1879–1882) t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f , 1 4 6 – 5 0 , L a r k i n , E m m e t , 6 , 4 9, 9 7 , 2 4 1 n 1 9 , 1 6 1 – 6 7 , 1 8 3 241n27 meaning, symbolic, 12–15 Leahy, James (Member of Parliament), c o n s t r u c t i o n o f , 7 1 – 7 2, 1 1 1 – 1 3 , 1 4 3 , 147–48 2 2 6 , 2 3 2 L e a h y , P a t r i c k ( A r c h b i s h o p ) , 4 8 i n n a r r a t i v e s , 1 6 – 1 8 L e e n a n e , 1 2 8 , 1 5 6 reconciliation of, 192 Leinster Leader, 2 0 8 r h e t o r i c a l d e v i c e s a n d , 1 8 L e i n s t e r p r o v i n c e , 4 2 , 9 8 , 1 1 7 , 1 4 5 , t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f , 9 – 1 0 , 2 4 , 1 1 2 – 1 3 , 1 5 6 – 5 7 , 1 6 7 1 2 5 , 1 6 9 – 7 0 , 1 8 5 – 8 6 , 2 1 9 , 2 2 9 L i b e r a l P a r t y ( B r i t a i n ) , 5 0 – 5 4 , 1 2 6 , see also symbols 1 7 3 , 1 8 2 M e a t h a r c h d i o c e s e , 4 8 Limerick, 92–93 meetings. see also names of towns where Liscarroll, 163 meetings were held l i t e r a c y r a t e s , 6 4 – 6 5 discursive contention in, 26 l i v e s t o c k f a r m i n g . see graziers in Emancipation movement, 33–34 Lloyd, Clifford, 201–2 f o r F e n i a n p r i s o n e r a m n e s t y , 5 2 L o u d e n , J a m e s , 1 0 1 – 2 , 1 2 0 – 2 1 “ i n d i g n a t i o n , ” 7 2 – 7 3 L o u d e n , J o h n , 6 9 , 8 4 – 8 5 , 2 5 1 n 4 0 m o n s t e r , 3 9 , 6 4 , 2 4 0 n 1 2 L o u g h M a s k , 1 5 9 – 6 0 newspaper accounts of, 26–27 276 Index

meetings— Continued narratives, master, 17 and origins of Land War, 5 t e n a n t f a r m e r , c o m p e t i n g , 9 0 , prohibition of, 39–40 , 173–74 1 3 1 – 3 3 , 1 6 7 in Repeal movement, 39 Nation, The, 3 8 , 2 1 2 , 2 1 7 , 2 4 3 n 5 a s r i t u a l e v e n t s , 1 1 , 2 6 , 3 9 , 6 9 , 7 3 , 8 0 N a t i o n a l A s s o c i a t i o n , 4 8 – 5 0 m e t a p h o r , 1 8 , 8 2 , 8 4 – 8 5 , 1 2 2 , 1 6 3 nationalism methodology of study, 27 , 233–35 a n a l y s i s o f , 1 8 – 1 9 , 2 2 4 m e t o n y m y , 1 3, 1 8 , 6 1, 2 1 5 discourses of, 87–95 M i l l t o w n , 8 5 discursive conflict within, 24 Mitchelstown, 203 h i s t o r i c f o u n d a t i o n f o r , 3 2 moments, discursive, 15–16 , 97–111 H o m e R u l e a n d , 5 6 M o o d y , T . W . , 6 1, 1 2 0 , 2 2 3 , 2 4 5 n 4 , nationalists, constitutional, 4 , 231–33 2 4 5 n 6 , 2 4 9 n 1 7 and discourse of conciliation, 65 Mooncoin, 211 and Irish Tenant League, 44 Moran, Patrick (Bishop of Ossory), and land reform, 164–65 1 8 9 , 2 0 5 and Repeal campaign, 36 , 39–40 M o u f f e , C h a n t a l , 1 5 – 1 6 , 2 3 struggles within movement, 48–49 M o u n t n u g e n t , 1 2 4 trajectory toward militancy, 171 M u l l i n g a r , 1 8 3 – 8 4 n a t i o n a l i s t s , I r i s h , 2 Munster Express, 1 3 0 , 2 5 1 n 3 6 a n d C a t h o l i c C h u r c h , 3 6 – 3 8 , 1 7 2 , M u n s t e r p r o v i n c e , 4 2 , 9 8 , 1 0 7 , 1 1 7 , 1 8 2 – 8 3 , 1 8 5 1 4 5 , 1 5 6 , 1 6 7 d i v i s i o n s a m o n g , 7 4 Murray, Daniel (Archbishop of and land reform movement, 3 , 39 , D u b l i n ) , 3 7 6 6 , 1 5 8 – 5 9 support for Home Rule, 54 , 66 N a l l y , J o h n W . , 1 6 2 , 2 1 3 symbols used by, 74 , 182–83 narrative, analysis of Y o u n g I r e l a n d , 3 6 i d e n t i t y a n d , 1 7 , 2 2 , 1 3 1 n a t i o n a l i s t s , r a d i c a l , 4, 3 6 meaning in, 16–18 see also Fenian movement p l o t , 1 7 national revolution, 3 s t r u c t u r e , 8 5 – 8 6 Nation n e w s p a p e r , 3 8 n a r r a t i v e p e r f o r m a n c e , 1 5 3 , 1 6 9 n a t i o n s , t h e o r i e s a b o u t , 2 2 4 narratives N a v a n , 1 2 4 “ B r i t i s h d o m i n a t i o n , ” 1 7 , 3 2 , 8 2 , N e w D e p a r t u r e , 6 1 – 6 3 1 7 4 – 7 5 , 1 8 4 – 8 5 N e w p o r t , 8 0 “ c o n f i s c a t i o n , ” 1 8, 8 8 – 8 9, 9 9 – 1 0 0 , New Ross, 195 1 0 6 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 8 , 2 2 9 n e w s p a p e r s . see also names of newspapers c o n f r o n t i n g s h a m e , 8 6 – 8 7 a n a l y s i s o f , 2 7 “ c o n q u e s t , ” 1 7 , 2 4 , 8 8, 1 3 2 , 1 8 2 carrying Land League statements, “ c o n s o l i d a t i o n , ” 1 2 8 , 2 4 7 n 2 1 1 7 8 , 1 9 6 “ F a m i n e , ” 8 6 , 2 2 5 , 2 2 9 connecting ritual events, 94 , 104 “ i n d i g n a t i o n , ” 8 5 covering Parliament, 176 “ I r i s h s e l f - r e l i a n c e , ” 1 8 4 – 8 5 covering sedition trial, 104–5 “Land War,” 178 discourse in, 101 “ o p p r e s s i o n , ” 8 3, 1 3 7 , 1 7 4 , 1 8 2 Irish National Land League and, “victorious Ireland,” 175 95–96 “ w a r , ” 1 9 2 l e t t e r s i n , 2 7 , 6 0 Index 277

militancy in, 144 o s t r a c i s m , 2 6 , 1 0 8 , 1 1 8 , 1 2 7 , 1 5 2 , 1 5 3 , o r g a n i z e d u s e o f , 3 3 , 6 4 1 5 4 , 2 0 6 reading of, as ritual event, 11, see also boycott 244n28 O ’ S u l l i v a n , M i c h a e l , 5 7 r o l e i n L a n d W a r , 2 7 charged with conspiracy, 162 t a x e s o n , 6 4 at meetings, 58–59 , 70–71 , 74–75 and tenant rights movement, 44–45 o u t r a g e New York Herald, 6 1 e x a m p l e s , 2 5 , 2 4 7 n 2 3 n o d a l p o i n t s meaning of term, 183 “British tyranny,” 205 rates of, 161 , 218 “ l a n d , ” 1 5 , 1 6, 8 9 , 1 0 0 , 2 2 9 a s t a c t i c , 1 1 8 “land for all,” 132 “ l a w - a b i d i n g , ” 9 2 Parliament, British “overcoming oppression,” 205 negotiations ending Land War, 218 “owner-occupier,” 131 transition to Liberal rule in, 4–5 “ P a r n e l l , ” 1 3 4 Parliament, Irish, abolition of (1800), 32 “ t e n a n t f a r m e r , ” 2 2 0 p a r l i a m e n t a r y p r o c e e d i n g s , 1 1 , a n d t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f m e a n i n g , 1 6 177–78 N o - R e n t M a n i f e s t o , 2 1 6 – 1 7 Parnell, Anna, 187 N o r t h K e r r y , 1 9 2 Parnell, Charles Stewart Nulty, Thomas (Bishop of Meath), 48 , a l l i a n c e w i t h F e n i a n s , 6 1 2 0 1 , 2 1 7 a r r e s t s o f , 1 6 2 , 1 7 2 , 1 7 6 – 7 7 , 2 1 6 – 1 8 commitment to political O’Brien, Conor Cruise, 134 s o l u t i o n s , 1 7 9 O’Brien, P.J. (parish priest), 83–84 , o n e l e c t i o n o f 1 8 8 0 , 1 2 3 242n2 election to Parliament, 55–56 O ’ B r i e n , W i l l i a m , 1 6 0 , 2 1 6 , 2 4 7 n 2 5 expansion of power 1880, 134 O’Callaghan, Margaret, 6 and Home Rule, 4 , 56 , 125 , 172 O’Connell, Daniel and Irish National Land League, coining “Algerine,” 180 9 5 , 1 3 6 and Emancipation movement, 4 , 26 , o n L a n d A c t o f 1 8 8 1 , 1 9 5 , 1 9 6 – 9 7 , 3 3 , 3 5 2 1 1 , 2 1 7 leading meetings, 39 a t L a n d C o n f e r e n c e o f 1 8 8 0 , and Repeal movement, 4 , 26 , 35–40 1 2 9 – 3 0 as symbol, 148 , 150 , 174 a t l a n d c o n v e n t i o n o f 1 8 8 1 , 2 1 5 and “violence” rhetoric, 143 , 174 at Limerick, illustration, 67 a n d Y o u n g I r e l a n d , 3 6 a t m e e t i n g s , 5 9 , 7 3 , 7 5 – 7 6 , 1 0 1 – 3 , 1 5 7 O’Connell movements, 26 multiple roles of, 178 O’Connor, John, 149–50 , 175 a s n o d a l p o i n t , 1 3 4 O ’ C o n n o r P o w e r , J o h n , 5 1 , 5 6 , 1 3 6 o b s t r u c t i o n i s t t a c t i c s o f , 5 6 , 1 7 6 – 7 7 , a t m e e t i n g s , 5 9 , 8 6 207–8 in Parliament, 56 , 136 , 142 portrayal of, 124 role in land movement, 51 , 59 , 160 , o n r e n t r e s i s t a n c e , 9 4 , 1 5 2 – 5 3 , 1 7 7 2 4 1 n 2 9 , 2 4 2 n 3 8 , 2 4 6 n 1 2 as “savior,” 163 O ’ K e l l y , J a m e s J . , 5 1 , 5 7 , 2 1 8 , 2 4 1 n 2 9 , p a t h d e p e n d e n c y , 9 , 1 7, 2 3 8 n 1 5 , 2 4 1 n 3 4 2 4 4 n 2 5 Orange Emergency Committee, 190 Peace Preservation Act (1875), 135 278 Index

p e a s a n t p r o p r i e t o r s h i p , 3 , 6 1 – 6 2 , 1 2 9 , “ C a t h o l i c , ” 3 3 1 5 6 , 2 2 8 “hold the harvest” strategy, 152–53 see also Irish National Land League payments by Irish National Land (INLL); land movement League, 104 p e a s a n t s . see farmers, tenant rates of, 240n18 , 245n8 Pius X (Pope), 37 , 186 a s s y m b o l , 1 2 – 1 3 , 7 1 , 8 9 p o o r l a w g u a r d i a n s , 5 7 , 2 4 1 n 3 7 rent, fair. see Three Fs (3Fs) Power, John (Bishop of Waterford), 189 rent resistance p r e s s . see newspapers and discursive contention, 25 p r o c e s s s e r v i n g , 1 1 9 – 2 0 , 1 3 5 at Irishtown meeting, 71–72 p r o p e r t y at Kingston estate, 203–4 i n d i s c o u r s e , 1 5 , 1 6 , 8 8 , 9 2 , 1 0 2 , N o - R e n t M a n i f e s t o , 2 1 6 1 3 2 , 1 5 4 , 2 2 9 and strategy, 151–53 , 177 i d e n t i t y a n d , 1 3 3 , 2 2 7 – 2 8 Repeal movement (1840s), 4 , 26 , n a t i o n a l i s m a n d , 1 3 3 35–40 , 63–64 T h r e e F s a n d , 1 0 8 e v o k e d d u r i n g L a n d W a r , 1 7 4 Property Defense Association (PDA), R e p u b l i c a n s , I r i s h . see also Fenian 1 9 0 – 9 1 movement ; nationalists, radical p r o p e r t y r i g h t s i n U n i t e d S t a t e s , 6 1 C a t h o l i c d o c t r i n e o f , 4 3 , 4 5 , 1 3 8 , resistance, peaceful, 174 1 5 5 , 1 9 7 , 2 1 7, 2 2 0 , 2 3 0 r h e t o r i c c h a l l e n g e s t o , 8 9 , 1 1 2 , 1 3 8 , 2 4 5 n 6 a n d m e a n i n g , 1 8 d e f e n s e o f , 1 0 6 , 1 0 9 , 1 7 6 – 7 7 , threats of violence, 75 , 100 , 1 9 0 – 9 1 143–44 and Land Act of 1870, 130 R i c o e u r , P a u l , 1 2 , 1 4 Protection of Person and Property Act ritual events ( 1 8 8 1 ) , 1 7 6 – 7 7 development of, 177–78 P r o t e s t a n t s , I r i s h , 3 6 – 3 8 , 5 4 , 1 7 9 , e n c h a i n m e n t o f , 9 , 1 1 3 , 1 3 9 – 4 1 , 1 8 2 , 1 9 0 1 8 9 , 2 3 2 – 3 3 r i t u a l s Rathdrum, 166 analysis of, 10–12 r e a c t i v e s e q u e n c e s , 9 , 9 8 , 1 0 4 , 2 2 0 a p p e a r i n g i n d i s c o u r s e , 1 3 9 – 4 0 recursivity of cultural formation c o n t i n g e n t e v e n t s a n d , 1 0 5 , 1 1 0 process, 234 discursive struggle in, 169 redemptive hegemony, 2 , 237n2 emotion in, 83 , 140 , 169 C r o k e s e r m o n a n d , 1 3 8 Irish National Land League and, formation of, 133 , 173 9 6 – 9 7 , 1 9 6 – 2 0 1 Irish nationalist identity as, 63 , 182 , in Land League “courts,” 202 2 2 1 , 2 3 4 legal action as, 120–22 r e n t s e q u e n c e s o f , 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 , 1 5 0 , 1 6 9 , 2 3 2 a p p e a l s f o r r e d u c t i o n , 5 8 – 5 9 , 7 1 , s y m b o l s i n , 1 2 – 1 5 , 1 3 7 , 2 2 8 1 0 7 – 8 , 1 5 9 , 2 1 8 , 2 4 2 n 2 R o s c o m m o n , 8 8 – 8 9 arrears of, 117, 138 , 218 R o s c o m m o n , c o u n t y , 5 8 , 6 9 , 8 6 , 1 0 1 , “at the point of bayonet” strategy, 2 4 6 n 1 3 1 5 2 – 5 3 , 1 8 0 – 9 4 r u p t u r e , 6 7 Index 279

S a h l i n s , M a r s h a l l , 2 3 8 n 1 7, 2 3 9 n 2 1 and emotions, 83–87 , 164 s e d i t i o n , 9 8 – 1 0 7 , 1 7 2 enmeshed, 112 s e l f - r e i n f o r c i n g s e q u e n c e s , 1 0 , 2 3 8 n 1 6 “giants,” 83–84 self-reliance, 122 “ l a b o r e r , ” 1 0 5 s e p a r a t i s t s , 2 , 3 “ l a n d , ” 1 3 , 5 2, 7 6 , 1 0 5 , 1 1 1 , 1 5 0 , S e w e l l , W i l l i a m , 8 – 1 1 , 2 3 3 , 2 3 8 n 1 1 , 170 , 228 2 3 8 n 1 7 “land movement,” 188 , 196 S e x t o n , T h o m a s , 1 2 5 – 2 6 , 1 6 2 , 2 0 4 , linked, 153 2 1 1 – 1 2 , 2 1 6 and meaning, 12–15 S h a n a g o l d e n , 1 6 4 – 6 5 “physical force,” 144 S h a n g a r r y , 1 6 3 “ r e d e m p t i o n , ” 9 7 Sheehy, Eugene (priest), 200–201 , 209 r e l i g i o u s , 7 5 , 8 9 , 1 2 8 – 2 9 , 1 7 2 , 1 8 2 , s h e r i f f s ’ s a l e s , 1 5 2 , 1 9 1 – 9 3 , 2 4 7 n 1 9 1 9 2 , 2 3 1 S h i n r o n e , 1 8 3 in rituals, 12–15 s i g n , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 5 – 1 6 , 2 2 “savior,” 163 S l a n e , 2 0 1 “ S a x o n , ” 8 3 – 8 4 S l i g o , 8 5 , 1 0 4 – 5 , 1 2 5 “ s l a v e r y , ” 8 4 , 8 5 , 8 7 , 1 2 9 , 1 5 4 Sligo, county, 101 , 141 “ s t r o n g I r i s h f a r m e r , ” 2 2 7 – 3 0 Sligo Champion, 5 8 , 1 0 0 – 1 , 1 0 4 , 1 0 5 t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f , 9 , 1 0 , 7 6 , 8 1 , 8 7 , S m y t h , P . J . , 1 3 8 – 4 0, 1 7 2 , 2 4 6 n 9 9 8 – 1 0 7 , 1 1 1 – 1 3 , 1 5 0 , 1 5 7 , sociology, cultural, 8 , 225 176 , 231 sociology, historical, 226 , 233 “ u n i t y , ” 1 5 0 solidarity, 140 , 143 v o l a t i l i t y o f , 1 4 8 – 4 9 d i s c o u r s e a n d , 1 7 8 , 1 8 5 , 2 2 5 s y n c h r o n i c i t y , 8 – 9 , 1 2, 1 7 , 2 3 3 S o l o w , B a r b a r a , 4 1 – 4 2, 1 9 4, 2 0 7 , 2 4 0 n 1 5 , 2 4 0 n 1 7 , 2 4 0 n 1 8 , 2 4 9 n 1 9 , Templemore, 153 2 5 0 n 3 5 t e m p o r a l h e t e r o g e n e i t y , 8 , 9 – 1 0 Spillman, Lynnette, 226 t e n a n t . see farmers, tenant S t a p l e s t o w n , 2 0 2 – 3 T e n a n t L e a g u e , I r i s h , 4 4 – 4 6 , 5 1 – 5 2 S t e p h e n s , J a m e s , 4 7 t e n a n t r i g h t , 1 4 5 – 4 6 , 2 4 4 n 2 1 strong program analysis, 8 , 233 see also T h r e e F s Sullivan, Alexander M., 163 , 179–81 , t e n u r e . see land tenure 1 8 8 , 2 4 9 n 1 0 tenure, fixity of. see Three Fs (3Fs) Swinford, 104–5 terrorism, 202 s y m b o l s . see also discourse, analysis of ; Three Fs (3Fs) meaning, symbolic Bessborough Commission and, 194 in “Battle of Carraroe,” 120 F e n i a n s a n d , 9 9 “ c o m m u n i s m , ” 1 5 4 , 1 5 5 formation of movement, 45 “ c o n s t i t u t i o n a l , ” 1 4 6 – 6 1 , 1 6 9 – 7 0 , in Kilmartin letter, 60–61 1 7 5 – 7 6 L a n d A c t s a n d , 1 9 4 , 2 1 9 c o n s t r u c t i o n o f , 9 , 1 6 9 – 7 0 , 1 7 4 , l a r g e r f a r m e r s a n d , 9 1 , 9 3 – 9 4 , 1 5 6 205 , 215 as opposed to nationalization, 155 “Cromwell,” 182 renunciation of, 168 “Daniel O’Connell,” 148 , 150 t e n a n t f a r m e r s a n d , 1 0 8 “ E m l y , ” 1 3 7 , 1 5 4 T i p p e r a r y , 8 4 , 1 4 3 , 2 1 0 280 Index

T i p p e r a r y , c o u n t y o f , 5 8 , 1 0 9 , Vatican 137–41 , 153 a n d C a t h o l i c e d u c a t i o n , 3 7 – 3 8 T i t h e W a r , 3 4 – 3 5 , 6 3 , 2 4 0 n 5 c o n d e m n s T e n a n t L e a g u e , 4 5 T o n e , W o l f , 3 2 and “devotional revolution,” 42–43 t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , s y m b o l i c , 9 – 1 0 intervention in Land War, 186–87 , T r i m , 1 6 3 , 1 6 4 1 8 9 , 2 1 9 t r o p e , 1 8 , 1 2 9 violence, threats of, as rhetorical T u a m , 8 5 , 2 4 3 n 7 d e v i c e , 7 5 , 1 0 8 , 1 4 3 – 4 4 , 2 4 4 n 2 3 T u l l o w , 1 8 4 see also outrage v o t i n g , 4 , 1 2 2 , 1 2 3 , 2 3 7 n 5 U l s t e r f a r m e r s , 5 , 1 7 3, 1 9 8 W a l s h , J o s e p h B . , 1 2 7 – 2 8 , 1 4 4 , 1 5 6 , l a b o r e r s , 1 5 9 , 1 9 1 2 1 3 , 2 5 1 n 4 0 politics in, 190 , 197 Walshe, John, 130–31 , 162 U l s t e r C u s t o m , 5 3 , 9 3 Waterford, 91–92 u l t r a m o n t a n e f a c t i o n , 3 , 4 3, W e b e r , M a x , 1 2 46 , 186 Western News and Weekly Examiner, 6 0 Union (with Britain), 32–33 Westport, 72–76 , 120 , 132 United Irishmen movement W e x f o r d , c o u n t y , 1 2 4 – 2 5 , 2 1 5 – 1 6 ( 1 7 9 8 ) , 3 2 W h i g P a r t y , I r i s h , 1 0 7, 1 2 6 , 1 7 2 , 2 4 9 n 9 unity, concept of, 150 U p r i s i n g o f 1 7 9 8 , 3 2 Y o u n g I r e l a n d , 3 6 – 4 0 , 6 3 , 1 3 9 , 1 7 4 U p r i s i n g o f 1 8 4 8 , 4 0 Repeal movement and, 37–40 U p r i s i n g o f 1 8 6 7 , 4 9 – 5 0 U p r i s i n g o f 1 8 4 8 , 4 0