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From Ethnic to Civic Nationalism in a Turbulent Decade

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From Ethnic to Civic Nationalism in a Turbulent Decade Jose E. Igartua. The Other Quiet Revolution: National Identities in English Canada, 1945-1971. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2007. viii + 277 pp. $34.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-7748-1088-3. Reviewed by Christopher Tait Published on H-Canada (June, 2007) The problem of national identity in Canada Jose Igartua, thankfully, does not simply pro‐ has, by turns, fascinated, frustrated, obsessed, and pose another "Heritage Minute"-worthy tale of disgusted scholars, politicians, and ordinary citi‐ how Canada became a nation. Instead, he consid‐ zens for many years. Some deny that Canada has ers how English-Canadian identity changed from or ever had a true national identity; others sug‐ one that was based on ethnicity (British origins) to gest there are many kinds of identity in Canada, one based on shared civic values. The former was all competing with and influencing the others. inherently exclusive, as Canadians of Japanese de‐ Some wish the whole issue would just go away, scent learned frsthand during and after the Sec‐ yet contemporary events from provincial pre‐ ond World War; the latter offered the possibility, miers' conferences to religious articles worn by even if it was not fully realized, to recognize schoolchildren constantly remind us how rele‐ French Canadians and other non-British cultural vant and immediate questions of identity can be. groups as full participants in Canadian life, rather In the particular case of English-speaking than merely "Others" to be tolerated grudgingly. Canada, the most significant questions have long By implication, this civic conception of Canada been when and how Canada changed from a also permitted the existing ambiguities of English- British colony into a modern country with a sense Canadian cultural identity to endure. Igartua of self. Pick any event, large or small, glorious or draws on Anthony Smith's theories of nationalism otherwise, from the last few centuries, and there to provide an intellectual framework for the book, is probably someone who pegs it as the birth of and these ideas are explained clearly and concise‐ Canadian identity. At last check, only the Royal ly in the introduction. The study that follows is Commission on the Transport of Goods through largely empirical and never gets bogged down in Canadian Ports (1903-1905) and the Bricklin ven‐ obtuse theoretical discussions, so it should be ac‐ ture still remain without champions. cessible to a wide readership. H-Net Reviews The shift from ethnic to civic nationalism is the Commonwealth. While John Diefenbaker and important in its own right, but it has been identi‐ the Conservatives adopted pro-British messages in fied before by writers such as Michael Ignatieff their winning 1957 election campaign, the idea of and Richard Gwyn (neither of whom appear in English Canada as a purely British nation was the bibliography). It is usually associated with showing cracks. When Diefenbaker threw a pub‐ Pierre Trudeau's legislative and constitutional lic tantrum over Britain's attempt to join the Euro‐ achievements, especially the Charter of Rights and pean Economic Community in 1961 on the Freedoms.[1] Igartua locates this shift in an earli‐ grounds that the mother country was ignoring the er period. In the 1960s, he says, English Canada interests of the Commonwealth, he was widely de‐ experienced a "Quiet Revolution" no less pro‐ rided in Canada. Canadians still felt sentimental found or rapid than the one which created mod‐ ties to Britain, but they could also see and accept ern Quebec at the same time, hence the book's ti‐ that the two countries had differing priorities. tle (p. 1). He considers this revolution through a The critical changes that underpin this Eng‐ series of case studies, in which English Canadian lish-Canadian Quiet Revolution are discussed in "conventional wisdom" and "argumentative state‐ chapters 7 and 8, which respectively center on the ments" about identity, as expressed in political 1964 fag debate and the responses to the work of rhetoric, newspaper editorials, school textbooks, the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Bicul‐ and public opinion survey results, are revealed turalism (hereafter the B and B Commission). The and analyzed (pp. 9-12). At the end of the tale, flag debate was the moment in which the old view Iguarta asserts that while English Canadians have of Canada as a British nation, still fervently es‐ not come up with an indisputable national identi‐ poused by Diefenbaker, no longer held enough in‐ ty, they have changed the terms in which that terest for newspaper editors and the general pub‐ identity can be discussed and developed. lic to justify the stalling and grandstanding of the This work is a direct challenge to the notion Conservatives in Parliament. Many Canadians (es‐ that English-Canadian identity evolved through a pecially francophones) enthusiastically embraced "gradual process, begun in the crucible of the First the new fag, while a substantial number of others World War and ending with the social and eco‐ simply resigned themselves to it (p. 188). With nomic transformations that followed the Second that, the Union Jack and the unofficial Red Ensign, World War" (p. 4). Igartua fnds that post-1945 which had long served as convenient symbols for English Canada still thought of itself very much as the old Tory worldview, were supplanted by a fag a British society in a British Empire-Common‐ that bore no trace of either of the two "founding wealth. Attempts in 1946 by the Liberal govern‐ nations," a ftting banner for the emergent civic ment to introduce a new fag, a separate Canadian nationality that Igartua identifies. citizenship, and change the name of Dominion The work of the B and B Commission is like‐ Day to Canada Day drew the ire of many English wise essential to Igartua's model, as it "awakened Canadians, who generally saw these as thinly [English Canada] to the issues raised by Quebec's veiled repudiations of Britain by French Canada. Quiet Revolution" (p. 197). While there was a pre‐ Even a decade later, most Conservatives and some dictable backlash from many quarters against the Liberals were outraged by the Canadian govern‐ nationalist messages from Quebec City and the ment's refusal to back Britain in the Suez Crisis. conciliatory posture of the federal Liberal govern‐ As the author notes, however, this initial fury sub‐ ment, there was also a dawning recognition that sided when it became clear that Britain was act‐ Canada was not simply a bifurcated state com‐ ing in a narrowly self-interested way, one which posed of two monolithic ethnic groups, but was had no concern for Canada or any other part of 2 H-Net Reviews instead an agglomeration of individual citizens know more about the responses and criticisms with equal rights. "The concept of equality," Igar‐ that must have emerged among educators, stu‐ tua argues, "lost its racial connotation as it came dents, and parents in other provinces. School to be grounded in a universalistic, human rights boards may have felt compelled to buy Ontario premise." The basis of support for Trudeau's vi‐ texts for practical reasons, but that does not nec‐ sion of Canada, embodied at frst in the Official essarily mean that they concurred with all of the Languages Act of 1969 and eventually in the Char‐ content. This is significant when one is attempting ter, was established here (p. 222). to discuss identity politics across all of English Throughout the book, Igartua's focus is on re‐ Canada. sponses, rather than stimuli. This is reasonable Another element of the chapters on education enough, since it demonstrates how English Cana‐ that merits more attention is the longevity of the dians drew on their sense of identity to deal with attitudes such texts instilled. Igartua is primarily the challenges of the postwar decades. The evi‐ concerned with impact of school curricula and dence and analysis of political discourse in The textbooks at the time that they were in use. In the Other Quiet Revolution is very thorough. There immediate postwar years, for example, there was are, however, some case studies in which more a common message of pride in British heritage background information would be helpful to and imperial achievements, but by the 1960s those not well-versed in postwar Canadian poli‐ these were giving way to a less ethnocentric view tics. For example, in the discussion of the reaction of Canada's past, albeit one that still gave franco‐ to the revelations of Soviet diplomat Igor phones, natives, and other non-British groups Gouzenko affair and the subsequent trials of a short shrift. While this transformation within the number of suspected spies in chapter 2, there is educational establishment is obviously important, barely any establishment of facts before the dis‐ how long did the influence of the older approach cussion of newspaper editorials begins (p. 49). survive among the general population? Surely not None of the accused are mentioned by name. everyone who attended school in the 1940s and While footnotes lead the reader to specialist 1950s stayed on top of developments in Canadian works on the topic, a few sentences to establish historiography in the following decades and ad‐ the context at the outset would still be very useful. justed their views accordingly, and this is just as By contrast, there are concise but informative true for succeeding generations. With this in background narratives provided for discussions mind, it might have been useful to examine the of the postwar deportation of Japanese-Canadians lingering effects of older ideas on public opinion and the Suez Crisis before the discourse analysis over time. This is the greatest challenge for any begins, and this approach could have been used scholar who wishes to pinpoint a major upheaval more consistently throughout.
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