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Evan Rothera on the Republic for Which It Stands: the United States

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Evan Rothera on the Republic for Which It Stands: the United States Richard White. The Republic for Which It Stands: The United States during Reconstruction and the Gilded Age, 1865-1896. New York: Oxford University Press, 2017. 968 pp. $35.00, cloth, ISBN 978-0-19-973581-5. Reviewed by Evan C. Rothera (Penn State University) Published on H-SHGAPE (May, 2018) Commissioned by William S. Cossen (The Gwinnett School of Mathematics, Science, and Technology) Richard White, Margaret Byrne Professor of James M. McPherson’s Battle Cry of Freedom or American History at Stanford University, is an ex‐ Eric Foner’s Reconstruction, and does not consider ceptionally accomplished historian. Two of his “rehearsals for Reconstruction” during the US Civil books—The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and War.[1] White provides a competent overview of Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 postwar Reconstruction and examines the major (1991) and Railroaded: The Transcontinentals and episodes, including Presidential Reconstruction, the Making of Modern America (2011)—have been Radical Reconstruction, Andrew Johnson’s im‐ Pulitzer Prize finalists. In addition, both won the peachment, Ulysses S. Grant’s presidency, the Pan‐ Francis Parkman Prize from the Society of Ameri‐ ic of 1873, and the use of paramilitary violence to can Historians, along with other awards. He has overthrow Reconstruction. However, he departs also served as president of the Organization of from other narratives of Reconstruction in his in‐ American Historians. The Republic for Which It sistence that one cannot understand the period Stands: The United States during Reconstruction without considering the western dimensions. For and the Gilded Age, 1865–1896, is part of the Oxford the past decade, scholars have been westernizing History of the United States, a prestigious series Reconstruction.[2] White makes good use of this that includes many prize-winning volumes. White literature, specifically Elliott West’s idea of a examines the United States from Abraham Lin‐ “Greater Reconstruction.”[3] Because “the vio‐ coln’s assassination in 1865 to William McKinley’s lence unleashed by the Civil War in the West, like election in 1896. In 1865, he asserts, “Americans did the violence in the South, needed to be mitigated give birth to a new nation, but it was not the one and suppressed” (p. 105), White’s narrative ex‐ they imagined” (p. 1). From the beginning, White plores entwined ideas about violence and state informs readers that this is not a triumphal narra‐ power. He also discusses the rise of wage labor, tive extolling economic growth. Rather, he illus‐ which “provided ideals of independence, citizen‐ trates how things went awry in a crucial, if often ship, and manhood that workers were loath to sur‐ maligned, period in US history. render.” However, “as long as it remained at‐ White divides the book into three parts: “Re‐ tached to ideas of contract freedom, it also provid‐ constructing the Nation,” “The Quest for Prosperi‐ ed their employers with a powerful weapon” (p. ty,” and “The Crisis Arrives.” Part 1 analyzes post‐ 242). Scholars who have begun reassessing Grant’s war Reconstruction, assumes readers have read presidency will not be happy with White’s treat‐ H-Net Reviews ment, which highlights corruption, cronyism, and tivists panicked about the changing composition Grant’s less positive qualities. of the United States and argued for immigration Part 2 covers the late 1870s and 1880s and restriction. White maps the rise, power, and limita‐ finds little to admire about this period. White jux‐ tions of Populism and concludes with the epic pres‐ taposes violence against the Nez Perce with reac‐ idential contest in 1896. McKinley’s election was si‐ tions to the Great Strike of 1877. He guides readers multaneously the end of one era and the begin‐ through the disastrous Rutherford B. Hayes presi‐ ning of another. dency, charts the period’s staggering array of re‐ Like other authors for this series, White has an form movements, and probes debates about immi‐ eye for vivid quotes. Furthermore, some of his as‐ gration and nativism. Most immigrants, he notes, sessments are delightfully pungent. For example, “were not fleeing persecution or famine; they Andrew Johnson’s Washington’s Birthday address chose to come, although their choice was shaped “provided more evidence that he should never give by circumstances” (p. 415). At a time of explosive impromptu speeches” (p. 66). George Armstrong population and economic growth, life spans short‐ Custer, “force-marched his men, who did not love ened and people were sicklier than their ancestors him, back to Fort Harker so he could visit his wife, were. In other words, “a people who celebrated who did” (p. 108). In Massachusetts, “everything their progress were, in fact, going backwards— wrong with the Republican Party seemed distilled growing shorter and dying earlier” (p. 477). Fur‐ in [Benjamin F.] Butler, who looked like a pudgy, di‐ thermore, the contours of life in the Gilded Age sheveled pirate” (p. 208). Ulysses S. Grant’s “second United States became dizzyingly complex. Labor cabinet was as undistinguished as his first and militancy cheered some people and worried oth‐ could not provide worthwhile advice even if Grant ers. A powerful antimonopoly movement emerged had been willing to listen to it” (p. 255). Antimo‐ as the robber barons solidified their fortunes. In nopolists considered Stephen J. Field “a thoroughly the West, farmers and miners revolted “against the corrupt tool of the railroads, and there are good political system originally designed to aid them” reasons to believe this” (p. 470). (p. 607). White finds the election of 1888, in which For all the pleasing aspects of this book, prob‐ Benjamin Harrison lost the popular vote but won lems exist. The first involves the periodization of the presidency, a seminal moment because “the this volume. To be fair, this problem is not White’s political system tipped, lost its balance, and would fault. The volume preceding his, James M. McPher‐ not right itself for nearly a decade” (p. 619). son’s Battle Cry of Freedom, ended with Appomat‐ Part 3 dissects the crisis cued up in part 2. Re‐ tox and did not analyze postwar Reconstruction. publicans passed the McKinley tariff and reaped a Thus, White received Reconstruction, the Gilded whirlwind in the midterm elections of 1890. An‐ Age, and a starting date of 1865. Some people might drew Carnegie and Henry Clay Frick became the consider this logical. After all, 1865 is the tradition‐ menacing face of the tariff. Grover Cleveland de‐ al end date of the Civil War and the beginning of feated Harrison in the election of 1892. However, Reconstruction. However, Eric Foner forcefully re‐ “mandates had a way of souring quickly in the minded scholars three decades ago that Recon‐ Gilded Age” (p. 767). Although this assumes Cleve‐ struction really began in 1863 or, arguably, in 1861 land had a mandate in the first place, which seems after the firing on Fort Sumter. Thus, 1865 makes unlikely, White’s point is that the Panic of 1893 for a somewhat troublesome beginning. Further‐ broke the Cleveland presidency. As Jacob Riis re‐ more, pairing Reconstruction and the Gilded Age is vealed through photography the “ambiguities of not necessarily a bad idea, but there is a com‐ the new, urban, industrial America” (p. 693), na‐ pelling reason for pairing the Gilded Age and the 2 H-Net Reviews Progressive Era. White comments, “as with so speech receives less than a sentence. Ida B. Wells many other things, the environmental improve‐ and W. E. B. DuBois are peripheral figures at best. ment initiated during the Gilded Age would not True, White mentions Henry Adams, the African bear fruit until the Progressive Era” (p. 500). In oth‐ American organizer who played an important role er words, the Gilded Age contains ideas and move‐ in Steven Hahn’s A Nation under Our Feet.[4] How‐ ments that flowered decades later, but readers will ever, he spends little time on black officeholders not get a precise sense of how things changed until during and after Reconstruction. In sum, White Oxford assigns the next volume in the series. could have and should have brought a more di‐ If the first problem is not White’s fault, there verse array of people into his narrative. Still, these are two problems with his approach to the era. problems aside, this volume is a good introduction First, he is not particularly attentive to the interna‐ to the period for those with limited background tional dimensions of US history. He comments, “to and reads easily. simply track the United States as another swim‐ Notes mer in a vast transnational current misses all the [1]. James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Free‐ complexities of the Gilded Age. Most of the devel‐ dom: The Civil War Era (New York: Oxford Univer‐ opments examined in this volume took place on sity Press, 1988); and Eric Foner, Reconstruction: national and regional scales, not the transnation‐ America’s Unfinished Revolution (New York: Harp‐ al. Transnational developments mattered, but dur‐ er & Row, Publishers, 1988). The classic account of ing the Gilded Age the nation took shape in re‐ wartime Reconstruction is Willie Lee Rose, Re‐ sponse to these larger changes rather than as a hearsal for Reconstruction: The Port Royal Experi‐ simple reflection of them” (p. 6). He is correct that ment (1964; repr., Athens: University of Georgia the United States responded to larger changes but, Press, 1999). However, see also William C. Harris, problematically, does not spend much time ana‐ With Charity for All: Lincoln and the Restoration lyzing the world beyond US boundaries and ex‐ of the Union (Lexington: The University Press of ploring how it and the US influenced each other.
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