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180 Goi Erdi Aroko Pertsona-Izenak. Germaniar Jatorriko Pertsona-Izenak
180 Goi Erdi Aroko pertsona-izenak. Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak 1 Testuingurua 2 Euskaraz nola idatzi germaniar jatorriko izenak? 3 Irizpide xeheak 4 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenen sailkako zerrendak 5 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak zerrenda bakarrean (euskara-erdarak) 6 Germaniar jatorriko pertsona-izenak zerrenda bakarrean (erdarak-euskara) ------------------------------------------------------------------ 1 Testuingurua Mendebaldeko Erromatar Inperioa desagertu ondoren ere, Erdi Aroaren hasieran, latinak jarraitu zuen prestigiozko hizkuntza izaten Europako erdialdean eta mendebaldean. Garai hartako pertsona-izen nagusiak latinez idatzitako kroniketan (Historiae Francorum, Annales regni Francorum, Annales Fuldenses, Annales Bertiniani...) agertu ziren lehen aldiz idatziz, eta latinaren bidez hedatu ziren Europan erresumetako hizkuntzetara. 1 Inguruko hizkuntzetara eta Europako hizkuntza nagusietara begiratuta, argi eta garbi ageri da garai hartako pertsona-izen nagusiak (errege- erreginak, santu-santak, buruzagiak...) askotan ez direla berdin idazten hizkuntza guztietan. Hau da, hizkuntza bakoitzak bere sistema grafikora egokitu ditu izenok, eta bere grafia eman die. Adibidez, latinezko kroniketan Lotharius dena (jatorria: hlud "ospetsua" eta hari "armada" elementu germanikoak) Lothaire da frantsesez, Lotario gaztelaniaz eta italieraz, Lothair ingelesez, Lothar alemanez, Lotari katalanez, eta abar; latinezko Rudolphus dena (jatorria: hrod "fama" eta wulf "otsoa" elementu germanikoak) Rodolphe da frantsesez, Rodolfo -
INFORMATION to USERS This Manuscript Has Been Reproduced
INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from aiy type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photogrq>hs, print bleedthrou^ substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photogr£q)hs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for aiy photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI A Bell & Howell Information Com pany 300 North Z eeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ivll 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 Order Number 9517109 Unofficial histories of France in the late Middle Ages. (Volumes I and n) Zale, Sanford C., Ph.D. -
Profile of a Plant: the Olive in Early Medieval Italy, 400-900 CE By
Profile of a Plant: The Olive in Early Medieval Italy, 400-900 CE by Benjamin Jon Graham A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in the University of Michigan 2014 Doctoral Committee: Professor Paolo Squatriti, Chair Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes Professor Richard P. Tucker Professor Raymond H. Van Dam © Benjamin J. Graham, 2014 Acknowledgements Planting an olive tree is an act of faith. A cultivator must patiently protect, water, and till the soil around the plant for fifteen years before it begins to bear fruit. Though this dissertation is not nearly as useful or palatable as the olive’s pressed fruits, its slow growth to completion resembles the tree in as much as it was the patient and diligent kindness of my friends, mentors, and family that enabled me to finish the project. Mercifully it took fewer than fifteen years. My deepest thanks go to Paolo Squatriti, who provoked and inspired me to write an unconventional dissertation. I am unable to articulate the ways he has influenced my scholarship, teaching, and life. Ray Van Dam’s clarity of thought helped to shape and rein in my run-away ideas. Diane Hughes unfailingly saw the big picture—how the story of the olive connected to different strands of history. These three people in particular made graduate school a humane and deeply edifying experience. Joining them for the dissertation defense was Richard Tucker, whose capacious understanding of the history of the environment improved this work immensely. In addition to these, I would like to thank David Akin, Hussein Fancy, Tom Green, Alison Cornish, Kathleen King, Lorna Alstetter, Diana Denney, Terre Fisher, Liz Kamali, Jon Farr, Yanay Israeli, and Noah Blan, all at the University of Michigan, for their benevolence. -
Achila, Visigothic King, 34 Acisclus, Córdoban Martyr, 158 Adams
Index ; Achila, Visigothic king, 34 Almodóvar del Río, Spain, 123–24 Acisclus, Córdoban martyr, 158 Almonacid de la Cuba, Spain, 150. See Adams, Robert, 21 also Dams Aemilian, St., 160 Alonso de la Sierra, Juan, 97 Aerial photography, 40, 82 Amalaric, Visigothic king, 29–30, 132, Aetius, Roman general, 173–75 157 Africa, 4, 21–23; and amphorae, 116, Amber, 114 137, 187, 196; and ARS, 46, 56, 90, Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman histo- 99, 187; and Byzantine reconquest, rian, 166, 168 30; and ‹shing, 103; and olive oil, Amphorae, 43, 80, 199–200; exported 88, 188; and Roman army, 114, 127, from Spain, 44, 97–98, 113, 115–16, 166; and trade, 105, 141; and Van- 172; kilns, 61–62, 87–90, 184; from dals, 27–28, 97, 127, 174 North Africa, 129, 187. See also African Red Slip (ARS) pottery, 101, Kilns 147, 186–87, 191, 197; de‹nition, 41, Anderson, Perry, 5 43, 44, 46; and site survival, 90, Andujar, Spain, 38, 47, 63 92–95, 98–99; and trade, 105–6, 110, Annales, 8, 12, 39 114, 116, 129, 183 Annona: disruption by Vandals, 97, Agde, council of, 29, 36, 41 174; to Roman army, 44, 81, 114–17; Agglomeration, 40–42, 59, 92 to Rome, 23, 27, 44, 81, 113; under Agila, Visigothic king, 158–59. See Ostrogoths, 29, 133. See also Army also Athanagild Antioch, Syria, 126 Agrippa, Roman general, 118 Anti-Semitism, 12, 33. See also Jews Alans, 24, 26, 27, 34, 126, 175 Antonine Itinerary, 152 Alaric, Visigothic king, 2, 5, 26–27 Apuleius, Roman writer, 75–76, 122 Alaric II, Visigothic king, 29–30 Aqueducts, 119, 130, 134, 174–75 Alcalá del Río, Spain, 40, 44, 93, 123, Aquitaine, France, 2, 27, 45, 102 148 Arabs, 33–34, 132–33, 137. -
La Prima Moneta D'oro Portoghese
LA PRIMA MONETA D’ORO PORTOGHESE Un solido di Onorio emesso da Rechiar a Bracara a cura di Antonio Di Francesco Suevi in Galizia. Periodo di Rechiar (448-55), a nome di Onorio (395-423), Solido (4,38 g. – 12h), Bracara. D./ D N HONORIVS P F AVG. Busto con diadema di perle, drappeggiato e corazzato, a destra. R./ VICTORIA AVGGG. L’imperatore stante a destra, che tiene un labaro e una Vittoria sul globo; il piede sinistro è su un barbaro; nel campo, ai lati, B – R; in esergo COMOB. Ex Dix Noonan Webb, 27 settembre 2007, lotto n. 2861; stimata £ 20.000 - £ 25.000 e venduta £ 52.000. Il 27 settembre 2007 la Dix Noonan Webb (DNW) di Londra ha messo in vendita un esemplare unico emesso al tempo del re suevo Rechiar (448-55) in Portogallo. La moneta ben illustrata, è stata accompagnata da alcune note che appresso traduciamo in lingua italiana. Abbiamo tralasciato la parte inerente le notizie storiche che invece ab- biamo voluto riportare sulla base delle nostre ricerche. Michael Metcalf ha scritto che: «Una vasta serie di imitazioni di solidi a nome di Onorio (393-423), e con il segno di zecca M D (Mediolanum) fu attribuita agli Suevi sin dal 1942 da W. Reinhart. Essi sono rappresentati in collezioni pubbliche e private portoghesi. Ritrovamenti relativi alle monete sueve sono stati registrati come provenienti da Coimbra, Castelo Branco, Covilhã e Badajoz. Il presente esemplare, che è stilisticamente simile alle serie imitative con M D, differisce da loro avendo il se- gno di zecca B R, che si riscontra anche sulle siliquae d’argento del re suevo Rechiar (448-55). -
Complete Dissertation
University of Groningen The growth of an Austrasian identity Stegeman, Hans IMPORTANT NOTE: You are advised to consult the publisher's version (publisher's PDF) if you wish to cite from it. Please check the document version below. Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Publication date: 2014 Link to publication in University of Groningen/UMCG research database Citation for published version (APA): Stegeman, H. (2014). The growth of an Austrasian identity: Processes of identification and legend construction in the Northeast of the Regnum Francorum, 600-800. Copyright Other than for strictly personal use, it is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). The publication may also be distributed here under the terms of Article 25fa of the Dutch Copyright Act, indicated by the “Taverne” license. More information can be found on the University of Groningen website: https://www.rug.nl/library/open-access/self-archiving-pure/taverne- amendment. Take-down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Downloaded from the University of Groningen/UMCG research database (Pure): http://www.rug.nl/research/portal. For technical reasons the number of authors shown on this cover page is limited to 10 maximum. Download date: 02-10-2021 The growth of an Austrasian identity Processes of identification and legend construction in the Northeast of the Regnum Francorum, 600-800 Proefschrift ter verkrijging van het doctoraat aan de Rijksuniversiteit Groningen op gezag van de rector magnificus dr. -
Chapter 1 Barbarian Agency and Imperial Withdrawal: the Causes And
Chapter 1 Barbarian agency and imperial withdrawal: the causes and consequences of political change in fourth- and fifth-century Trier and Cologne Introduction Snapshots from the years 310, 410, and 510 reveal that the political landscape of the Rhineland changed almost beyond recognition over the course of three centuries. In 310 AD, Trier was one of the foremost cities of the Roman Empire, acting as a main residence of the Emperor Constantine and the seat of the Gallic praetorian prefecture. In Cologne, meanwhile, the completion of the fortress of Divitia just across the Rhine reinforced the city’s significance in the context of imperial defensive strategy. By 410 AD, however, both the imperial residence and the praetorian prefecture had been removed from Trier, and many frontier troops who had been stationed near Cologne were gone. The Rhineland had suffered an apparently devastating barbarian invasion, that of the Vandals, Alans, and Sueves in 406, and was to face many more attacks in the coming half-century. After the invasion, the legitimate emperors were never to re- establish their firm control in the region, and the reign of the usurper Constantine III (407 - 411) marked the last period of effective imperial rule. Around 510 AD, the last vestiges of imperial political power had vanished, and both Trier and Cologne were part of the Frankish kingdom of Clovis. The speed and extent of this change must have dramatically affected many aspects of life within the cities, and, as such, it is crucial that we seek to understand what brought it about. In so doing, we must consider the fundamental question of whether responsibility for the collapse of imperial power in the Rhineland ultimately lies with the imperial authorities themselves, who withdrew from the region, or with the 11 various barbarian groups, who launched attacks on the frontier provinces and undermined the Empire’s control. -
2210 Bc 2200 Bc 2190 Bc 2180 Bc 2170 Bc 2160 Bc 2150 Bc 2140 Bc 2130 Bc 2120 Bc 2110 Bc 2100 Bc 2090 Bc
2210 BC 2200 BC 2190 BC 2180 BC 2170 BC 2160 BC 2150 BC 2140 BC 2130 BC 2120 BC 2110 BC 2100 BC 2090 BC Fertile Crescent Igigi (2) Ur-Nammu Shulgi 2192-2190BC Dudu (20) Shar-kali-sharri Shu-Turul (14) 3rd Kingdom of 2112-2095BC (17) 2094-2047BC (47) 2189-2169BC 2217-2193BC (24) 2168-2154BC Ur 2112-2004BC Kingdom Of Akkad 2234-2154BC ( ) (2) Nanijum, Imi, Elulu Imta (3) 2117-2115BC 2190-2189BC (1) Ibranum (1) 2180-2177BC Inimabakesh (5) Ibate (3) Kurum (1) 2127-2124BC 2113-2112BC Inkishu (6) Shulme (6) 2153-2148BC Iarlagab (15) 2121-2120BC Puzur-Sin (7) Iarlaganda ( )(7) Kingdom Of Gutium 2177-2171BC 2165-2159BC 2142-2127BC 2110-2103BC 2103-2096BC (7) 2096-2089BC 2180-2089BC Nikillagah (6) Elulumesh (5) Igeshaush (6) 2171-2165BC 2159-2153BC 2148-2142BC Iarlagash (3) Irarum (2) Hablum (2) 2124-2121BC 2115-2113BC 2112-2110BC ( ) (3) Cainan 2610-2150BC (460 years) 2120-2117BC Shelah 2480-2047BC (403 years) Eber 2450-2020BC (430 years) Peleg 2416-2177BC (209 years) Reu 2386-2147BC (207 years) Serug 2354-2124BC (200 years) Nahor 2324-2176BC (199 years) Terah 2295-2090BC (205 years) Abraham 2165-1990BC (175) Genesis (Moses) 1)Neferkare, 2)Neferkare Neby, Neferkamin Anu (2) 3)Djedkare Shemay, 4)Neferkare 2169-2167BC 1)Meryhathor, 2)Neferkare, 3)Wahkare Achthoes III, 4)Marykare, 5)............. (All Dates Unknown) Khendu, 5)Meryenhor, 6)Neferkamin, Kakare Ibi (4) 7)Nykare, 8)Neferkare Tereru, 2167-2163 9)Neferkahor Neferkare (2) 10TH Dynasty (90) 2130-2040BC Merenre Antyemsaf II (All Dates Unknown) 2163-2161BC 1)Meryibre Achthoes I, 2)............., 3)Neferkare, 2184-2183BC (1) 4)Meryibre Achthoes II, 5)Setut, 6)............., Menkare Nitocris Neferkauhor (1) Wadjkare Pepysonbe 7)Mery-........, 8)Shed-........, 9)............., 2183-2181BC (2) 2161-2160BC Inyotef II (-1) 2173-2169BC (4) 10)............., 11)............., 12)User...... -
Back to the Roots: the Rediscovery of Gregory of Tours in French Historiography* Maike Priesterjahn Today Gregory of Tours (538
Zitation: Maike Priesterjahn, Back to the Roots: The Rediscovery of Gregory of Tours in French Historiography, in: Mittelalter. Interdisziplinäre Forschung und Rezeptionsgeschichte, 4. Mai 2016, http://mittelalter.hypotheses.org/8158 Back to the Roots: The Rediscovery of Gregory of Tours in French Historiography* Maike Priesterjahn Today Gregory of Tours (538-594) is considered the father of Frankish history.1 It is not, however, his style and language that have won him this distinction, but rather the fact that his Historiarum libri decem is the first and indeed the only extant primary source for early Merovingian times.2 Yet only in the sixteenth century did historians of France begin to make direct use of Gregory in their work. A large, and perhaps the most decisive, role in Gregory’s rediscovery in French historiography was played by the Italian humanist Paolo Emilio Coimo (1460- 1529).3 *This contribution is the revised version of a paper given at the 2015 Annual Meeting of the Renaissance Society of America. My thanks to Patrick Baker for the English translation. 1 Jean Verdon, Grégoire de Tours, and Claude Fauchet, Antiquitez françoises et gauloises, Paris 1610, fol. 147v. 2 Gregory of Tours, Historiarum Libri Decem / Zehn Bücher Geschichte, auf Grund d. Übers. v. W. Giesebrecht, neu bearbeitet v. Rudolf Buchner, 2 vols., Darmstadt 2000; Bruno Krusch (ed.), Scriptores rerum Merovingicarum 2: Fredegarii et aliorum Chronica. Vitae sanctorum. (Monumenta Germaniae Historica) Hannover 1888, pp. 215–328; G. H. Herz, J. Grimm, R. Lachmann, L. Ranke, R. Ritter (eds.), Die Geschichtsschreiber der deutschen Vorzeit. VI. Jahrhundert. Gregor von Tours. -
The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great
Graeco-Latina Brunensia 24 / 2019 / 2 https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2019-2-2 The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great Stanislav Doležal (University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice) Abstract The article argues that Constantine the Great, until he was recognized by Galerius, the senior ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES Emperor of the Tetrarchy, was an usurper with no right to the imperial power, nothwithstand- ing his claim that his father, the Emperor Constantius I, conferred upon him the imperial title before he died. Tetrarchic principles, envisaged by Diocletian, were specifically put in place to supersede and override blood kinship. Constantine’s accession to power started as a military coup in which a military unit composed of barbarian soldiers seems to have played an impor- tant role. Keywords Constantine the Great; Roman emperor; usurpation; tetrarchy 19 Stanislav Doležal The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great On 25 July 306 at York, the Roman Emperor Constantius I died peacefully in his bed. On the same day, a new Emperor was made – his eldest son Constantine who had been present at his father’s deathbed. What exactly happened on that day? Britain, a remote province (actually several provinces)1 on the edge of the Roman Empire, had a tendency to defect from the central government. It produced several usurpers in the past.2 Was Constantine one of them? What gave him the right to be an Emperor in the first place? It can be argued that the political system that was still valid in 306, today known as the Tetrarchy, made any such seizure of power illegal. -
Jesus Before the Priests (John 18:12-24)
Jesus Before the Priests (John 18:12-24) Scripture Text: 12. So the Roman cohort and the commander and the officers of the Jews, arrested Jesus and bound Him, 13. and led Him to Annas first; for he was father-in-law of Caiaphas, who was high priest that year. 14. Now Caiaphas was the one who had advised the Jews that it was expedient for one man to die on behalf of the people. 15. Simon Peter was following Jesus, and so was another disciple. Now that disciple was known to the high priest, and entered with Jesus into the court of the high priest, 16. but Peter was standing at the door outside. So the other disciple, who was known to the high priest, went out and spoke to the doorkeeper, and brought Peter in. 17. Then the slave-girl who kept the door *said to Peter, “You are not also one of this man’s disciples, are you?” He *said, “I am not.” 18. Now the slaves and the officers were standing there, having made a charcoal fire, for it was cold and they were warming themselves; and Peter was also with them, standing and warming himself. 19. The high priest then questioned Jesus about His disciples, and about His teaching. 20. Jesus answered him, “I have spoken openly to the world; I always taught in synagogues and in the temple, where all the Jews come together; and I spoke nothing in secret. 21. Why do you question Me? Question those who have heard what I spoke to them; they know what I said.” 22. -
Guido M. Berndt the Armament of Lombard Warriors in Italy. Some Historical and Archaeological Approaches
The Armament of Lombard Warriors in Italy 299 Guido M. Berndt The Armament of Lombard Warriors in Italy. Some Historical and Archaeological Approaches Early medieval Europe has often been branded as they have entered upon the sacred soil of Italy, a violent dark age, in which fierce warlords, war- speaks of mere savage delight in bloodshed and riors and warrior-kings played a dominant role in the rudest forms of sensual indulgence; they are the political structuring of societies. Indeed, one the anarchists of the Völkerwanderung, whose de- quite familiar picture is of the early Middle Ages as light is only in destruction, and who seem inca- a period in which armed conflicts and military life pable of culture”.5 This statement was but one in were so much a part of political and cultural devel- a long-lasting debate concerning one particular opment, as well as daily life, that a broad account question that haunted (mainly) Italian historians of the period is to large extent a description of how and antiquarians especially in the nineteenth cen- men went to war.1 Even in phases of peace, the tury – although it had its roots in the fifteenth conduct of warrior-elites set many of the societal century – regarding the role that the Lombards standards. Those who held power in society typi- played in the history of the Italian nation.6 Simply cally carried weapons and had a strong inclination put, the question was whether the Lombards could to settle disputes by violence, creating a martial at- have contributed anything positive to the history mosphere to everyday life in their realms.