DOCSLIB.ORG

Busting Myths About the State and the Libertarian Alternative Second Edition

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Busting Myths About the State and the Libertarian Alternative Second Edition Busting Myths about the State and the Libertarian Alternative Second Edition Zack Rofer Published 2018 by the Mises Institute. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 Interna- tional License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ Mises Institute 518 West Magnolia Ave. Auburn, Ala. 36832 mises.org ISBN: 978-1-61016-696-6 ISBN (ebook): 978-1-61016-697-3 Typeset by Mike Dworski Contents Preface 1 I. The Statist’s View 5 People ............................ 5 Economics .......................... 7 II. Myths about the Nature of the State 11 Myth #1: The State Is Good and Does Good . 11 Myth #2: The State Acts by Consent . 18 Myth #3: The State Acts for the “Common Good” . 24 Myth #4: The State and Its Personnel Deserve Our Support . 27 Myth #5: Democracy Is Good, Better, Best . 35 Myth #6: The State Dispenses Criminal Justice . 46 III. The Free Market 57 What Is the “Free Market”? . 57 Economics 101 ........................ 59 Austrian Economics ..................... 65 Myth #7: The Free Market Creates an Inequality Problem . 67 Myth #8: The Free Market Exploits Workers . 78 IV. Myths Justifying the Need for the State 89 Acquiescence to the State ................... 89 Myth #9: The State Is an Improvement on the Free Market . 94 Myth #10: We Need the State to Provide “Public Goods” . 106 Myth #11: WeNeed the State to Deal with Negative Externalities121 Myth #12: We Need the State to Deal with Anti-Competitive Behavior . 138 Myth #13: The “Hobbesian Fear” . 141 iii iv Busting Myths V. Busting the Myths about Libertarianism 147 What Is Libertarianism? . 147 Myth #14: Libertarians Are Utopian! . 154 Myth #15: It’s Every Man for Himself! . 158 Myth #16: Libertarianism = Chaos! . 161 Myth #17: We’d Be Defenseless! . 168 Myth #18: There Goes the Environment! . 174 Myth #19: Somalia Disproves the Case for Libertarianism! . 179 Myth #20: Libertarians Are Shills for the Powerful! . 181 Myth #21: Libertarians Don’t Care about the Poor! . 183 Myth #22: Libertarians Are Pro-Prostitution and Pro-Narcotics!190 Myth #23: If It’s so Good, Then Why Hasn’t It Ever Been Tried?191 Myth #24: Libertarianism Is a Futile Endeavor! . 196 VI. Why Does It Matter? 209 Minimizing Conflict within Society . 209 Opposing War . 210 Governing by Principle, Not Arbitrarily . 211 VII. Conclusion 215 Afterword: A Personal Perspective 217 Reading Guide 219 Preface In non-technical terms, the libertarian is simply someone who is against the use of force against peaceful people in civil society. You would think that this would be a universally accepted idea but, as will be discussed in greater depth, to believe in government as we know it is to be at odds with this idea. The vast majority of people in the world today live under some form of publicly organized government, which hereinafter I’ll call the “state.”1 Most people believe that we should live under state rule, whether they are classical liberals, communists, conservatives, fascists, liberals, Marxists, neoconservatives, Progressives, Randians, socialists, or any other flavor, all of whom hereinafter I’ll call “statists.” They simply differ in their views on what powers the state should possess. Nevertheless, statists of all flavors often react quite strongly to the sug- gestion by libertarians that a society without a state, operating on a purely free-market, voluntary basis, would be a more just and efficacious soci- ety. I believe that this reaction results from three categories of errors by statists: first, they don’t fully comprehend the nature of the state; second, they don’t fully comprehend the nature of the free market; and third, they subscribe to certain myths about libertarianism and how a stateless society might work. That they make these errors is not surprising, since for the most part their education has been in institutions where no one asks the question “What is the true nature of and justification for the state?”, and 1All references to the “state” in this book include all arms of the state: the legislature, executive, judiciary, bureaucracy, agencies, etc. While they each have different func- tions, substantively they are all funded in the same manner, they all have the same in- herent characteristics, and they are all responsible for appointing one another and/or working together. The differences between these different arms of the state are trivial compared with the differences between how the state acts and how private citizens act, which is one of the key points of this book. 1 2 Busting Myths there is very little discussion about problems with and alternatives to the state. Given these defects in statists’ understanding of this area of political phi- losophy, what I propose to do in this book is expose some common myths about both the state and libertarianism. Hopefully this will facilitate a more critical view of the state and more openness to the ideas of libertari- anism. Before going further, it’s important to note that, in discussing how so- ciety should be organized and how individuals should interact with one another, there is a distinction between using “utilitarian” principles and “moral” principles. Utilitarianism is concerned with discerning what the correct decision should be based on what would “maximize utility” for “society.” To pur- sue this line of thinking, one has to accept that any particular human who is charged with making a specific societal decision is able to (a) appreciate all of the benefits and costs of each alternative course of action toeachof the individuals who compose society, (b) quantify each of these benefits and costs in terms of common units of utility, and then (c) dispassionately choose the course of action that will maximize society’s utility. On the other hand, morality is concerned with discerning what the cor- rect decision should be based on a standard of good behavior.2 A “stan- dard” means something that is universal, i.e., applies to every man. To pursue this line of thinking, one first has to conclude that there should be a universal behavioral rule. On this point, if we recognize that all men are metaphysically equal, in the sense of possessing the same fundamental ca- pacity for consciousness, conceiving, rationalizing, and acting, then there is no objective justification to define different rules of acceptable, inter- personal behavior for different men. Every man should be expected to treat others, and be entitled to be treated by others, according to the same code. In addition, this line of thinking also requires one to be able to de- fine an acceptable behavioral rule that, as a purely technical matter, could apply to everyone without exception, consistently and continuously (I will develop this further later). 2In this book, when I talk about “moral acts” and “morality,” I am referring only to an evaluation of inter-personal behavior, and not to the evaluation of any actions only involving oneself, which might be better described as “virtues” and “vices.” Preface 3 As will become evident in this book, a number of the common argu- ments raised by statists are utilitarian, as opposed to moral. While I believe that the fundamental strength of libertarianism is its underlying moral- ity—because it is based on a technically feasible, universal standard of ac- ceptable behavior—and the fundamental weakness of statism is its under- lying immorality—because it is inconsistent with the notion of a universal standard of acceptable behavior—even on a utilitarian basis I believe that libertarianism has much more to offer than statism. In any event, Iwill address the relevant statist arguments from both the moral and utilitarian perspectives (for the latter, chiefly through the medium of economic analy- sis), even though I believe that the moral argument should suffice.3 Finally, there are some upfront, stylistic points that I should make. First, since in this book I am contrasting those who support the no- tion of a state with those who don’t, I will be using “libertarian” to mean only someone who argues for a completely stateless society (as I do), also known as an “anarcho-capitalist,” “voluntarist,” “libertarian anarchist,” or “Rothbardian.”4 There are many people who would not argue for a state- less society but who nevertheless label themselves, or get labeled by others, as “libertarian.” I am not referring to them in any way; in this book, they would be “statists.” Second, I appreciate that not all statists think alike; while those on the left, in the middle, and on the right are similarly weak on many issues, they are also differently weak on other issues. Accordingly, when I refer to the assumptions, beliefs, and arguments of statists, I always mean “some” statists, even though I will not always bother using the word “some.” One purpose of this book is to lay out the precepts of statist thinking, not the thoughts of every, or any particular, statist. Third, I have avoided citing too many specific sources in an effort to try 3I still believe that there is a role for utilitarian analysis, but not the one that is usually cited. If economists believe that a particular outcome would lead to greater benefits (however defined) than the outcome that would result from individuals acting based on their own preferences, then these economists should publicize their analysis and use it to try to persuade individuals to change their decision-making processes. The real problem with utilitarian analysis is that it is used by statists to justify forcing in- dividuals to make different decisions, instead of merely trying to persuade them. 4The last term refers to Murray Rothbard, who was the libertarian historian, economist, and philosopher who really ignited modern libertarianism in the 20th century.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Ayn Rand? Ayn Rand Ayn
    Who Is Ayn Rand? Ayn Rand Few 20th century intellectuals have been as influential—and controversial— as the novelist and philosopher Ayn Rand. Her thinking still has a profound impact, particularly on those who come to it through her novels, Atlas Shrugged and The Fountainhead—with their core messages of individualism, self-worth, and the right to live without the impositions of others. Although ignored or scorned by some academics, traditionalists, pro- gressives, and public intellectuals, her thought remains a major influence on Ayn Rand many of the world’s leading legislators, policy advisers, economists, entre- preneurs, and investors. INTRODUCTION AN Why does Rand’s work remain so influential? Ayn Rand: An Introduction illuminates Rand’s importance, detailing her understanding of reality and human nature, and explores the ongoing fascination with and debates about her conclusions on knowledge, morality, politics, economics, government, AN INTRODUCTION public issues, aesthetics and literature. The book also places these in the context of her life and times, showing how revolutionary they were, and how they have influenced and continue to impact public policy debates. EAMONN BUTLER is director of the Adam Smith Institute, a leading think tank in the UK. He holds degrees in economics and psychology, a PhD in philosophy, and an honorary DLitt. A former winner of the Freedom Medal of Freedom’s Foundation at Valley Forge and the UK National Free Enterprise Award, Eamonn is currently secretary of the Mont Pelerin Society. Butler is the author of many books, including introductions on the pioneering economists Eamonn Butler Adam Smith, Milton Friedman, F.
    [Show full text]
  • How to Win in the Game of Politics Your Own Lobby Groups, Pursue Higher Forms of Law, and Social Graces Therein
    How to Win in the Game of Politics your own lobby groups, pursue higher forms of law, and social graces therein. I will however give you three ways to help the by JD Stuer Libertarian Party with constant lobbying commitments and simultaneously make participants more successful with both Unfortunately, almost money and position as a result. everything we have experienced as libertarians is a shroud over 1) Meme groups, social media groups, and party position: The our eyes. Politics is a very Libertarians actually form a glue between the Republican and tough subject with a lot of Democratic parties. We have become well-known as the emotional tension surrounding “mortar between the bricks” or “the referees” of the political issues often held dear to people. arena. These are powerful metaphors to use in social situations For this reason, the Republican to bridge the gap between the unreasonable Left and Right. and Democratic parties have Use powerful metaphors to draw power and interest from our adopted a “stick-to-it-iveness” opponent parties and/or people upset with these parties for about platform policies and letting them down, directing them towards Libertarian ideals! have functioned in the past like opposing mafia groups, 2) Find news articles about gridlock: These are easy to find but supporting only those who are arguably harder to respond to for Libertarians. The idea here is on their own side regardless of right or wrong. that gridlock isn’t all about Republicans or Democrats, but rather about Americans. Libertarians as being “the glue”, What I have noticed recently, in the polls and throughout the “mortar”, or “referees” between world, is that Republicans and Democrats, like gangs, have the two old parties holds a certain become increasingly more infatuated with winning.
    [Show full text]
  • Books, Documents, Speeches & Films to Read Or
    Books, Documents, Speeches & Films to Read or See Roger Ream, Fund for American Studies Email: [email protected], Website: www.tfas.org Video: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0FB0EhPM_M4 American documents & speeches: Declaration of Independence The Constitution Federalist Papers The Anti-Federalist Washington’s Farewell Address Jefferson 2nd Inaugural Address Gettysburg Address Give Me Liberty or Give Me Death speech of Patrick Henry Ronald Reagan’s Time for Choosing speech (1964) Barry Goldwater’s Acceptance Speech to the 1964 Republican Convention First Principles The Law, Frederic Bastiat A Conflict of Visions, Thomas Sowell Libertarianism: A Reader, David Boaz Libertarianism: A Primer, David Boaz Liberty & Tyranny, Mark Levin Anarchy, State and Utopia, Robert Nozick The Constitution of Liberty, F.A. Hayek Conscience of a Conservative, Barry Goldwater What It Means to Be a Libertarian, Charles Murray Capitalism and Freedom, Milton Friedman Free Market Economics Economics in One Lesson, Henry Hazlitt Eat the Rich, P.J. O’Rourke Common Sense Economics: What Everyone Should Know about Wealth & Prosperity: James Gwartney, Richard Stroup and Dwight Lee Free to Choose, Milton Friedman Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith Capitalism, Socialism & Democracy, Joseph Schumpeter Basic Economics: A Citizen’s Guide to the Economy, Thomas Sowell Human Action, Ludwig von Mises Principles of Economics, Carl Menger Myths of Rich and Poor, W. Michael Cox and Richard Alm The Economic Way of Thinking, 10th edition, Paul Heyne, Peter J. Boettke, David L. Prychitko Give Me a Break: How I Exposed Hucksters, Cheats and Scam Artists and Became the Scourge of the Liberal Media…, John Stossel Other books of importance: The Road to Serfdom, F.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    Bibliography Archival Insights into the Evolution of Economics (and Related Projects) Berlet, C. (2017). Hayek, Mises, and the Iron Rule of Unintended Consequences. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek a Collaborative Biography Part IX: Te Divine Right of the ‘Free’ Market. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Farrant, A., & McPhail, E. (2017). Hayek, Tatcher, and the Muddle of the Middle. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek: A Collaborative Biography Part IX the Divine Right of the Market. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Filip, B. (2018a). Hayek on Limited Democracy, Dictatorships and the ‘Free’ Market: An Interview in Argentina, 1977. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek a Collaborative Biography Part XIII: ‘Fascism’ and Liberalism in the (Austrian) Classical Tradition. Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan. Filip, B. (2018b). Hayek and Popper on Piecemeal Engineering and Ordo- Liberalism. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek a Collaborative Biography Part XIV: Orwell, Popper, Humboldt and Polanyi. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Friedman, M. F. (2017 [1991]). Say ‘No’ to Intolerance. In R. Leeson & C. Palm (Eds.), Milton Friedman on Freedom. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press. © Te Editor(s) (if applicable) and Te Author(s) 2019 609 R. Leeson, Hayek: A Collaborative Biography, Archival Insights into the Evolution of Economics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78069-6 610 Bibliography Glasner, D. (2018). Hayek, Gold, Defation and Nihilism. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek a Collaborative Biography Part XIII: ‘Fascism’ and Liberalism in the (Austrian) Classical Tradition. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Goldschmidt, N., & Hesse, J.-O. (2013). Eucken, Hayek, and the Road to Serfdom. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek: A Collaborative Biography Part I Infuences, from Mises to Bartley.
    [Show full text]
  • Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
    individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
    John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added).
    [Show full text]
  • Libertarians in Bush's World
    ESSAY ON LIBERTY+ LIBERTARIANS IN BUSH’S WORLD Todd Seavey* Imagine ordinary, non-ideological people hearing about an obscure politi- cal sect called libertarianism, which emphasizes self-ownership, property rights, resistance to tyranny and violence, the reduction of taxation and regulation, control over one’s own investments, and the de-emphasizing of litigation as a primary means of dispute resolution. Since this philosophy has very few adherents in the general population and is very much a minority position among intellectuals, one might expect proponents of the creed to count themselves lucky, given the likely alternatives, if the president of the country in which most of them live increasingly emphasized the themes of freedom and ownership in his major speeches; toppled brutal totalitarian regimes in two countries while hounding democracy-hating theocratic terrorists around the globe; cut taxes (despite howls even from some in the free-market camp that the cuts were too deep); called for simplification of the tax code; appointed relatively industry-friendly officials to major regulatory bodies such as the Environmental Protection Agency and the Food and Drug Administration despite frequent criti- cism by the media; proposed partially privatizing Social Security (America’s largest socialist boondoggle but one long regarded as sacrosanct by political analysts); and pushed tort reform to combat the chilling effect of lawsuits on doctors and manu- facturers. + Essays on Liberty is a continuing series of the Journal of Law & Liberty, dedicated to explorations of freedom and law from perspectives outside the legal academy. * Director of Publications for the American Council on Science and Health (ACSH.org, HealthFactsAnd- Fears.com), which does not necessarily endorse the views expressed here.
    [Show full text]
  • Mises Research Report
    CSSN Research Report 2021:2: The Mises Institute Network and Climate Policy. 9 Findings Policy Briefing July 2021 About the authors October, 2020. CSSN seeks to coordinate, conduct and support peer-reviewed research into the Dieter Plehwe is a Research Fellow at the Center for institutional and cultural dynamics of the political Civil Society Research at the Berlin Social Science conflict over climate change, and assist scholars in Center, Germany. Max Goldenbaum is a Student outreach to policymakers and the public. Assistant of the Center for Civil Society Research at the Berlin Social Science Center, Germany. Archana This report should be cited as: Ramanujam is a Graduate student in Sociology at Brown University, USA .Ruth McKie is a Senior Plehwe, Dieter, Max Goldenbaum, Archana Lecturer in Criminology at De Montfort University, Ramanujam, Ruth McKie, Jose Moreno, Kristoffer UK. Jose Moreno is a Predoctoral Fellow at Pompeu Ekberg, Galen Hall, Lucas Araldi, Jeremy Walker, Fabra University, Spain. Kristoffer Ekberg is a Robert Brulle, Moritz Neujeffski, Nick Graham, and Postdoctoral Historian at Chalmers University, Milan Hrubes. 2021. “The Mises Network and Sweden, Galen Hall is a recent graduate of Brown Climate Policy.” Policy Briefing, The Climate Social University and researcher in the Climate and Science Network. July 2021. Development Lab at Brown University, USA, Lucas https://www.cssn.org/ Araldi is a PhD student in Political Science at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul, Jeremy Walker is a researcher with the Climate Justice Research Centre at the University of Technology Sydney. Robert Brulle, Visiting Professor of Climate Social Science Network Environment and Society and Director of Research, Climate Social Science Network, Brown University.
    [Show full text]
  • (Pdf) Download
    NATIONAL & LOCAL NEWS MEDIA TV, RADIO, PRINT & ONLINE SOURCES Master List - Updated 04/2019 Pain Warriors Unite Washington Post: Website: https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/submit-an-op-ed/?utm_term=.d1efbe184dbb What are the guidelines for letter submissions? Email: [email protected] We prefer letters that are fewer than 200 words and take as their starting point an article or other item appearing in The Post. They may not have been submitted to, posted to or published by any other media. They must include the writer's full name; anonymous letters and letters written under pseudonyms will not be considered. For verification purposes, they must also include the writer's home address, email address and telephone numbers, including a daytime telephone number. Writers should disclose any personal or financial interest in the subject matter of their letters. If sending email, please put the text of the letter in the body and do not send attachments; attachments will not be read. What are the guidelines for op-ed submissions? Submissions should be limited to 800 words. We consider only completed articles and cannot commit to, or provide guidance on, article proposals. Op-eds may not have been submitted to, posted to or published by any other media. They must include the writer's full name — anonymous op-eds or op-eds written under pseudonyms will not be considered. They also must include the writer's home address, email address and telephone numbers. Additionally, we ask that writers disclose any personal or financial interest in the subject at hand. Please use our op-ed submission form L.A.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards Libertarian Welfarism: Protecting Agency in the Night- Watchman State Marius S
    This article was downloaded by: [the Bodleian Libraries of the University of Oxford] On: 06 February 2013, At: 03:21 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Journal of Political Ideologies Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cjpi20 Towards libertarian welfarism: protecting agency in the night- watchman state Marius S. Ostrowski a a Magdalen College, University of Oxford, Oxford, OX1 4AU, UK Version of record first published: 25 Jan 2013. To cite this article: Marius S. Ostrowski (2013): Towards libertarian welfarism: protecting agency in the night-watchman state, Journal of Political Ideologies, 18:1, 107-128 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569317.2013.750182 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae, and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material.
    [Show full text]
  • Department of Economics, City University London
    City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Denis, A. (2010). A century of methodological individualism part 2: Mises and Hayek (10/03). London, UK: Department of Economics, City University London. This is the unspecified version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/1489/ Link to published version: 10/03 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] Department of Economics A Century of Methodological Individualism Part 2: Mises and Hayek Andy Denis1 City University London Department of Economics Discussion Paper Series No. 10/03 1 Department of Economics, City University London, Social Sciences Bldg, Northampton Square, London EC1V 0HB, UK. Email: [email protected]. T: +44 (0)20 7040 0257 A Century of Methodological Individualism Part 2: Mises and Hayek Andy Denis City University London [email protected] Version 1: January 2010 2009 marks the centenary of methodological individualism (MI).
    [Show full text]
  • A Response to the Libertarian Critics of Open-Borders Libertarianism
    LINCOLN MEMORIAL UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW __________________________________ VOLUME 4 FALL 2016 ISSUE 1 ____________________________________ A RESPONSE TO THE LIBERTARIAN CRITICS OF OPEN-BORDERS LIBERTARIANISM Walter E. Block, Ph.D. Harold E. Wirth Eminent Scholar Endowed Chair and Professor of Economics Joseph A. Butt, S.J. College of Business I. INTRODUCTION Libertarians may be unique in many regards, but their views on immigration do not qualify. They are as divided as is the rest of the population on this issue. Some favor open borders, and others oppose such a legal milieu. The present paper may be placed in the former category. It will outline both sides of this debate in sections II and III. Section IV is devoted to some additional arrows in the quiver of the closed border libertarians, and to a refutation of them. We conclude in section V. A RESPONSE TO THE LIBERTARIAN CRITICS OF OPEN-BORDERS LIBERTARIANISM 143 II. ANTI OPEN BORDERS The libertarian opposition to free immigration is straightforward and even elegant.1 It notes, first, a curious bifurcation in international economic relations. In the case of both trade and investment, there must necessarily be two2 parties who agree to the commercial interaction. In the former case, there must be an importer and an exporter; both are necessary. Without the consent of both parties, the transaction cannot take place. A similar situation arises concerning foreign investment. The entrepreneur who wishes to set up shop abroad must obtain the willing acquiescence of the domestic partner for the purchase of land and raw materials. And the same occurs with financial transactions that take place across 1 Peter Brimelow, ALIEN NATION: COMMON SENSE ABOUT AMERICA’S IMMIGRATION DISASTER (1995); Jesús Huerta De Soto, A Libertarian Theory of Free Immigration, 13 J.
    [Show full text]