International Relations of Southeast Asia, Latin America, and the European Union Countries Chienwu Hsueh University of South Carolina

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

International Relations of Southeast Asia, Latin America, and the European Union Countries Chienwu Hsueh University of South Carolina University of South Carolina Scholar Commons Theses and Dissertations 2015 The Liberal Commercial Peace, Regional Considerations: International Relations of Southeast Asia, Latin America, and the European Union Countries Chienwu Hsueh University of South Carolina Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Hsueh, C.(2015). The Liberal Commercial Peace, Regional Considerations: International Relations of Southeast Asia, Latin America, and the European Union Countries. (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from https://scholarcommons.sc.edu/etd/3571 This Open Access Dissertation is brought to you by Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE LIBERAL COMMERCIAL PEACE, REGIONAL CONSIDERATIONS: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF SOUTHEAST ASIA, LATIN AMERICA, AND THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES by Chienwu Hsueh Bachelor of Arts National Chengchi University, Taiwan, 2004 Master of Arts National Chengchi University, Taiwan, 2007 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science College of Arts & Sciences University of South Carolina 2015 Accepted by: Timothy M. Peterson, Major Professor John Fuh-Sheng Hsieh, Committee Member Harvey Starr, Committee Member Gerald McDermott, Committee Member Lacy Ford, Vice Provost and Dean of Graduate Studies © Copyright by Chienwu Hsueh, 2015 All Rights Reserved. ii DEDICATION To my father, Tiencheng Hsueh (薛天成); my mother, Shumei Ku (古淑媚); my uncle, Tunglo Liu (劉銅鑼); my aunt, Hsin Tung (董信); and, my wife, Tingchia Wang (王廷嘉). And, to my senior and good friend, Tsungmu Wu (吳宗穆). iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Thank the chair of my dissertation, Dr. Timothy M. Peterson, who helps me a lot along the whole research process. Tim, you are the best dissertation chair a graduate student could ever found! Thank my dissertation committee members: Dr. John Fuh-Sheng Hsieh, Dr. Harvey Starr, and Dr. Gerald McDermott. What I learned from Dr. Hsieh’s CP classes and Dr. Starr’s IR classes would definitely help me through my future academic career. Thank Dr. Kirk A. Randazzo for teaching me the concept of EITM, Dr. Lee D. Walker for teaching me the concept of quality-quantity methods, and Dr. Tobias Heinrich for teaching me the concept of causal inference. Thank my good classmates and my juniors and seniors in the doctoral program of Department of Political Science: Yue Hu, Jikuo Lu, Intae Yoo, Juri Kim, Soonkun Oh, Anikin Evgeny, Mariam Dekanozishvili, Elena Grynberg-Bekier, Laura Elder, Clay Fuller, Douglas Paige, Rebecca Reid, Gretchen Keneson, TJ Kimel, Jamie Gray, Paige Price, Paul White, Jim Heenehan, Adam Cox, and Judit Trunkos. Thank the great help and care from my dear Taiwanese seniors and friends during these four and half years: Wenchen Wang, Yuehe Cheng, Chintser Huang, Yuehching Ma, Liting Yang, David Chao, Jenny Chao, Michael Chen, Bob Chen, Weitien Li, Chonghan iv Wu, Ifan Chen, Chiayin Wei, Yitzu Lin, Shuwun Zeng, Juiheng Tseng, Shrhan Wu, Kuolun Yen, Yuhsiu Lin, and Chuanfa Tang. Thank Dr. John Fuh-Sheng Hsieh and Juoyen Hsieh, who take a good care of us just like our father and mother in South Carolina. v ABSTRACT Most of the large-N empirical studies on the liberal commercial peace theory demonstrate that, in general, trade has a robust pacifying effect in reducing the probability of dyadical militarized interstate disputes. However, why trade’s pacifying effect varies across time and space remains a puzzle that previous research has not yet solved. The liberal commercial peace literature suggests the following questions are in need of answers: Why does trade promote peace mainly in inter-region dyads but not in intra-region dyads? What are the preconditions that make trade’s pacifying effect work or not work? In this research, I argue that there are two critical preconditions for trade’s pacifying effect to work: first, the benefits of trade must be substantively important, and second, important social actors who have stakes on trade must be able to influence the leaders when they are making foreign policy decisions. These two preconditions can be measured by countries’ degree of democracy and degree of development. Therefore, regionally, the pacifying effect of trade is stronger in regions where the countries are more democratic and more developed, and it gets weaker in regions where the countries are less democratic and less developed; temporally, because countries’ degree of democracy and degree of development vary from time to time, the pacifying effect of trade changes over time accordingly. I then extend this overarching framework to investigate the role of trade in the regional peace of Southeast Asia, Latin America, and the European Union countries, arguing that the variations of the regional peace can be predicted by looking at how trade affects the most important political issues in each of the vi regions. By finding out more nuanced preconditions, this research advances our knowledge toward the liberal commercial peace theory in the contemporary international relations research. vii TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION ....................................................................................................................... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................................ iv ABSTRACT .......................................................................................................................... vi LIST OF TABLES .................................................................................................................. ix LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................. xi CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................1 CHAPTER 2: THE LIBERAL COMMERCIAL PEACE, REGIONAL CONSIDERATIONS .................15 CHAPTER 3: ASEAN AND SOUTHEAST ASIAN PEACE: NATIONAL BUILDING, ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE, AND ASEAN’S SECURITY MANAGEMENT .................................................................73 CHAPTER 4: LATIN AMERICAN PEACE: HEGEMONIC STABILITY DURING THE COLD WAR AND CAPITALIST PEACE AFTER THE COLD WAR .....................................................112 CHAPTER 5: THE EMBEDDED LIBERALISM AND THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES .........................................................147 CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION .................................................................................................186 REFERENCES .....................................................................................................................192 viii LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1 Plan of the dissertation .......................................................................................13 Table 2.1 Summary of all the variables used .....................................................................43 Table 2.2 The number of fatal MIDs between all dyads, 1950~2001 ...................................................................................47 Table 2.3 The number of fatal MIDs occurred between inter-region dyads, 1950~2001 ....................................................................48 Table 2.4 The number of fatal MIDs occurred between inter-region dyads, 1950~2001 ....................................................................49 Table 2.5 Liberal commercial peace, global and regional, 1950~2001 .............................51 Table 2.6 Liberal commercial peace, global and regional, with interaction density,1950~2001 ...........................................................................54 Table 2.7 Three-way interaction of liberal commercial peace, global and regional, 1950~2001 ..................................................................................................................56 Table 3.1 MID onset between JntELP countries before and after JntELP, 1950~2001 ....79 Table 3.2 Monadic MID onset analysis of countries who adopt economic liberalization policy, 1950~2001 .............................................81 Table 3.3 Background of Southeast Asian countries in their early years after independence .....................................................................................................87 Table 3.4 ASEAN and dyadic MID onset in Southeast Asia ............................................97 Table 3.5 ASEAN and dyadic force and fatal MID onset in Southeast Asia ..................101 ix Table 3.6 Robustness checks of dyadic MID onset in Southeast Asia, 1980~2001 ....... 106 Table 4.1 The highest average dependences of Country A on Country B in Latin America from 1950 to 2001 ...................................................................... 121 Table 4.2 Determinants on force MID onset between Latin American countries .......... 141 Table 4.3 Substantive effects of the independent variables ............................................ 144 Table 5.1 The influences of interdependence and social expenditure on the number of international conflicts ................................................................. 167 Table 5.2 GEE negative binomial models of different levels of international conflicts between the European Union countries, 1990~2004 .............................................
Recommended publications
  • Understanding Fragmentation in Conflict and Its Impact on Prospects for Peace
    oslo FORUM papers N°006 - December 2016 Understanding fragmentation in conflict and its impact on prospects for peace Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham www.hd centre.org – www.osloforum.org Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva | Switzerland t : +41 22 908 11 30 f : +41 22 908 11 40 [email protected] www.hdcentre.org Oslo Forum www.osloforum.org The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD) is a private diplo- macy organisation founded on the principles of humanity, impartiality and independence. Its mission is to help pre- vent, mitigate, and resolve armed conflict through dialogue and mediation. © 2016 – Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be author- ised only with written consent and acknowledgment of the source. Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham Associate Professor at the Department of Government and Politics, University of Maryland [email protected] http://www.kathleengallaghercunningham.com Table of contents INTRODUCTION 2 1. WHAT IS FRAGMENTATION? 3 Fragmented actors 3 Multiple actors 3 Identifying fragmentation 4 New trends 4 The causes of fragmentation 5 2. THE CONSEQUENCES OF FRAGMENTATION FOR CONFLICT 7 Violence 7 Accommodation and war termination 7 Side switching 8 3. HOW PEACE PROCESSES AFFECT FRAGMENTATION 9 Coalescing 9 Intentional fragmentation 9 Unintentional fragmentation 9 Mediation 10 4. RESPONSES OF MEDIATORS AND OTHER THIRD-PARTY ACTORS TO FRAGMENTATION 11 Negotiations including all armed groups 11 Sequential negotiations 11 Inclusion of unarmed actors and national dialogue 12 Efforts to coalesce the opposition 13 5. AFTER SETTLEMENT 14 CONCLUSION 15 ENDNOTES 16 2 The Oslo Forum Papers | Understanding fragmentation in conflict Introduction Complicated conflicts with many disparate actors have cators of fragmentation, new trends, and a summation of why become increasingly common in the international system.
    [Show full text]
  • Interstate Peacekeeping: Causal Mechanisms and Empirical Effects
    INTERSTATE PEACEKEEPING: CAUSAL MECHANISMS AND EMPIRICAL EFFECTS Virginia Page Fortna* Department of Political Science & Saltzman Institute of War and Peace Studies Columbia University permanent address 420 W. 118th Street New York NY 10027 w. 212 854-0021 h. 212 662-5395 f. 212 864-1686 AY 2004-2005 address Hoover Institution Stanford University Stanford CA 94305 w. 650 723-0746 c. 503 548-7429 f. 650 723-1687 email: [email protected] Version: September 14, 2004 * The author owes debts of gratitude to more people than can be listed here for help and feedback with the project of which this paper is a part. She thanks in particular, Nisha Fazal, Hein Goemans, Lise Howard, Bob Jervis, Bob Keohane, Lisa Martin, Jack Snyder, Alan Stam, Barb Walter, and Suzanne Werner. This research was made possible by grants from the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford, the Carnegie Corporation of New York, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. INTERSTATE PEACEKEEPING: CAUSAL MECHANISMS AND EMPIRICAL EFFECTS ABSTRACT Peacekeeping is perhaps the international community’s most important tool for maintaining peace in the aftermath of war. Its practice has evolved significantly in the past ten or fifteen years as it has been used increasingly in civil wars. However, traditional peacekeeping between states is not well understood. Its operation is under-theorized and its effects under-tested. This article explores the causal mechanisms through which peacekeepers keep peace, and examines its empirical effects after interstate wars. To take the endogeneity of peacekeeping into account, it also examines where peacekeepers tend to be deployed.
    [Show full text]
  • Preserving the Long Peace in Asia the Institutional Building Blocks of Long-Term Regional Security
    REPORT Preserving the Long Peace in Asia The Institutional Building Blocks of Long-Term Regional Security Independent Commission on Regional Security Architecture Preserving the Long Peace in Asia The Institutional Building Blocks of Long-Term Regional Security SEPTEMBER 2017 A REPORT OF THE ASIA SOCIETY POLICY INSTITUTE INDEPENDENT COMMISSION ON REGIONAL SECURITY ARCHITECTURE With a solution-oriented mandate, the Asia Society Policy Institute tackles major policy challenges confronting the Asia-Pacific in security, prosperity, sustainability, and the development of common norms and values for the region. The Asia Society Policy Institute is a think- and do-tank designed to bring forth policy ideas that incorporate the best thinking from top experts in Asia and to work with policy makers to integrate these ideas and put them into practice. ABOUT THE INDEPENDENT COMMISSION ON REGIONAL SECURITY ARCHITECTURE This report represents a consensus view of the Asia Society Policy Institute’s Independent Commission on Regional Security Architecture. By serving as signatories to the report, Commissioners have signaled their endorsement of the major findings and recommendations in the document. Commissioners were not, however, expected to concur with every statement in the report. Members of the Commission participated in this study in their personal capacity, and their endorsement does not reflect any official position of the organizations with which they are affiliated. Commission members are: CHAIR Kevin Rudd, President of the Asia Society Policy
    [Show full text]
  • War As a Constitutive Moment
    Dodging a Bullet: Democracy’s Gains in Modern War* Paul Starr That war drives state-building is virtually a truism of historical sociology, summed up in the late Charles Tilly’s well-known aphorism that states make war, and war makes states. (Tilly, 1990) But if war and state-building merely reinforce each other, why have liberal democracies flourished and proliferated during the past two centuries when war reached unprecedented dimensions? Why not militaristic autocracies? What role, if any, has war played in the formation and spread of liberal democratic regimes? To raise these questions is not to suggest that war is one of democracy’s primary causes, but rather to ask how democracy and, more particularly, liberal democracy dodged a bullet--a bullet that, according to many ancient and plausible theories, might well been fatal. The belief that democracy is a liability in war has been a staple of political thought, beginning with Thucydides. If liberalism and democracy had been sources of severe military disadvantage during the past two centuries, liberal democratic regimes should have perished in wars as they were conquered and eliminated by other states, or when their own populations rose up to overthrow them in the wake of defeat, or because they were forced to abandon their institutions in order to survive. That this was not their fate suggests a range of possibilities. At a minimum, their institutions have not been a disabling handicap in war, and no consistent relationship may exist between war and democracy. Alternatively, war may have contributed to the spread of democratic regimes if democracy itself or features correlated with democracy have increased the chances of a regime’s survival in war, or if war has promoted changes favorable to democratic institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Colloquy Issue 1
    peace colloquy The Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies University of Notre Dame Issue No. 1, Spring 2002 Peacekeeping: Defining Success A NTHONY L AKE The Fundamentalist Factor S COTT A PPLEBY Economic Causes of Civil Wars P AUL C OLLIER peace colloquy 2 From the Editor s anyone who has visited the Kroc Institute can attest, the place is abuzz with discussions of peace. This dialogue emerges in part from the diverse array of people who cross paths at the Kroc Institute. At the heart of the conversation are scholars in a variety of fields, both at Notre Dame and other institutions. Through analyses of cultural, political, religious, and ethical Adimensions of current international conflicts, they provoke new insights into the meaning and prospects for peace. Peacebuilding practitioners working on the ground around the world, including many of our students and alumni, bring another set of questions to the discussion. These voices challenge us to think concretely about how peace can be fostered through conflict resolution, human rights, human development, refugee assistance, and other peacebuilding programs. The Institute also has contacts with international policymakers at the UN, State Department, World Bank, and other institutions, who direct our attention to the need for more equitable and effective global strategies for peace. By bringing together these and many other voices, the Kroc Institute has become the focal point for an engag- ing colloquy — or “serious discussion” — on peace. As its name suggests, each issue of peace colloquy seeks to highlight important contributions to this ongoing dialogue through feature articles by faculty, visiting lecturers, and alumni.
    [Show full text]
  • Globalization and the Diffusion of Military Capabilities
    GLOBALIZATION AND THE DIFFUSION OF MILITARY CAPABILITIES by Eddie Stokes A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Boise State University December 2019 © 2019 Eddie Stokes ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BOISE STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE COLLEGE DEFENSE COMMITTEE AND FINAL READING APPROVALS of the thesis submitted by Eddie Stokes Thesis Title: Globalization and the Diffusion of Military Capabilities Date of Final Oral Examination: 07 October 2019 The following individuals read and discussed the thesis submitted by student Eddie Stokes, and they evaluated their presentation and response to questions during the final oral examination. They found that the student passed the final oral examination. Michael A. Allen, Ph.D. Chair, Supervisory Committee Ross Burkhart, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee Stephen Utych, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee The final reading approval of the thesis was granted by Michael A. Allen, Ph.D., Chair of the Supervisory Committee. The thesis was approved by the Graduate College. DEDICATION To my parents Ed and Tracey Stokes, none of this would have been possible if not for your endless emotional, intellectual, and financial support. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I would like to thank my parents, Ed and Tracey Stokes, for their immense support over the course of this long process. I would next like to thank Dr. Michael A. Allen for his patience in helping me navigate the intricacies associated with writing this thesis. My sincere thanks also go to Dr. Stephen Utych and Dr. Ross Burkhart, who were so kind as to always find time in their busy schedules to meet with me and help me work through rigorous theoretical and analytical problems.
    [Show full text]
  • Wars Since 1945: an Introduction
    Wars since 1945: An Introduction Beatrice Heuser1 While most Europeans lived through an exceptionally peaceful period of histo- ry, termed ‘The Long Peace’ by John Lewis Gaddis,2 the populations of other continents were decidedly less fortunate. What was a ‘Cold War’ for the Euro- peans was anything but ‘cold’ for the Koreans, Vietnamese, Cambodians and Laotians, for most Arab peoples, the Afghans, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, and Indians, the populations of the Congo, Kenya, Nigeria, Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea, and of most of Latin America. How, then, can one be so sanguine as to characterise this period as that of a ‘Cold War’ or a ‘long peace’? The reason is that the long-expected Third World War has not (yet?) taken place. It was the prospect of such a Third World War, a ‘total’ and in all probability nuclear war, that attracted the attention of con- cerned minds in Europe and North America, the cultures that over centuries produced most publications on the subjects of war, strategy, military affairs and international relations. 1. An overview Admittedly, Americans, Britons, Frenchmen, Belgians, Portuguese and the Dutch were soon reminded of the existence of a world outside the Europe- centric East-West conflict. Almost immediately after the end of the Second World War, Britain and France became involved in decolonisation wars in Asia and Africa, and America woke up to the enduring reality of lesser wars with Korea. American strategists like Robert Osgood turned to Clausewitzian con- cepts to define these: they called them ‘limited wars’, since no nuclear weapons were used, and because they did not escalate to global war.3 While many of them recognised the continuing occurrence of such non-nuclear, non-global wars, Americans (and indeed Britons and Frenchmen) tended to see them as part of the larger framework of the Cold War.
    [Show full text]
  • Charles S. Maier Harvard University an American Empire?
    Charles S. Maier Harvard University (AmericanEmpireRev.doc; rev.3/07, 4/08,4/17,4/29,10/22) An American Empire? Implications for Democracy, Order and Disorder in World Politics* 1. Dialectics of Empire Is it now America’s turn at that international preeminence we call empire? If empires can be “evil,” can they also be benevolent? Can they be run on democratic principles? What relationship to global violence or “disorder” does the state structure known as “empire” have? Can states that strive for peace generate conflict and hatred? Recall the most famous literary apologia for empire: Virgil’s prophecy of the Pax Romana: Roman, remember by your strength to rule Earth’s peoples – for your arts are to be there To pacify, to impose the rule of law, To spare the conquered, battle down the proud.1 But contrast J. M. Coetzee’s melancholy allegory of a minor official confronting the encroaching tribes at a remote imperial outpost: Empire has created the time of history. Empire has located its existence not in the smooth recurrent spinning time of the cycle of the seasons but in the jagged time of rise and fall, of beginning, and end, of catastrophe. Empire dooms itself to live in history and plot against history. One thought alone preoccupies the submerged mind of Empire: how not to die, how to prolong its era. By day it pursues its enemies. It is cunning and ruthless, it send its bloodhounds everywhere. By night it feeds on images of disaster: the sack of cities, the rape of populations, pyramids of bones, acres of desolation.
    [Show full text]
  • El Salvador1 El Salvador Is a Small Central American Country
    Background- El Salvador1 El Salvador is a small Central American country (population about 6.3 million in 2016) that was devastated by a 1979 to 1992 civil war that featured repeated, large-scale massacres of civilians. Since the 1500s, El Salvador has been dominated by a small plantation-owning elite and has had repeated conflicts with its neighbors. The Spanish arrived in 1524 and started cocoa and later indigo plantations farmed by members of various small Indian tribes related to the Maya and Aztec. Although Salvadoran planters were wealthy and politically powerful within El Salvador, they felt frustrated by the regional dominance of Guatemalan merchants and clergy and repeatedly fought with Guatemala. In 1821, El Salvador joined the rest of Central America in declaring independence from Spain but, by 1841, attempts to form a united Central America had failed and Central America broke down into separate independent states. Within El Salvador, tensions between the planters and the working class were exacerbated in the late 1800s by the development of artificial dyes and the resulting crash in the indigo market. Although planters successfully switched to coffee, the switch entailed taking most of the indigenous tribes’ remaining land and violently putting down the resulting rebellions. During the Great Depression of the 1930s, tensions between the Salvadoran working class and elites boiled over into a communist revolt, setting the stage for a series of military dictatorships. In 1929, the Wall Street collapse caused coffee prices to crash, intensifying Salvadoran’s existing dissatisfaction with the unequal distribution of wealth. In response, the military lead a coup in 1931 and the Salvadoran Communist Party led a revolt in 1932.
    [Show full text]
  • Peacekeeping and the Peacekept Questions, Definitions, and Research Design
    One PEACEKEEPING AND THE PEACEKEPT QUESTIONS, DEFINITIONS, AND RESEARCH DESIGN The Questions IN COUNTRIES WRACKED BY CIVIL WAR, the international com­ munity is frequently called upon to deploy monitors and troops to try to keep the peace. The United Nations, regional organizations, and some­ times ad hoc groups of states have sent peacekeepers to high-profile trou­ ble-spots such as Rwanda and Bosnia and to lesser-known conflicts in places like the Central African Republic, Namibia, and Papua New Guinea. How effective are these international interventions? Does peacekeeping work? Does it actually keep the peace in the aftermath of civil war? And if so, how? How do peacekeepers change things on the ground, from the perspective of the “peacekept,” such that war is less likely to resume? These are the questions that motivate this book. As a tool for maintaining peace, international peacekeeping was only rarely used in internal conflicts during the Cold War, but the number, size, and scope of missions deployed in the aftermath of civil wars has exploded since 1989. Early optimism about the potential of the UN and regional organizations to help settle internal conflicts after the fall of the Berlin Wall was soon tempered by the initial failure of the mission in Bosnia and the scapegoating of the UN mission in Somalia.1 The United States in particular became disillusioned with peacekeeping, objecting to anything more than a minimal international response in war-torn countries (most notoriously in Rwanda). Even in Afghanistan and Iraq, where vital interests are now at stake, the United States has been reluctant to countenance wide­ spread multilateral peacekeeping missions.
    [Show full text]
  • Football and the Military in Contemporary Britain: an Exploration of Invisible Nationalism
    Football and the Military in Contemporary Britain: An Exploration of Invisible Nationalism Penn, R., & Berridge, D. (2018). Football and the Military in Contemporary Britain: An Exploration of Invisible Nationalism. Armed Forces and Society, 44(1), 116-138. https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X16682784 Published in: Armed Forces and Society Document Version: Peer reviewed version Queen's University Belfast - Research Portal: Link to publication record in Queen's University Belfast Research Portal Publisher rights © 2017 The Author. This work is made available online in accordance with the publisher’s policies. Please refer to any applicable terms of use of the publisher. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Queen's University Belfast Research Portal is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The Research Portal is Queen's institutional repository that provides access to Queen's research output. Every effort has been made to ensure that content in the Research Portal does not infringe any person's rights, or applicable UK laws. If you discover content in the Research Portal that you believe breaches copyright or violates any law, please contact [email protected]. Download date:05. Oct. 2021 Football and the Military in Contemporary Britain: An Exploration of Invisible Nationalism Roger Penn, Queens University Belfast Acknowledgements All the pictures used in the text were taken by the authors apart from Photographs F, G and H which were provided courtesy of Bolton Wanderers FC by Phil Mason, the Club’s Chaplain and Photograph I which was supplied courtesy of Carlisle United FC by their Head of Media, Andy Hall.
    [Show full text]
  • Profound Forces: the Pandemic As Catalyst
    the new normal in Asia A series exploring ways in which the Covid-19 pandemic might shape or reorder the world across multiple dimensions Profound Forces: The Pandemic as Catalyst Kenneth B. Pyle May 21, 2020 The eminent British historian A.J.P. Taylor often referred to the way in which “profound forces” influence the course of human history. By this, he meant that history in certain times has been changed by forces seemingly beyond the ability of humans to control. He wrote about the political and social trends that roiled Europe and led to both world wars. The profound forces seem “so overwhelming as to carry all that is before them.” If ever that was true, it is so today. We are in the thrall of driving forces. The Covid-19 pandemic is the most recent. In my view, it has acted as a kind of catalyst speeding up and intensifying the other motive forces that predated it. By distracting and further dividing nations, the pandemic has made cooperation more difficult. The cumulative effect is to create an epochal time of crisis and looming danger. The pandemic itself has a solution. A vaccine may cure it, although not the human and economic consequences. The other forces do not yet have a solution. They require collective action. Their locus is primarily in Asia, now the center of gravity in world power. Kenneth B. Pyle is the Henry M. Jackson Professor Emeritus at the University of Washington and founding president of the National Bureau of Asian Research. 1 The New Normal in Asia Together these profound forces make existential Third, there is the nuclear revolution.
    [Show full text]