BOOK REVIEW ROUNDTABLE: the Revolution That Failed

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

BOOK REVIEW ROUNDTABLE: the Revolution That Failed BOOK REVIEW ROUNDTABLE: The Revolution that Failed June 14, 2021 Table of Contents 1. “Introduction: The Gap Between Theory and Practice,” Thomas G. Mahnken 2. “Who and What Made the Revolution that Failed?” Jayita Sarkar 3. “Nuclear Revelations About the Nuclear Revolution,” Scott D. Sagan 4. “Revolutionary Thinking: Questioning the Conventional Wisdom on Nuclear Deterrence,” Jasen J. Castillo 5. “Author Response: The Meaning of the Nuclear Counterrevolution,” Brendan Rittenhouse Green 2 Texas National Security Review 1. Introduction: The Gap Between Theory and Practice Thomas G. Mahnken Brendan Rittenhouse Green’s The Revolution that Failed: Nuclear Competition, Arms Control, and the Cold War makes an important contribution to our understanding of the history of the nuclear competition that took place between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War.1 The book calls into question the extent to which Cold War-era theories, many of which argued that the existence of a mutually assured destruction (MAD) would stabilize the Soviet- American nuclear relationship, actually influenced American policymakers in practice. Indeed, Green documents in rich detail the disconnect between the theory of MAD and the way that U.S. policymakers actually behaved between 1969 and 1979. As Green shows, American policymakers did not share theorists’ belief that the advent of nuclear weapons had transformed international relations. Nor were they convinced that the United States and Soviet Union had, by the 1970s, reached a condition of nuclear stalemate, a claim that lay at the heart of the notion of MAD. It turns out that it was far from obvious to policymakers confronted with the task of deterring the Soviet Union that nuclear deterrence was robust.2 To the contrary, most U.S. decision-makers, as well as influential scholars like Albert Wohlstetter, believed that the balance of terror was “delicate.”3 They worried a great deal about the survivability of U.S. nuclear forces, as well as the robustness and reliability of nuclear command, control, and communication systems, and they were less than sanguine about Soviet intentions and capabilities. With that in mind, they did not believe that nuclear stalemate was a given, and they took seriously Soviet views that a nuclear war could be fought and won. 1 Brendan Rittenhouse Green, The Revolution that Failed: Nuclear Competition, Arms Control, and the Cold War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2020). 2 Green, The Revolution that Failed, 29. 3 Albert Wohlstetter, “The Delicate Balance of Terror,” Foreign Affairs 37, no. 2 (January 1959): 211–34, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/1959-01-01/delicate-balance-terror. Book Review Roundtable: The Revolution that Failed https://tnsr.org/roundtable/book-review-roundtable-the-revolution-that-failed/ 3 Texas National Security Review As a result — contrary to the predictions and prescriptions of nuclear theorists, who held that the advent of nuclear weapons had transformed international politics — the United States found itself competing fiercely with the Soviet Union in the nuclear realm, as in many others. American policymakers clearly believed that nuclear weapons retained political and strategic utility, whether or not nuclear theory predicted or prescribed that they should. As a consequence, the significant qualitative and quantitative changes to the American and Soviet nuclear arsenals that occurred during the 1970s should be seen as a reflection of that competition, rather than as a deviation from the theory of MAD. The other reviewers in this roundtable — Jasen Castillo, Scott Sagan, and Jayita Sarkar — all find considerable merit in Green’s arguments. Each, in their own way, characterizes The Revolution that Failed as an important contribution to our understanding of the Cold War competition between the United States and the Soviet Union. The fact that Green’s research caused Castillo to reevaluate his own beliefs about nuclear weapons and strategic stability theory speaks to the power of his arguments. All three reviewers also focus on the relationship between ideas and practice in U.S. Cold War nuclear strategy. Castillo specifically points to the career of Paul Nitze as an example of top policymakers’ skepticism of the theory of MAD. Sagan notes that some counterforce, or “nuclear war-fighting,” capabilities might indirectly enhance operational forms of nuclear stability, even in the absence of a conscious effort to achieve such a condition. Sarkar calls for giving greater attention to the role that “defense intellectuals” played in creating and disseminating theories about the effects of nuclear weapons. In this respect, Green’s book, and the responses to it, all focus on a defining feature of the field of strategic studies: Because war is the ultimate test of military effectiveness, and because wars are both occasional and unique, theory must play a central role in the study of military affairs.4 4 Thomas G. Mahnken, “Introduction,” in Learning the Lessons of Modern War, ed. Thomas G. Mahnken (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2020), 1. Book Review Roundtable: The Revolution that Failed https://tnsr.org/roundtable/book-review-roundtable-the-revolution-that-failed/ 4 Texas National Security Review Finally, the reviewers suggest ways to broaden and expand the framework presented in The Revolution that Failed. Castillo sees value in testing Green’s argument against events that took place during both the early and late Cold War periods. Sagan argues that greater weight should be given to organizational and bureaucratic forces. And Sarkar calls for greater consideration of the role of the defense industry in shaping the U.S. nuclear arsenal during the Cold War. Nuclear Competition in the 21st Century The nuclear landscape of the early 21st century is much different from the one that Soviet and American soldiers and statesmen faced during the Cold War.5 Whereas the nuclear balance throughout the Cold War was centered on the United States and the Soviet Union, today nuclear competition is increasingly multipolar. The total inventory of nuclear warheads has been decreasing for decades, but the number of nuclear powers is increasing. Some states, such as the United States and Great Britain, appear to see decreasing political utility in nuclear weapons, whereas others, notably Russia, Pakistan, and North Korea, appear to believe that the reverse is true. And whereas the nuclear arsenals of the United States and Russia have been constrained and shaped by bilateral nuclear arms control agreements, those of other nuclear powers, such as China, have not. Moreover, much of the Cold War arms control regime has gone away, raising questions as to what, if anything, should replace it. In the future, as in the past, the advent of new technologies, such as hypersonic delivery vehicles, will reshape nuclear arsenals and potentially nuclear employment. Perhaps most significantly, given the growing number of players and increasing dimensions of competition, future patterns of interaction among nuclear powers are likely to be even more complex than those Green describes in The Revolution that Failed. 5 Jacob Cohn, Adam Lemon, and Evan Braden Montgomery, Assessing the Arsenals: Past, Present, and Future Capabilities (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2019); and Thomas G. Mahnken, et al., Understanding Strategic Interaction in the Second Nuclear Age (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, 2019). Book Review Roundtable: The Revolution that Failed https://tnsr.org/roundtable/book-review-roundtable-the-revolution-that-failed/ 5 Texas National Security Review Given current circumstances, scholars and policymakers may be tempted to apply — consciously or unconsciously — concepts developed and used freely during the Cold War, such as “arms racing,” without fully understanding how they actually applied to the U.S.-Soviet strategic competition, let alone the extent to which they may apply under much different contemporary circumstances.6 The more we understand about the historical record of the Cold War, the more practice appears to diverge from theory. Green’s The Revolution that Failed thus contains an important note of caution that the gap between theory and practice may in fact be a yawning one. It is a book that should be read, discussed, and debated. Thomas G. Mahnken is a senior research professor at The Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) and president and chief executive officer of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments (CSBA). 2. Who and What Made the Revolution that Failed? Jayita Sarkar In The Revolution that Failed, Brendan Rittenhouse Green makes a persuasive case that the theory of the nuclear revolution, which rests on the core premise of “mutually 6 Thomas G. Mahnken, Joseph A. Maiolo, and David Stevenson, eds., Arms Races in International Politics from the Nineteenth to the Twenty-First Century (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016); Thomas G. Mahnken, “Arms Races and Long-Term Competition,” in Strategy in Asia: The Past, Present, and Future of Regional Security ed. Thomas G. Mahnken and Dan Blumenthal (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014), 225–40. Book Review Roundtable: The Revolution that Failed https://tnsr.org/roundtable/book-review-roundtable-the-revolution-that-failed/ 6 Texas National Security Review assured destruction,” or MAD, merits a substantial update.7 MAD, Green writes, “drains all competition out of the
Recommended publications
  • Albert Wohlstetter's Legacy: the Neo-Cons, Not Carter, Killed
    SPECIAL REPORT: NUCLEAR SABOTAGE ALBERT WOHLSTETTER’S LEGACY Wohlstetter was even stranger than the “Dr. Strangelove” depicted in the 1964 movie of that name. An early draft of the film was titled “The Delicate Balance of Terror,” the same title as Wohlstetter’s best-known unclassified work. Here, a still from the film. tives—Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle, and Zalmay Khalilzad, to name a few. In Wohlstetter’s circle of influence were also Ahmed Chalabi (whom Wohlstetter championed), Sen. Henry “Scoop” Jackson (D-Wash.), Sen. Robert Dole (R- Kan.), and Margaret Thatcher. Wohlstetter himself was a follower of Bertrand Russell, not only in mathematics, but in world outlook. The pseudo-peacenik Russell had called for a preemptive strike against the Soviet Union, after World War II and before the Soviets developed the bomb, as a prelude to his plan for bully- ing nations into a one-world government. Russell, a raving Malthusian, opposed economic development, especially in the Third World. Admirer Jude Wanniski wrote of Wohlstetter in an obituary, “[I]t is no exaggeration, I think, to say that Wohlstetter was the most influential unknown man in the world for the past half century, and easily in the top ten in importance of all men.” “Albert’s decisions were not automat- ically made official policy at the White House,” Wanniski wrote, “but Albert’s The Neo-Cons, Not Carter, genius and his following were such in the places where it counted in the Establishment that if his views were Killed Nuclear Energy resisted for more than a few months, it
    [Show full text]
  • Discriminate Deterrence
    DISCRIMINATE DETERRENCE Report of The Commission On Integrated Long-Term Strategy Co -C. I lairmea: Fred C. lkle and Albert Wohlstetter Moither, Anne L. Annsinmg Andrew l. Goodraster flenry /1 Kissinger Zbign ei Brzezinski fames L. Holloway, Ur Joshua Lederberg William P. Clark Samuel P. Huntington Bernard A. Schriever tV. Graham Ciaytor, John W. Vessey January 1988 COMMISSION ON INTEGRATED LONG-TERM STRATEGY January 11. 1988 MEMORANDUM FOR: THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE THE ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS We are pleased to present this final report of Our Commission. Pursuant to your initial mandate, the report proposes adjustments to US. military strategy in view of a changing security environment in the decades ahead. Over the last fifteen months the Commission has received valuable counsel from members of Congress, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Service Chiefs. and the Presdent's Science Advisor, Members of the National Security Council Staff, numerous professionals in the Department of Defense and the Central Intelligence Agency, and a broad range of specialists outside the government provided unstinting support. We are also indebted to the Commission's hardworking staff. The Commission was supported generously by several specialized study groups that closely analyzed a number of issues, among them: the security environment for the next twenty years, the role of advanced technology in military systems, interactions between offensive and defensive systems on the periphery of the Soviet Union, and the U.S, posture in regional conflicts around the world. Within the next few months, these study groups will publish detailed findings of their own.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding Fragmentation in Conflict and Its Impact on Prospects for Peace
    oslo FORUM papers N°006 - December 2016 Understanding fragmentation in conflict and its impact on prospects for peace Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham www.hd centre.org – www.osloforum.org Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue 114, Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva | Switzerland t : +41 22 908 11 30 f : +41 22 908 11 40 [email protected] www.hdcentre.org Oslo Forum www.osloforum.org The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue (HD) is a private diplo- macy organisation founded on the principles of humanity, impartiality and independence. Its mission is to help pre- vent, mitigate, and resolve armed conflict through dialogue and mediation. © 2016 – Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue Reproduction of all or part of this publication may be author- ised only with written consent and acknowledgment of the source. Kathleen Gallagher Cunningham Associate Professor at the Department of Government and Politics, University of Maryland [email protected] http://www.kathleengallaghercunningham.com Table of contents INTRODUCTION 2 1. WHAT IS FRAGMENTATION? 3 Fragmented actors 3 Multiple actors 3 Identifying fragmentation 4 New trends 4 The causes of fragmentation 5 2. THE CONSEQUENCES OF FRAGMENTATION FOR CONFLICT 7 Violence 7 Accommodation and war termination 7 Side switching 8 3. HOW PEACE PROCESSES AFFECT FRAGMENTATION 9 Coalescing 9 Intentional fragmentation 9 Unintentional fragmentation 9 Mediation 10 4. RESPONSES OF MEDIATORS AND OTHER THIRD-PARTY ACTORS TO FRAGMENTATION 11 Negotiations including all armed groups 11 Sequential negotiations 11 Inclusion of unarmed actors and national dialogue 12 Efforts to coalesce the opposition 13 5. AFTER SETTLEMENT 14 CONCLUSION 15 ENDNOTES 16 2 The Oslo Forum Papers | Understanding fragmentation in conflict Introduction Complicated conflicts with many disparate actors have cators of fragmentation, new trends, and a summation of why become increasingly common in the international system.
    [Show full text]
  • The Changing Definition of Security by James Sperling and Emil Kirchner
    The Changing Definition of Security by James Sperling and Emil Kirchner Paper delievered at the ECSA Conference Charleston, South Carolina, 11-14 May 1995 The Changing Definition of Security A reconfiguration of Europe's strategic landscape and a redefinition of security have taken place in Europe. The security concerns of individual states and the NATO alliance have expanded and now embrace not only the preoccupation with territorial integrity and military security, but also include issues ranging from macroeconomic stability to environmental degradation. This broadened redefinition of security raises an important question: what connections are there between the military and these broader nonmilitary elements of security? For the greater part of the cold war era, security was conceived primarily, if not exclusively, in terms of military security, in terms of sustaining the nuclear balance of terror between the superpowers and the conventional balance of power on the Eurasian landmass. Despite the heavy emphasis upon the military element of national security, attention was paid to the economic underpinnings of military prowess. Nonetheless, economic issues were subordinated and treated as an adjunct to the more important and pressing issue of military security. Economic security was not a relevant analytical category until the late 1960s. Economic issues grew more salient in the late 1960s and were increasingly treated as important political and broader architectural elements of both national security and the larger security order. A few studies of the western alliance in the late 1960s and early 1970s emphasized the importance of economic relations between the members of the Atlantic alliance; they focused on the importance of those economic relationships as critical struts undergirding the Atlantic Alliance and the security of its member-states.1 The growing remoteness of a military threat to European security combined with an increased frequency of economic conflict within the Atlantic area during the 1970s and 1980s.
    [Show full text]
  • Preserving the Long Peace in Asia the Institutional Building Blocks of Long-Term Regional Security
    REPORT Preserving the Long Peace in Asia The Institutional Building Blocks of Long-Term Regional Security Independent Commission on Regional Security Architecture Preserving the Long Peace in Asia The Institutional Building Blocks of Long-Term Regional Security SEPTEMBER 2017 A REPORT OF THE ASIA SOCIETY POLICY INSTITUTE INDEPENDENT COMMISSION ON REGIONAL SECURITY ARCHITECTURE With a solution-oriented mandate, the Asia Society Policy Institute tackles major policy challenges confronting the Asia-Pacific in security, prosperity, sustainability, and the development of common norms and values for the region. The Asia Society Policy Institute is a think- and do-tank designed to bring forth policy ideas that incorporate the best thinking from top experts in Asia and to work with policy makers to integrate these ideas and put them into practice. ABOUT THE INDEPENDENT COMMISSION ON REGIONAL SECURITY ARCHITECTURE This report represents a consensus view of the Asia Society Policy Institute’s Independent Commission on Regional Security Architecture. By serving as signatories to the report, Commissioners have signaled their endorsement of the major findings and recommendations in the document. Commissioners were not, however, expected to concur with every statement in the report. Members of the Commission participated in this study in their personal capacity, and their endorsement does not reflect any official position of the organizations with which they are affiliated. Commission members are: CHAIR Kevin Rudd, President of the Asia Society Policy
    [Show full text]
  • Star Trek" Mary Jo Deegan University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected]
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UNL | Libraries University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Sociology Department, Faculty Publications Sociology, Department of 1986 Sexism in Space: The rF eudian Formula in "Star Trek" Mary Jo Deegan University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/sociologyfacpub Part of the Family, Life Course, and Society Commons, and the Social Psychology and Interaction Commons Deegan, Mary Jo, "Sexism in Space: The rF eudian Formula in "Star Trek"" (1986). Sociology Department, Faculty Publications. 368. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/sociologyfacpub/368 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Sociology, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Department, Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. THIS FILE CONTAINS THE FOLLOWING MATERIALS: Deegan, Mary Jo. 1986. “Sexism in Space: The Freudian Formula in ‘Star Trek.’” Pp. 209-224 in Eros in the Mind’s Eye: Sexuality and the Fantastic in Art and Film, edited by Donald Palumbo. (Contributions to the Study of Science Fiction and Fantasy, No. 21). New York: Greenwood Press. 17 Sexism in Space: The Freudian Formula in IIStar Trek" MARY JO DEEGAN Space, the final frontier. These are the voyages of the starship Enterprise, its five year mission to explore strange new worlds, to seek out new life and new civilizations, to boldly go where no man has gone before. These words, spoken at the beginning of each televised "Star Trek" episode, set the stage for the fan­ tastic future.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright by Paul Harold Rubinson 2008
    Copyright by Paul Harold Rubinson 2008 The Dissertation Committee for Paul Harold Rubinson certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Containing Science: The U.S. National Security State and Scientists’ Challenge to Nuclear Weapons during the Cold War Committee: —————————————————— Mark A. Lawrence, Supervisor —————————————————— Francis J. Gavin —————————————————— Bruce J. Hunt —————————————————— David M. Oshinsky —————————————————— Michael B. Stoff Containing Science: The U.S. National Security State and Scientists’ Challenge to Nuclear Weapons during the Cold War by Paul Harold Rubinson, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August 2008 Acknowledgements Thanks first and foremost to Mark Lawrence for his guidance, support, and enthusiasm throughout this project. It would be impossible to overstate how essential his insight and mentoring have been to this dissertation and my career in general. Just as important has been his camaraderie, which made the researching and writing of this dissertation infinitely more rewarding. Thanks as well to Bruce Hunt for his support. Especially helpful was his incisive feedback, which both encouraged me to think through my ideas more thoroughly, and reined me in when my writing overshot my argument. I offer my sincerest gratitude to the Smith Richardson Foundation and Yale University International Security Studies for the Predoctoral Fellowship that allowed me to do the bulk of the writing of this dissertation. Thanks also to the Brady-Johnson Program in Grand Strategy at Yale University, and John Gaddis and the incomparable Ann Carter-Drier at ISS.
    [Show full text]
  • Colloquy Issue 1
    peace colloquy The Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies University of Notre Dame Issue No. 1, Spring 2002 Peacekeeping: Defining Success A NTHONY L AKE The Fundamentalist Factor S COTT A PPLEBY Economic Causes of Civil Wars P AUL C OLLIER peace colloquy 2 From the Editor s anyone who has visited the Kroc Institute can attest, the place is abuzz with discussions of peace. This dialogue emerges in part from the diverse array of people who cross paths at the Kroc Institute. At the heart of the conversation are scholars in a variety of fields, both at Notre Dame and other institutions. Through analyses of cultural, political, religious, and ethical Adimensions of current international conflicts, they provoke new insights into the meaning and prospects for peace. Peacebuilding practitioners working on the ground around the world, including many of our students and alumni, bring another set of questions to the discussion. These voices challenge us to think concretely about how peace can be fostered through conflict resolution, human rights, human development, refugee assistance, and other peacebuilding programs. The Institute also has contacts with international policymakers at the UN, State Department, World Bank, and other institutions, who direct our attention to the need for more equitable and effective global strategies for peace. By bringing together these and many other voices, the Kroc Institute has become the focal point for an engag- ing colloquy — or “serious discussion” — on peace. As its name suggests, each issue of peace colloquy seeks to highlight important contributions to this ongoing dialogue through feature articles by faculty, visiting lecturers, and alumni.
    [Show full text]
  • Globalization and the Diffusion of Military Capabilities
    GLOBALIZATION AND THE DIFFUSION OF MILITARY CAPABILITIES by Eddie Stokes A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Boise State University December 2019 © 2019 Eddie Stokes ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BOISE STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE COLLEGE DEFENSE COMMITTEE AND FINAL READING APPROVALS of the thesis submitted by Eddie Stokes Thesis Title: Globalization and the Diffusion of Military Capabilities Date of Final Oral Examination: 07 October 2019 The following individuals read and discussed the thesis submitted by student Eddie Stokes, and they evaluated their presentation and response to questions during the final oral examination. They found that the student passed the final oral examination. Michael A. Allen, Ph.D. Chair, Supervisory Committee Ross Burkhart, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee Stephen Utych, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee The final reading approval of the thesis was granted by Michael A. Allen, Ph.D., Chair of the Supervisory Committee. The thesis was approved by the Graduate College. DEDICATION To my parents Ed and Tracey Stokes, none of this would have been possible if not for your endless emotional, intellectual, and financial support. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First, I would like to thank my parents, Ed and Tracey Stokes, for their immense support over the course of this long process. I would next like to thank Dr. Michael A. Allen for his patience in helping me navigate the intricacies associated with writing this thesis. My sincere thanks also go to Dr. Stephen Utych and Dr. Ross Burkhart, who were so kind as to always find time in their busy schedules to meet with me and help me work through rigorous theoretical and analytical problems.
    [Show full text]
  • Analyzing the Rhetoric of JFK's Inaugural Address
    Analyzing the Rhetoric of JFK’s Inaugural Address Topic: John F. Kennedy’s Inaugural Address Grade Level: 9-12 Subject Area: English Language Arts Time Required: 1-2 class periods Goals/Rationale An inaugural address is a speech for a very specific event—being sworn into the office of the presidency. The speeches of modern presidents share some commonalities in referencing American history, the importance of the occasion, and hope for the future. Each president, however, has faced the particular challenges of his time and put his own distinctive rhetorical stamp on the address. In the course of writing this address, John F. Kennedy and Theodore Sorensen, his advisor and main speechwriter, asked for and received suggestions from advisors and colleagues. (To see the telegram from Ted Sorensen dated December 23, 1960, visit http://tinyurl.com/6xm5m9w.) In his delivered speech, Kennedy included several sections of text provided by both John Kenneth Galbraith, an economics professor at Harvard University and Adlai Stevenson, former governor of Illinois and Democratic presidential candidate in 1952 and 1956. In this lesson plan, students consider the rhetorical devices in the address JFK delivered on January 20, 1961. They then analyze the suggestions made by Galbraith and Stevenson and compare them to the delivered version of the speech. Students then evaluate the impact of the changes on the resonance of the speech. Essential Question: How can the use of rhetorical devices enhance a speech? Objectives Students will: identify rhetorical terms and methods. examine the rhetorical devices of JFK’s inaugural address. analyze the effects of the rhetorical devices on the delivered speech.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nuclear Taboo Paradox: Destabilizing Consequences of the Norm
    W&M ScholarWorks Undergraduate Honors Theses Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 4-2012 The Nuclear Taboo Paradox: Destabilizing Consequences of the Norm Andrew Bryan Bessler College of William and Mary Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Bessler, Andrew Bryan, "The Nuclear Taboo Paradox: Destabilizing Consequences of the Norm" (2012). Undergraduate Honors Theses. Paper 489. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/honorstheses/489 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Undergraduate Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Andrew Bessler CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION Following the 1972 Easter Offensive, President Nixon is recorded discussing the nuclear option with Kissinger, stating that he would rather use the nuclear bomb against a strategic target than conventionally bomb Vietnam’s dike system. A nuclear attack on a different site, Nixon mused, would likely kill less Vietnamese than the proposed conventional bombing yet create a powerful “psychological” impact on the Soviets and the North Vietnamese.1 A few days later, Nixon observed to Kissinger that “the only place where you and I disagree…is with regard to the [nuclear] bombing. You’re so goddamned concerned about the civilians and I don’t give a damn. I don’t care.” Kissinger responded, “I’m concerned about the civilians because I don’t want the world to be mobilized against you as a butcher.”2 This exchange is a curious one, at least for advocates of traditional realist theories of nuclear deterrence and mutually assured destruction (MAD).
    [Show full text]
  • Charles S. Maier Harvard University an American Empire?
    Charles S. Maier Harvard University (AmericanEmpireRev.doc; rev.3/07, 4/08,4/17,4/29,10/22) An American Empire? Implications for Democracy, Order and Disorder in World Politics* 1. Dialectics of Empire Is it now America’s turn at that international preeminence we call empire? If empires can be “evil,” can they also be benevolent? Can they be run on democratic principles? What relationship to global violence or “disorder” does the state structure known as “empire” have? Can states that strive for peace generate conflict and hatred? Recall the most famous literary apologia for empire: Virgil’s prophecy of the Pax Romana: Roman, remember by your strength to rule Earth’s peoples – for your arts are to be there To pacify, to impose the rule of law, To spare the conquered, battle down the proud.1 But contrast J. M. Coetzee’s melancholy allegory of a minor official confronting the encroaching tribes at a remote imperial outpost: Empire has created the time of history. Empire has located its existence not in the smooth recurrent spinning time of the cycle of the seasons but in the jagged time of rise and fall, of beginning, and end, of catastrophe. Empire dooms itself to live in history and plot against history. One thought alone preoccupies the submerged mind of Empire: how not to die, how to prolong its era. By day it pursues its enemies. It is cunning and ruthless, it send its bloodhounds everywhere. By night it feeds on images of disaster: the sack of cities, the rape of populations, pyramids of bones, acres of desolation.
    [Show full text]