Evangelical Christianity in Sri Lanka: the Politics of Growth
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EVANGELICAL CHRISTIANITY IN SRI LANKA: THE POLITICS OF GROWTH ORLANDO WOODS B.A. (University College London) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2012 Acknowledgements Many people have contributed to this research. My supervisor, Lily Kong, has provided clear academic leadership throughout the course of the PhD, and has propelled my academic development fast and far. My thesis committee – Robbie Goh and Tracey Skelton – has provided encouragement, especially during the early stages of the research. In addition, the National University of Singapore has provided an institutional covering, financial support and access to resources, without which this research would not have been possible. During fieldwork in Sri Lanka, a number of people – Christian and Buddhist – assisted me with sampling and logistics. Although these individuals shall not be named, I am nonetheless grateful for their support. Many interviewees extended kindness to me, through the provision of food, tea, transportation or supporting documents. All of these people not only made the research process smoother, but more enjoyable as well. Finally, thanks to my partner, Samantha, for tolerating my absences – both physical and mental – over the past three years. i Table of Contents Acknowledgements i Table of Contents ii Abstract v List of Tables vii List of Figures vii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Religion in postcolonial Asia 1 1.2 Towards a geographical understanding of religious growth 4 1.3 Research aims and thesis structure 6 CHAPTER 2: THE GROWTH OF EVANGELICAL CHRISTIANITY 11 IN GLOBAL AND LOCAL PERSPECTIVE 2.1 Introduction 11 2.2 Theorising evangelical Christian growth in modernity 12 2.2.1 Structural determinants of religious change 14 2.2.2 Existing approaches to religious economy theorisation 17 2.2.3 Problematising the structural determinants of change 19 2.2.4 Human agency and religious conversion 21 2.2.5 The evangelical organisation as an arbiter of religious change 24 2.3 Variegated patterns of evangelical Christian growth 27 2.4 Evangelical Christian growth within a spatial framework 30 2.4.1 Theorising sacred space 34 2.5 Conceptual framework 37 2.5.1 The structural mosaic as an enabler of religious growth 38 2.5.2 The spatial modalities of the structural mosaic 42 2.5.3 The house church as networked space 44 2.6 Summary 49 CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY AND EMPIRICAL CONTEXT 52 3.1 Introduction 52 3.2 Sri Lanka’s contested religious marketplace 53 3.2.1 Christianity, Sinhalatva, and the rise of Buddhist protectionism 54 in Sri Lanka 3.2.2 The Prohibition of Forcible Conversion Bill 57 3.2.3 Oligopoly dynamics and Sri Lanka’s informal religious 60 economy 3.3 Critical ethnography in a cross-cultural context 64 3.4 Cross-cultural research ethics 68 3.4.1 Problematising institutional ethics 70 3.4.2 Positionality, personality, performativity: a triumvirate of 72 researcher reflexivity 3.5 Methods 77 3.5.1 Sampling technique 79 ii 3.5.2 In-depth interviews 82 3.5.3 Observations 88 3.6 Research sites 91 3.6.1 Colombo and the Western Province 93 3.6.2 The Southern Province 97 3.6.3 The Central Province 100 3.6.4 The Northern and Eastern Provinces 106 3.7 Summary 108 CHAPTER 4: REALISING EVANGELICAL AGENCY WITHIN A 110 STRUCTURALLY HOSTILE ENVIRONMENT 4.1 Introduction 110 4.2 Scalar determinations and dissident geopolitics 111 4.3 A relational model of Christian competitiveness 115 4.4 Overcoming boundaries: patterns of secrecy and subterfuge 117 4.4.1 The (in)visibility of evangelical Christian presence 118 4.4.2 Mobilising and deploying the laity 122 4.4.3 Strategies of spatial diffusion 127 4.5 Foreign catalysts 131 4.5.1 Relative need 133 4.5.2 The space of parallel entitlement 137 4.6 Strategic extra- and intra-group networks of influence 140 4.6.1 Extra-group networks 140 4.6.2 Intra-group networks 144 4.7 The structural mosaic in action 147 4.7.1 Using the structural mosaic as a strategy of Christian co- 148 optation 4.7.2 Using the structural mosaic to influence others 156 4.8 Summary 161 CHAPTER 5: LOCATING EVANGELICAL PRAXIS IN SRI LANKA 164 5.1 Introduction 164 5.2 Locational hierophanies 165 5.3 Spaces of evangelism 169 5.4 The urban-rural paradox 169 5.4.1 Urban nodes and the spatial diffusion of evangelicals 170 5.4.2 The supply of Christianity 173 5.4.3 The demand for Christianity 176 5.5 The public-private paradox 178 5.5.1 The public place of religion in Sri Lanka 180 5.5.2 The house as church 184 5.5.3 Evangelism in the public domain 190 5.5.4 Evangelism in the private domain 195 5.6 Spaces of youth evangelism 201 5.6.1 Proximate spaces of evangelism: the youth club 203 5.6.2 Detached spaces of evangelism: the youth camp 207 5.6.3 Non-Christian spaces of evangelism: the university campus 209 5.7 Obfuscating evangelical space using the structural mosaic 212 iii 5.7.1 The Buddhist temple as a space of subordination 213 5.7.2 The house church as a space of subversion 217 5.8 Summary 221 CHAPTER 6: THE POLITICS OF EVANGELICAL CHRISTIAN 223 GROWTH 6.1 Introduction 223 6.2 Place-bound politics of growth 224 6.2.1 Spatial buffering as a strategy of resistance 226 6.2.2 The politics of permission 233 6.3 Converting houses into churches 236 6.3.1 The politics of place(lessness) and church fission 237 6.3.2 The volatility of sacred networks 243 6.3.3 House churches and religious dualism 245 6.4 Converting people 250 6.4.1 The market mentality 252 6.4.2 Negotiating public and private spaces of evangelism 254 6.4.3 Unethical conversion and the structural mosaic 260 6.5 Debating “unethical” conversion 267 6.6 Summary 272 CHAPTER 7: BUDDHIST HEGEMONY IN A GLOBAL SCHEMA 274 7.1 Introduction 274 7.2 The destabilisation of primordial power structures 276 7.3 Constructing the Christian “threat” 278 7.3.1 Christianity as a symptom of the (neo-) colonial “West” 279 7.3.2 Connecting Christianity and the NGO conspiracy 282 7.3.3 Buddhist insecurity in global perspective 285 7.4 Buddhist protectionism and hegemony 289 7.4.1 The discursive formations of self-Orientalism 289 7.4.2 Cultural intransigence and religious (im)mobility 294 7.4.3 The violent outcomes of Buddhist hegemony 300 7.5 Summary 306 CHAPTER 8: CONCLUSIONS 308 8.1 Chapter summaries 308 8.2 Key contributions and relevance for future research 314 8.2.1 A spatial understanding of evangelical Christian growth 316 8.2.2 Network-based sacred space 317 8.2.3 Towards a more extrospective geography of religion 319 8.3 Autocritique and final comments 320 BIBLIOGRAPHY 323 APPENDIX 1: The Prohibition of Forcible Conversion Bill 345 APPENDIX 2: Interview Schedule 350 iv Abstract This thesis develops a new understanding of evangelical Christian growth in the contemporary world. Existing explanations of growth are well rehearsed within the social sciences, and draw clear distinctions between the characteristics of evangelical organisations, and the structural contexts in which they operate. Notwithstanding, a number of theoretical and empirical assumptions render such explanations applicable in some countries, but not others. Drawing on qualitative data collected in Buddhist- majority Sri Lanka throughout 2010-11, I argue that closer examination of the recursive relationship between organisation (agency) and context (structure) will lead to recognition of the fact that growth is a spatially defined process, with evangelical organisations being tied to localities in complex and multifarious ways. Four empirical chapters develop this argument further. The first examines how, in structurally hostile environments, evangelical groups grow in ways that are more relational than otherwise recognised, and become adept at spreading their evangelical influence through the appropriation and use of non-religious spaces. The second focuses on the spatial variability of evangelical praxis, showing how it varies between urban and rural, and public and private spaces and, more specifically, how strategic engagement in and through space is a defining feature of youth evangelism. The third critically draws upon the findings of the first two chapters by exploring the politics of evangelical Christian growth – specifically the politics of the house church, and the allegations of “unethical” activity that foreground the politics of converting both people, and space. The fourth empirical chapter explores how Buddhist hegemony develops as a response to evangelical Christian growth, and how Buddhist insecurity in the face of Christian globalism can translate into extreme forms of religious v protectionism and violence. To conclude, I show how the findings not only contribute to the continued evolution of the geographies of religion, but also highlight the value of a more extrospective sub-discipline that engages with, challenges and develops more wide-ranging debates that exist outside our putative disciplinary boundaries. vi List of Tables Table 1 Sri Lanka’s mainline and evangelical Christian denominations by 62 representative body Table 2 Interview sample by location (province/district) and organisation 87 type List of Figures Figure 1 Map showing the territorial delineations of the 10/40 Window 29 Figure 2 Map showing field sites at the district level in Sri Lanka 93 Figure 3 Inside the People’s Church, Colombo 95 Figure 4 The external façade of the Calvary Church, Colombo 96 Figure 5 A sign of Buddhist religiosity in Galle? 99 Figure 6 Kandy – “the Vatican of Buddhism” – at dusk 102 Figure 7 An estate line in Nuwara Eliya 104 Figure 8 Inside the estate