Tibetan Inscriptions on Ancient Silver and Gold Vessels and Artefacts

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Tibetan Inscriptions on Ancient Silver and Gold Vessels and Artefacts Tibetan Inscriptions on Ancient silver and gold Vessels and Artefacts Amy Heller Prior to 1970, only two ancient silver artefacts discovered in Lhasa were known to scholars. These objects, each of exceptional quality and refined workmanship, were the sole tangible artefacts reflecting literary and historical records from the period of the Spu rgyal dynasty (7th- mid-9th century). Records from this time repeatedly describe silver and gold objects from Tibet, many shaped like animals or birds.1 The first of these earlier known artefacts, a Greco-Bactrian silver bowl decorated with fishes, trees and human figures, had been treasured as a family heirloom since generations by Lhasa aristocrats, and presented to Professsor David Snellgrove after 1950 (Snellgrove & Richardson 1968: 50-51, 256; Denwood 1973: 121-127). The second, observed in-situ in Lhasa by Hugh Richardson, was described as "a round-bellied silver wine jar with a long neck surmounted by a stylized horse's head", had been re-dedicated in 1946 according to its inscription, and was "...reputed to go back to the times of the chos rgyal" (Richardson 1998[1963]: 228, 1977[1998]: 254).2 Indeed, deploring the lack of such Tibetan artefacts, the Tang historian Edward Schafer wrote in 1963: Though Iran may have been the ultimate source of the art of beating golden vessels and the ultimate inspiration of many of the designs worked on them by the artisans of the Tang, it appears that Tibet must also be given an important place among the nations whose craftsmen contributed to the culture of Tang. To judge by records of tribute and gifts from Tibet to Tang, which over and over again list large objects of gold, remarkable for their beauty and rarity and 1 A silver saddle, gold hair ornaments, a stone lion sculpture and some garments were found in caves near the Dulan tombs ca. 1930; these artefacts were first described, but not photographed, nor collected, by Filchner (1938: 102-103). In 1902-1906, Grünwedel made a line drawing of a mural painting in the Idikut Palace where ancient ewers and flasks, all probably manufactured in silver, were represented with Uighur aristocrats (cf. Grünwedel 1912: 334, fig. 665 and see below, figure 3) 2 Richardson did not mention that the ewer was partially gilded (cf. Heller 2002, 2003). 260 Amy Heller excellent workmanship, the Tibetan goldsmiths were the wonder of the medieval world. Let us...hope that future archaeologists will discover actual examples of Tibetan or Tibetan-inspired Tang goldwork in the soil of China. (Schafer 1963: 253-254) In the past twenty years, systematic archaeological investigations of Tibetan tombs and chance finds have yielded a range of jewellery, vessels and artefacts in gold and silver, both cast and repoussé, as well as silk textiles with similar design motifs. The workmanship of these artefacts spans across Central Asia from Sogdiana to Tibet to China, a reflection of the complex dynamics of extensive commercial and cultural exchange during the expansion of the Tibetan empire along the vast network of the Silk Routes. The easily portable nature of such artefacts renders their provenance virtually impossible to determine in the majority of cases. While their manufacture may have occurred in one region, they were easily transported and used in other regions, and offered as tribute in yet other regions still.3 Even so, during the Spu rgyal dynasty, Tibetan usage of such articles is documented in mural paintings at Dunhuang which portray the btsan po Tibetan Emperor raising a silver cup with small handle and lotus base towards one of his attendants, (see figure 1, detail of the btsan po and his silver cup, Dunhuang cave 159, ca. 800-825 C.E.). Other excavated painted coffin panels depict scenes of banquets where Tibetan women and men adorned with turquoise and gold jewelry, hold silver cups, ewers and platters (Tong & Wertmann 2010; Heller, in press). Lamellar armour is worn by warriors and horses painted on these coffins which also portray mounted archers aiming at their prey, their quivers and bow-cases visible on the flank of their horses as they engage in the ritual hunt of yak and deer.4 Archaeological excavations of tombs of the Spu rgyal dynasty have revealed fragmentary silver sword handles as well 3 Due to repeated plunder of the tombs over time, it is problematic to establish accurate stratification of the tombs during the recent excavations; one must also bear in mind the long history of the commercial networks along the Silk Routes, and their modern version, i.e. the antiquities trade which account for the broad dispersal of artefacts. 4 The leather backing of a segment of silver lamellar armour in the collection of Robert Tsao, Taipai, has been subjected to radiocarbon analysis, yielding a chronology of mid-seventh to mid-eighth century.. I thank Robert Tsao for communicating to me this radiocarbon calibration report and authorizing publication of this analysis by Rafter Radiocarbon Laboratory, National Isotope Centre, Institute of Geological and Nuclear Science, New Zealand 23.11.2006: Conventional radiocarbon age 1319 +/- 25 years; calibrated age in terms of confidence intervals: 2 sigma interval is 655 AD to 718 AD (1295 BP to 1232 BP, 74% of area) plus 743 AD to 769 AD ( 1207 BP to 1181 BP, 19% of area) 1 sigma interval is 663 AD to 687 AC (1287 BP to 1263 BP, 47.3% of area). JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR BON RESEARCH Volume 1 Inaugural Issue (2013) Tibetan Inscriptions on Ancient silver and gold 261 Vessels and Artefacts as other Tibetan accoutrements for war or hunting such as armour and horse trappings made of iron, lacquered leather, silver and gold.5 Figure 1. Dunhuang cave 159, btsan po holding silver cup We will study here a few examples of such artefacts in silver and gold - one gold cup, two silver cups, two platters, a flask, a belt buckle, a personal seal and a segment of 5 Xu Xinguo, former Director of Qinghai Archaeological Institute has published numerous articles describing the architecture of the mid-8th century tombs at Dulan, their excavations and artefacts, with meticulous drawings. See translations of his articles by Bruce Doar (1996) and Xu (2006). For photographs of the silver sword handle (width 4.6 cm x 2.2 thick) and parcel gilt-silver knife handle excavated near the principal tomb at Dulan, see Tibetan Tombs at Dulan, Beijing University and Qinghai Archeological Institute, 2004: 99 DRN M1:14 (plate 9) and 99 DRN M3: 6 (plate 23). Twenty-one segments (2.5 x 2. 1 x 0.4 thick) of small hammered gold sheet rectangular plaques, probably for lamellar armour, were also excavated, of which similar artefacts are illustrated in ibid 2004: 99 DRNM3:1, 99 DRN M3:2 (plate 23). JOURNAL OF THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR BON RESEARCH Volume 1 Inaugural Issue (2013) 262 Amy Heller a bow case - all of which bear inscriptions in Tibetan language.6 The interpretation of these inscriptions remains problematic due to the paucity of examples. While four have been previously published, it is useful to re-assess their content in the light of subsequent research.7 Comparisons with contemporaneous inscribed stone stele in central and western Tibet and Tibetan manuscripts from Dunhuang and Mazar Tagh indicate that the inscriptions on these silver and gold artefacts conform to the Old Tibetan conventions of punctuation and spelling as well as morphology of certain letters (cf. Dalton et al. 2007). It appears that the inscriptions consist primarily of names of people, some of whom may belong to clans named in the stone stele and manuscripts. The individuals' names are sometimes complemented by phrases indicative of the weight of the artefact as well as phrases which may relate to their functional usage in a funerary or ritual context.8 In addition to the Tibetan names and words, sometimes the inscriptions comprise patterns of non-decorative lines and circles found on the base of the artefacts. Comparison with similar inscriptions on contemporaneous Sogdian silver bowls indicates that these marks may refer to the weight of the object. 9 The historical context. Before examining these artefacts and their Tibetan inscriptions, a brief review of their historical context is warranted to understand how such objects were described in contemporaneous literary sources. 6 It is important to note that at present, very few archeological artefacts inscribed in Tibetan are known. In addition to the artefacts with inscriptions studied here, there are a few seal imprints among the Dunhuang and Mazar Tagh Tibetan manuscripts, but the actual seals have not been discovered. The repeated plunder of tombs over the centuries and the fragmentary nature of many artefacts may account for the lack of inscribed artefacts; were systematic, stratigraphic excavations to be undertaken, perhaps more inscribed artefacts would be recovered. 7 For the inscription on the silver cup now in Cleveland Museum of Art see Czuma (1993), Carter (1998). For the platter in Miho Museum see Marshak (1996: 80-83); Heller (2002) for the Cleveland silver cup (fig 34); the silver cup of Metropolitan Museum (fig 42) and the vase now in the Pritzker collection (fig 35); for further research on this vase see Heller (2003: 55-64, figs . 16a-16d). 8 Such as the inscription written on a textile which indicates its placement in a burial chamber ( spur khang nang dzong, "treasure of the chamber of the corpse". This silk samit textile is now conserved in the Abegg Foundation, Riggisberg, Switzerland (Heller 1998a). 9 Characteristic inscriptions on Sogdian silver bowls include Sogdian personal names, for which no satisfactory etymology, as well as meaningful marks such as incised parallel lines which appear to indicate units of some kind of weight measure.
Recommended publications
  • The Prayer, the Priest and the Tsenpo: an Early Buddhist Narrative from Dunhuang
    JIABS Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 30 Number 1–2 2007 (2009) The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (ISSN 0193-600XX) is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. As a peer-reviewed journal, it welcomes scholarly contributions pertaining to all facets of Buddhist EDITORIAL BOARD Studies. JIABS is published twice yearly. KELLNER Birgit Manuscripts should preferably be sub- KRASSER Helmut mitted as e-mail attachments to: [email protected] as one single fi le, Joint Editors complete with footnotes and references, in two diff erent formats: in PDF-format, BUSWELL Robert and in Rich-Text-Format (RTF) or Open- Document-Format (created e.g. by Open CHEN Jinhua Offi ce). COLLINS Steven Address books for review to: COX Collet JIABS Editors, Institut für Kultur- und GÓMEZ Luis O. Geistesgeschichte Asiens, Prinz-Eugen- HARRISON Paul Strasse 8-10, A-1040 Wien, AUSTRIA VON HINÜBER Oskar Address subscription orders and dues, changes of address, and business corre- JACKSON Roger spondence (including advertising orders) JAINI Padmanabh S. to: KATSURA Shōryū Dr Jérôme Ducor, IABS Treasurer Dept of Oriental Languages and Cultures KUO Li-ying Anthropole LOPEZ, Jr. Donald S. University of Lausanne MACDONALD Alexander CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland email: [email protected] SCHERRER-SCHAUB Cristina Web: http://www.iabsinfo.net SEYFORT RUEGG David Fax: +41 21 692 29 35 SHARF Robert Subscriptions to JIABS are USD 40 per STEINKELLNER Ernst year for individuals and USD 70 per year for libraries and other institutions. For TILLEMANS Tom informations on membership in IABS, see back cover.
    [Show full text]
  • The Spreading of Christianity and the Introduction of Modern Architecture in Shannxi, China (1840-1949)
    Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura de Madrid Programa de doctorado en Concervación y Restauración del Patrimonio Architectónico The Spreading of Christianity and the introduction of Modern Architecture in Shannxi, China (1840-1949) Christian churches and traditional Chinese architecture Author: Shan HUANG (Architect) Director: Antonio LOPERA (Doctor, Arquitecto) 2014 Tribunal nombrado por el Magfco. y Excmo. Sr. Rector de la Universidad Politécnica de Madrid, el día de de 20 . Presidente: Vocal: Vocal: Vocal: Secretario: Suplente: Suplente: Realizado el acto de defensa y lectura de la Tesis el día de de 20 en la Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura de Madrid. Calificación:………………………………. El PRESIDENTE LOS VOCALES EL SECRETARIO Index Index Abstract Resumen Introduction General Background........................................................................................... 1 A) Definition of the Concepts ................................................................ 3 B) Research Background........................................................................ 4 C) Significance and Objects of the Study .......................................... 6 D) Research Methodology ...................................................................... 8 CHAPTER 1 Introduction to Chinese traditional architecture 1.1 The concept of traditional Chinese architecture ......................... 13 1.2 Main characteristics of the traditional Chinese architecture .... 14 1.2.1 Wood was used as the main construction materials ........ 14 1.2.2
    [Show full text]
  • High Peaks, Pure Earth
    BOOK REVIEW HIGH PEAKS, PURE EARTH COLLECTED WRITINGS ON TIBETAN HISTORY AND CULTURE BY HUGH RICHARDSON A COMPILATION OF A SERIES OF PROGRAMS ON RADIO FREE ASIA TIBETAN SERVICE BY WARREN W. SMITH 1 HIGH PEAKS, PURE EARTH High Peaks, Pure Earth is the title of the collected works on Tibetan history and culture by Hugh Richardson, a British diplomat who became a historian of Tibet. He was British representative in Lhasa from 1936 to 1940 and again from 1946 to 1950, during which time he did many studies on ancient and modern Tibetan history. He wrote numerous articles on Tibetan history and culture, all of which have been published in this book of his collected writings. Hugh Richardson was born in Scotland, a part of Great Britain that bears some similarities to Tibet, both in its environment and in its politics. Scotland has long had a contentious relationship with England and was incorporated only by force into Great Britain. Richardson became a member of the British administration of India in 1932. He was a member of a 1936 British mission to Tibet. Richardson remained in Lhasa to become the first officer in charge of the British Mission in Lhasa. He was in Lhasa from 1936 to 1940, when the Second World War began. After the war he again represented the British Government in Lhasa from 1946 to 1947, when India became independent, after which he was the representative of the Government of India. He left Tibet only in September 1950, shortly before the Chinese invasion. Richardson lived in Tibet for a total of eight years.
    [Show full text]
  • Some Reflections on the Periodization of Tibetan History*
    Some Reflections on the Periodization of Tibetan History* Bryan J. Cuevas (Florida State University, USA) istory is always expressed as a narrative, a story about the past. To Hwrite a story out of the events of the past, historians must give those events a coherent meaning and plot those meaningful events as chapters in a larger narrative. This means that the method of writing history is not simply the recording of a series of past events, or a set of dates. Such a record would not be a history but a mere chronology, and history is never just a chronicle of dates. Historiography, the study of history and the methods employed in how individuals, or a community of people, or a culture come to understand the past and articulate that understanding, presupposes that history by necessity, whether we prefer this or not, is always written in chapters. Periodization — the breaking-up of the past into chapters, or “periods” — is one necessary way historians make sense of the past and also write history. The question of periodization, however, is one of those topics in historiography that generates fierce debates and can create, and certainly has created, much controversy. The problem of periodization is precisely this problem of how best to characterize and interpret the chapters in a coherent story of the past. As many insightful historians have warned over the years, the articulation of historical periods may indeed be arbitrary and artificial, but rarely is such articulation a neutral, unambiguous, and value- free enterprise. Having heeded this warning, I choose in this brief essay — perhaps unwisely — to charge headlong into this academic mine-field where success is not only risky, but far from guaranteed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan
    The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan George Fiske Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 © 2012 George Fiske All rights reserved ABSTRACT The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan George Fiske This study examines the socioeconomics of state formation in medieval Afghanistan in historical and historiographic terms. It outlines the thousand year history of Ghaznavid historiography by treating primary and secondary sources as a continuum of perspectives, demonstrating the persistent problems of dynastic and political thinking across periods and cultures. It conceptualizes the geography of Ghaznavid origins by framing their rise within specific landscapes and histories of state formation, favoring time over space as much as possible and reintegrating their experience with the general histories of Iran, Central Asia, and India. Once the grand narrative is illustrated, the scope narrows to the dual process of monetization and urbanization in Samanid territory in order to approach Ghaznavid obstacles to state formation. The socioeconomic narrative then shifts to political and military specifics to demythologize the rise of the Ghaznavids in terms of the framing contexts described in the previous chapters. Finally, the study specifies the exact combination of culture and history which the Ghaznavids exemplified to show their particular and universal character and suggest future paths for research. The Socioeconomics of State Formation in Medieval Afghanistan I. General Introduction II. Perspectives on the Ghaznavid Age History of the literature Entrance into western European discourse Reevaluations of the last century Historiographic rethinking Synopsis III.
    [Show full text]
  • Guntram Hazod Introduction1 Hapter Two of the Old Tibetan Chronicle (PT 1287: L.63-117; Hereafter OTC.2)
    THE GRAVES OF THE CHIEF MINISTERS OF THE TIBETAN EMPIRE MAPPING CHAPTER TWO OF THE OLD TIBETAN CHRONICLE IN THE LIGHT OF THE EVIDENCE OF THE TIBETAN TUMULUS TRADITION Guntram Hazod Introduction1 hapter two of the Old Tibetan Chronicle (PT 1287: l.63-117; hereafter OTC.2)2 is well known as the short paragraph that C lists the succession of Tibet’s chief ministers (blon che, blon chen [po]) – alternatively rendered as “prime minister” or “grand chancel- lor” in the English literature. Altogether 38 such appointments among nineteen families are recorded from the time of the Yar lung king called Lde Pru bo Gnam gzhung rtsan until the end of the Tibet- an empire in the mid-ninth century. This sequence is conveyed in a continuum that does not distin- guish between the developments before and after the founding of the empire. Only indirectly is there a line that specifies the first twelve ministers as a separate group – as those who were endowed with 1 The resarch for this chapter was conducted within the framework of the two projects “The Burial Mounds of Central Tibet“, parts I and II (financed by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF); FWF P 25066, P 30393; see fn. 2) and “Materiality and Material Culture in Tibet“ (Austrian Academy of Sciences (AAS) project, IF_2015_28) – both based at the Institute for Social Anthropology at the Austrian Academy of Sciences. I wish to thank Joanna Bialek, Per K. Sørensen, and Chris- tian Jahoda for their valuable comments on the drafts of this paper, and J. Bialek especially for her assistance with lingustic issues.
    [Show full text]
  • Tibet's Historical Relationship to Foreign Affairs by Alex Wood
    Tibet’s Historical Relationship to Foreign Affairs By Alex Wood Introduction Since 1950, Tibet has been ruled by the Communist Party of the People’s Republic of China. As a result, Tibetans have been stripped of their cultural heritage by being forced to assimilate into atheistic communism, and thus disregard their four thousand-year-old Buddhist religion. China invaded Tibet after WWII and claimed that Tibet had always been a part of China and not its own sovereign state. To understand this conflict and the source of its roots as to why the Chinese government believed Tibet was a part of their republic, the formation of Tibet’s Empire and history must be closely examined. Tibet, located on the highest desolate plateau and home to the Himalayan Mountain range, stands as one of the oldest mysteries to the rest of the world. For thousands of years Tibet was not a unified state, but a land for nomads to roam. These nomads practiced Shamanism and the religion of Bon hundreds of years before Buddhism was introduced to Tibet. These nomads had no state structure and relied on natural animals and resources like yaks for their food and clothing. It was not until the 7th century that Tibet was unified by its first King, Songsten Gampo, who made the capital of Tibet, Lhasa.1 Once Tibet was unified, Gampo opened communications and diplomacy with the territories surrounding Tibet, notably China, India, and Mongolia. With the establishment of the Tibetan Empire, surrounding Kingdoms and territories engaged in many cultural exchanges that led to the development of Tibet’s present- day culture of “Buddhist resistance” as a direct result of Chinese occupation.
    [Show full text]
  • Climate in Medieval Central Eurasia
    Climate in Medieval Central Eurasia Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Henry Misa Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2020 Thesis Committee Scott C. Levi, Advisor John L. Brooke 1 Copyrighted by Henry Ray Misa 2020 2 Abstract This thesis argues that the methodology of environmental history, specifically climate history, can help reinterpret the economic and political history of Central Eurasia. The introduction reviews the scholarly fields of Central Eurasian history, Environmental history and, in brief, Central Eurasian Environmental history. Section one introduces the methods of climate history and discusses the broad outlines of Central Eurasian climate in the late Holocene. Section two analyzes the rise of the Khitan and Tangut dynasties in their climatic contexts, demonstrating how they impacted Central Eurasia during this period. Section three discusses the sedentary empires of the Samanid and Ghaznavid dynasties in the context of the Medieval Climate Anomaly. Section four discusses the rise of the first Islamic Turkic empires during the late 10th and 11th century. Section five discusses the Qarakhitai and the Jurchen in the 12th century in the context of the transitional climate regime between the Medieval Quiet Period and the early Little Ice Age. The conclusion summarizes the main findings and their implications for the study of Central Eurasian Climate History. This thesis discusses both long-term and short-term time scales; in many cases small-scale political changes and complexities impacted how the long-term patterns of climate change impacted regional economies.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Curriculum Vitae Indiana University, Department of Central Eurasian
    Curriculum Vitae CHRISTOPHER I. BECKWITH PROFESSOR Indiana University, Department of Central Eurasian Studies 157 Goodbody Hall, Bloomington, Indiana, 47405, USA (812) 855-2428 (office), (812) 855-2233 (department main office), (812) 361-1661 (mobile) [email protected], [email protected] EDUCATION Ph.D. specializing in Inner Asian studies, Department of Uralic and Altaic Studies, Indiana University, minoring in East Asian (Chinese and Japanese) studies and Altaic (Turkic and Mongolian) studies, November, 1977. Dissertation: ‘A Study of the Early Medieval Chinese, Latin, and Tibetan Historical Sources on Pre-Imperial Tibet’. Thesis director: Professor Dr. Helmut Hoffmann. Special Student, National Cheng Kung University, Tainan, Taiwan (dissertation research in Fu Ssu-nien Library, Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan) l974-l975. M.A. specializing in Tibetan, Department of Uralic and Altaic Studies, Indiana University, May, l974. Research Fellow, U.S. Department of State, Afghan-American Educational Commission, Kabul, 1972. M.A. Student, Graduate Department of Chinese Literature, National Taiwan University, Taipei, l968-l969. B.A. in Chinese, Ohio State University, March, l968. B.A. Student, School of Design, Architecture, and Art, University of Cincinnati, 1963-1965. ACADEMIC EMPLOYMENT Visiting Research Fellow, Käte Hamburger Kolleg “Dynamics in the History of Religions between Asia and Europe”, Ruhr-Universität Bochum, June 2011-August 2012. Fulbright Distinguished Chair in Humanities and Cultural Studies, Universität Wien (Institut für Orientalistik, Institut für Ostasienwissenschaften, and Institut für Südasien, Tibet und Buddhismuskunde), Febru- ary-June, 2009. Professeur Invité & Directeur d’Études, École Pratique des Hautes Études, IVe section (Section des Sciences Historiques et Philologiques), Sorbonne, Paris, May-June, 2008.
    [Show full text]
  • Nathan W. Hill.Indd
    Tibet after Empire . LIRI Seminar Proceedings Series Edited by LUMBINI INTERNATIONAL RESEARCH INSTITUTE Volume 4 TTibetibet aafterfter EEmpirempire Culture, Society and Religion between 850-1000 Proceedings of the Seminar Held in Lumbini, Nepal, March 2011 Edited by CHRISTOPH CÜPPERS, ROBERT MAYER and MICHAEL WALTER Lumbini International Research Institute Lumbini 2013 Lumbini International Research Institute P.O. Box 39 Bhairahawa, Dist. Rupandehi NEPAL E-mail: [email protected] © Lumbini International Research Institute Cover illustration: Fig. 12a. Arrival of foreign envoys; riderless camel and animals aligned awaiting sacrifice; ritual tent and laceration, Panel II (see article Amy Heller) All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, no part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photocopy, microfilm, scanner or any other means without prior written permission. Enquiries should be made to the publisher. ISBN 978–9937–553-05–6 First published in 2013 Printed in Nepal by Dongol Printers, Kathmandu CONTENTS HENK BLEZER The World According to the rMa Family 1 CATHY CANTWELL AND ROB MAYER Representations of Padmasambhava in early post-Imperial Tibet 19 BRANDON DOTSON The Dead and their Stories 51 GUNTRAM HAZOD The Plundering of the Tibetan Royal Tombs 85 AMY HELLER Observations on Painted Coffin Panels of the Tibetan Empire 117 NATHAN W. HILL ‘Come as Lord of the Black-headed’ 169 BIANCA HORLEMANN Tang Dynasty (618–907) Sources for Tibetan Empire Studies: A Bibliographic Essay 181 MAHO IUCHI Early bKa’ gdams pa masters and Khams ’Dan ma 215 SAMTEN G. KARMAY A Recently Discovered rnam thar of Lha Bla ma Ye shes ’od 229 DAN MARTIN The Highland Vinaya Lineage 239 KLAUS-DIETER MATHES bKa’ brgyud Mahāmudrā 267 vi CARMEN MEINERT Assimilation and Transformation of Esoteric Buddhism in Tibet and China 295 DIETER SCHUH Zwischen Großreich und Phyi-dar 313 PÉTER-DÁNIEL SZÁNTÓ Before a Critical Edition of the Sampuṭa 343 LOPON P.
    [Show full text]
  • Islam and Tibet: Cultural Interactions – an Introduction Ronit Yoeli-Tlalim
    Chapter 1 Islam and Tibet: cultural Interactions – an Introduction ronit yoeli-Tlalim In the mid-eighth century three major empires abutted each other: the abbasid empire, founded in 750, which established its new capital at baghdad in 762 and embraced the culture of Persia; the Tibetan empire, which reached its height in the early ninth century; and Tang china (618-907) in the east, with its capital of chang-an (Xi’an), spilling out into the Tarim basin (east Turkistan, now Xinjiang). cutting across these political regions were two powerful religious movements: buddhism, which from its origins in northern India, challenged and eventually displaced local religions in china and Tibet, and Islam, which spread from the West over the Indian subcontinent and south east asia, reaching china and the Tibetan borderlands. These political and religious movements of the eighth century were to shape the development of central asian civilizations for many centuries to come, and can still be discerned in the societies of the region today. It is to the ways in which the Islamic empire, in particular, impinged on Tibet (and vice versa), and to the role of muslims in Tibetan society that this book is devoted. by ‘Tibet’ is meant more than the geographical area of the Tibetan Plateau, or any current political construct such as the ‘Tibetan autonomous region’ (Tar). regions that participated in Tibetan culture, such as ladakh and baltistan, are also included. above all, Tibet is viewed as it was conceived throughout its changing history by its Islamic neighbours. and similarly, the lands of Islam are considered as viewed in Tibetan literature.
    [Show full text]
  • Abstracts Pp. 152-450
    Kingship Ideology in Sino-Tibetan Diplomacy during the VII-IX centuries Emanuela Garatti In this paper I would like to approach the question of the btsan-po’s figure and his role in the international exchanges like embassies, peace agreements and matrimonial alliances concluded between the Tibetan and the Tang during the Tibetan Empire. In order to do that, I examine some passages of Tibetan and Chinese sources. Tibetan ancient documents, like PT 1287, the PT 1288, the IOL Tib j 750 and the text of the Sino-Tibetan treaty of 821/822. For the Chinese sources I used the encyclopaedia Cefu yuangui which has never been extensively used in the study of the Tibetan ancient history. Concerning the embassies one can see that they are dispatched with important gifts when the btsan-po want to present a request. Those are registered as tribute (ch. chaogong) by the Chinese authors but one can assume, analysing the dates of embassies that the Tibetan emissaries are sent to the court with presents only when they had to present a specific request from the Tibetan emperor. Moreover, the btsan-po is willing to accept the diplomatic codes but refuses all attempt of submission from the Chinese authorities like the “fish-bag” (ch. yudai) proposed to the Tibetan ambassadors as a normal gift. For the treaties, the texts of these agreements show the evolution of the position of the btsan-po towards the Chinese court and the international diplomacy: the firsts pacts see the dominant position of Tang court over the btsan-po’s delegation.
    [Show full text]