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The Vikings Chapter
Unit 1 The European and Mediterranean world The Vikings In the late 8th century CE, Norse people (those from the North) began an era of raids and violence. For the next 200 years, these sea voyagers were feared by people beyond their Scandinavian homelands as erce plunderers who made lightning raids in warships. Monasteries and towns were ransacked, and countless people were killed or taken prisoner. This behaviour earned Norse people the title Vikingr, most probably meaning ‘pirate’ in early Scandinavian languages. By around 1000 CE, however, Vikings began settling in many of the places they had formerly raided. Some Viking leaders were given areas of land by foreign rulers in exchange for promises to stop the raids. Around this time, most Vikings stopped worshipping Norse gods and became Christians. 9A 9B How was Viking society What developments led to organised? Viking expansion? 1 Viking men spent much of their time away from 1 Before the 8th century the Vikings only ventured home, raiding towns and villages in foreign outside their homelands in order to trade. From the lands. How do you think this might have affected late 8th century onwards, however, they changed women’s roles within Viking society? from honest traders into violent raiders. What do you think may have motivated the Vikings to change in this way? 226 oxford big ideas humanities 8 victorian curriculum 09_OBI_HUMS8_VIC_07370_TXT_SI.indd 226 22/09/2016 8:43 am chapter Source 1 A Viking helmet 9 9C What developments led to How did Viking conquests Viking expansion? change societies? 1 Before the 8th century the Vikings only ventured 1 Christian monks, who were often the target of Viking outside their homelands in order to trade. -
Symbols of Faith Or Symbols of Status? Christian Objects in Tenth-Century Rus´ by Fedir Androshchuk
Symbols of Faith or Symbols of Status? Christian Objects in Tenth-Century Rus´ by Fedir Androshchuk To study the Christianization of Rus´ based on archaeological evidence is not something new, and such a topic has already generated a considerable amount of research.1 This paper will deliberate some of the archaeological arguments pre- sented in earlier works, and aims to explore the social and functional contexts in which Christian objects or symbols associated with Christianity circulated in Rus´ during the Viking Age and in the tenth century in particular. Generally, two classes of archeological evidence have been associated with the dissemination of Christianity in Eastern Europe: inhumation graves with west–east orientation and specific objects with clear Christian symbolism (most often, cross-shaped pendants) found in burials. These two types of evidence are considered the obvi- ous markers of the deceased person’s adherence to the Christian faith, while their absence, conversely, is taken as an indication that the buried person belonged to those still practicing heathen cults. The earliest inhumation grave in early Rus´ is Grave 11 in the Plakun cemetery in Staraia Ladoga. A man between 60–70 years old was buried in a wooden cist oriented west–east (northwest–southeast). Close to his feet lay parts of a wooden trough and a birch box. A number of corroded iron and bronze objects lay to the right of the body. Pieces of felt and fur were also recorded in the grave.2 The timber of the chamber was dendrochronologically dated to 880–900, and there are construction traits that share parallels with sites in Denmark, such as Hede- 1 A selection of recent publications includes Aleksandr P. -
ABSTRACT Savannah Dehart. BRACTEATES AS INDICATORS OF
ABSTRACT Savannah DeHart. BRACTEATES AS INDICATORS OF NORTHERN PAGAN RELIGIOSITY IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES. (Under the direction of Michael J. Enright) Department of History, May 2012. This thesis investigates the religiosity of some Germanic peoples of the Migration period (approximately AD 300-800) and seeks to overcome some difficulties in the related source material. The written sources which describe pagan elements of this period - such as Tacitus’ Germania, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, and Paul the Deacon’s History of the Lombards - are problematic because they were composed by Roman or Christian authors whose primary goals were not to preserve the traditions of pagans. Literary sources of the High Middle Ages (approximately AD 1000-1400) - such as The Poetic Edda, Snorri Sturluson’s Prose Edda , and Icelandic Family Sagas - can only offer a clearer picture of Old Norse religiosity alone. The problem is that the beliefs described by these late sources cannot accurately reflect religious conditions of the Early Middle Ages. Too much time has elapsed and too many changes have occurred. If literary sources are unavailing, however, archaeology can offer a way out of the dilemma. Rightly interpreted, archaeological evidence can be used in conjunction with literary sources to demonstrate considerable continuity in precisely this area of religiosity. Some of the most relevant material objects (often overlooked by scholars) are bracteates. These coin-like amulets are stamped with designs that appear to reflect motifs from Old Norse myths, yet their find contexts, including the inhumation graves of women and hoards, demonstrate that they were used during the Migration period of half a millennium earlier. -
Witches, Pagans and Historians. an Extended Review of Max Dashu, Witches and Pagans: Women in European Folk Religion, 700–1000
[The Pomegranate 18.2 (2016) 205-234] ISSN 1528-0268 (print) doi: 10.1558/pome.v18i2.32246 ISSN 1743-1735 (online) Witches, Pagans and Historians. An Extended Review of Max Dashu, Witches and Pagans: Women in European Folk Religion, 700–1000 Ronald Hutton1 Department of Historical Studies 13–15 Woodland Road Clifton, Bristol BS8 1TB United Kingdom [email protected] Keywords: History; Paganism; Witchcraft. Max Dashu, Witches and Pagans: Women in European Folk Religion, 700–1000 (Richmond Calif.: Veleda Press, 2016), iv + 388 pp. $24.99 (paper). In 2011 I published an essay in this journal in which I identified a movement of “counter-revisionism” among contemporary Pagans and some branches of feminist spirituality which overlapped with Paganism.2 This is characterized by a desire to restore as much cred- ibility as possible to the account of the history of European religion which had been dominant among Pagans and Goddess-centered feminists in the 1960s and 1970s, and much of the 1980s. As such, it was a reaction against a wide-ranging revision of that account, largely inspired by and allied to developments among professional historians, which had proved influential during the 1990s and 2000s. 1. Ronald Hutton is professor of history, Department of History, University of Bristol 2. “Revisionism and Counter-Revisionism in Pagan History,” The Pomegranate, 13, no. 2 (2011): 225–56. In this essay I have followed my standard practice of using “pagan” to refer to the non-Christian religions of ancient Europe and the Near East and “Pagan” to refer to the modern religions which draw upon them for inspiration. -
Number Symbolism in Old Norse Literature
Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Medieval Icelandic Studies Number Symbolism in Old Norse Literature A Brief Study Ritgerð til MA-prófs í íslenskum miðaldafræðum Li Tang Kt.: 270988-5049 Leiðbeinandi: Torfi H. Tulinius September 2015 Acknowledgements I would like to thank firstly my supervisor, Torfi H. Tulinius for his confidence and counsels which have greatly encouraged my writing of this paper. Because of this confidence, I have been able to explore a domain almost unstudied which attracts me the most. Thanks to his counsels (such as his advice on the “Blóð-Egill” Episode in Knýtlinga saga and the reading of important references), my work has been able to find its way through the different numbers. My thanks also go to Haraldur Bernharðsson whose courses on Old Icelandic have been helpful to the translations in this paper and have become an unforgettable memory for me. I‟m indebted to Moritz as well for our interesting discussion about the translation of some paragraphs, and to Capucine and Luis for their meticulous reading. Any fault, however, is my own. Abstract It is generally agreed that some numbers such as three and nine which appear frequently in the two Eddas hold special significances in Norse mythology. Furthermore, numbers appearing in sagas not only denote factual quantity, but also stand for specific symbolic meanings. This tradition of number symbolism could be traced to Pythagorean thought and to St. Augustine‟s writings. But the result in Old Norse literature is its own system influenced both by Nordic beliefs and Christianity. This double influence complicates the intertextuality in the light of which the symbolic meanings of numbers should be interpreted. -
Violence, Christianity, and the Anglo-Saxon Charms Laurajan G
Eastern Illinois University The Keep Masters Theses Student Theses & Publications 1-1-2011 Violence, Christianity, And The Anglo-Saxon Charms Laurajan G. Gallardo Eastern Illinois University This research is a product of the graduate program in English at Eastern Illinois University. Find out more about the program. Recommended Citation Gallardo, Laurajan G., "Violence, Christianity, And The Anglo-Saxon Charms" (2011). Masters Theses. 293. http://thekeep.eiu.edu/theses/293 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses & Publications at The Keep. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of The Keep. For more information, please contact [email protected]. *****US Copyright Notice***** No further reproduction or distribution of this copy is permitted by electronic transmission or any other means. The user should review the copyright notice on the following scanned image(s) contained in the original work from which this electronic copy was made. Section 108: United States Copyright Law The copyright law of the United States [Title 17, United States Code] governs the making of photocopies or other reproductions of copyrighted materials. Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are authorized to furnish a photocopy or other reproduction. One of these specified conditions is that the reproduction is not to be used for any purpose other than private study, scholarship, or research. If a user makes a request for, or later uses, a photocopy or reproduction for purposes in excess of "fair use," that use may be liable for copyright infringement. This institution reserves the right to refuse to accept a copying order if, in its judgment, fulfillment of the order would involve violation of copyright law. -
Agents of Death: Reassessing Social Agency and Gendered Narratives of Human Sacrifice in the Viking Age
Agents of Death: Reassessing Social Agency and Gendered Narratives of Human Sacrifice in the Viking Age Marianne Moen & Matthew J. Walsh This article seeks to approach the famous tenth-century account of the burial of a chieftain of the Rus, narrated by the Arab traveller Ibn Fadlan, in a new light. Placing focus on how gendered expectations have coloured the interpretation and subsequent archaeological use of this source, we argue that a new focus on the social agency of some of the central actors can open up alternative interpretations. Viewing the source in light of theories of human sacrifice in the Viking Age, we examine the promotion of culturally appropriate gendered roles, where women are often depicted as victims of male violence. In light of recent trends in theoretical approaches where gender is foregrounded, we perceive that a new focus on agency in such narratives can renew and rejuvenate important debates. Introduction Rus on the Volga, from a feminist perspective rooted in intersectional theory and concerns with agency While recognizing gender as a culturally significant and active versus passive voices. We present a number and at times socially regulating principle in Viking of cases to support the potential for female agency in Age society (see, for example, Arwill-Nordbladh relation to funerary traditions, specifically related to 1998; Dommasnes [1991] 1998;Jesch1991;Moen sacrificial practices. Significantly, though we have situ- 2011; 2019a; Stalsberg 2001), we simultaneously high- ated this discussion in Viking Age scholarship, we light the dangers inherent in transferring underlying believe the themes of gendered biases in ascribing modern gendered ideologies on to the past. -
Sniðmát Meistaraverkefnis HÍ
MA ritgerð Norræn trú Að hitta skrímslið í skóginum Animal Shape-shifting, Identity, and Exile in Old Norse Religion and World-view Caroline Elizabeth Oxley Leiðbeinandi: Terry Adrian Gunnell Október 2019 Að hitta skrímslið í skóginum Animal Shape-shifting, Identity, and Exile in Old Norse Religion and World-view Caroline Elizabeth Oxley Lokaverkefni til MA–gráðu í Norrænni trú Leiðbeinandi: Terry Adrian Gunnell 60 einingar Félags– og mannvísindadeild Félagsvísindasvið Háskóla Íslands Október, 2019 Að hitta skrímslið í skóginum Ritgerð þessi er lokaverkefni til MA-gráðu í Norrænni trú og er óheimilt að afrita ritgerðina á nokkurn hátt nema með leyfi rétthafa. © Caroline Elizabeth Oxley, 2019 Prentun: Háskólaprent Reykjavík, Ísland, 2019 Caroline Oxley MA in Old Nordic Religion: Thesis Kennitala: 181291-3899 Október 2019 Abstract Að hitta skrímslið í skóginum: Animal Shape-shifting, Identity, and Exile in Old Norse Religion and World-view This thesis is a study of animal shape-shifting in Old Norse culture, considering, among other things, the related concepts of hamr, hugr, and the fylgjur (and variations on these concepts) as well as how shape-shifters appear to be associated with the wild, exile, immorality, and violence. Whether human, deities, or some other type of species, the shape-shifter can be categorized as an ambiguous and fluid figure who breaks down many typical societal borderlines including those relating to gender, biology, animal/ human, and sexual orientation. As a whole, this research project seeks to better understand the background, nature, and identity of these figures, in part by approaching the subject psychoanalytically, more specifically within the framework established by the Swiss psychoanalyst, Carl Jung, as part of his theory of archetypes. -
Incantatio an International Journal on Charms, Charmers and Charming Print Version Issue 3 2013
Incantatio An International Journal on Charms, Charmers and Charming http://www.folklore.ee/incantatio Print version Issue 3 2013 ISNFR Committee on Charms, Charmers and Charming Incantatio An International Journal on Charms, Charmers and Charming Issue 3 General Editor: Mare Kõiva Guest Editor for This Issue: Svetlana Tsonkova Tartu 2013 General Editor: Mare Kõiva Guest Editor for This Issue: Svetlana Tsonkova Language editor: Jonathan Roper Layout: Liisa Vesik Editorial board: Alaric Hall Claude Lecouteux Lea Olsan Éva Pócs Jonathan Roper Emanuela Timotin Andrey Toporkov Daiva Vaitkeviien William F. Ryan Editorial contacts: http://www.foklore.ee/incantatio [email protected] Vanemuise 42, Tartu 51003, Estonia Supported by and affiliated to projects SF0030181s08 and EKKM09-159 of the Estonian Ministry of Education and Research, and the European Union through the European Regional Development Fund (Centre of Excellence in CECT). All rights reserved. Copyright 2013 the authors and the ISFNR Committee on Charms, Charmers and Charming ISSN 2228-1355 DOI 10.7592/Incantatio http://www.folklore.ee/incantatio Contents doi: 10.7592/Incantatio2013 Introduction 7 Svetlana Tsonkova doi: 10.7592/Incantatio2013_Introduction Ex Ecclesia: Salvific Power Beyond Sacred Space 9 In Anglo-Saxon Charms Ciaran Arthur doi: 10.7592/Incantatio2013_Arthur Irish Scribal Culture As A Purveyor Of Charm Texts 33 In The Eighteenth And Nineteenth Centuries Nicholas Wolf doi: 10.7592/Incantatio2013_Wolf The Slavic And German Versions Of The Second Merseburg Charm 43 Tatiana Agapkina, Vladimir Karpov, Andrey Toporkov doi: 10.7592/Incantatio2013_AKT Parchment, Praxis And Performance Of Charms 60 In Early Medieval Ireland Ilona Tuomi doi: 10.7592/Incantatio2013_Tuomi Charms In Slovenian Culture 86 Saša Babi doi: 10.7592/Incantatio2013_Babic St. -
Prose Edda Part 3: Pp
Prose Edda Part 3: pp. 70-89 XLIX. Then spake Gangleri: "Have any more matters of note befallen among the Æsir? A very great deed of valor did Thor achieve on that journey." Hárr made answer: "Now shall be told of those tidings which seemed of more consequence to the Æsir. The beginning of the {p. 71} story is this, that Baldr the Good dreamed great and perilous dreams touching his life. When he told these dreams to the Æsir, then they took counsel together: and this was their decision: to ask safety for Baldr from all kinds of dangers. And Frigg took oaths to this purport, that fire and water should spare Baldr, likewise iron and metal of all kinds, stones, earth, trees, sicknesses, beasts, birds, venom, serpents. And when that was done and made known, then it was a diversion of Baldr's and the Æsir, that he should stand up in the Thing,[legislative assembly] and all the others should some shoot at him, some hew at him, some beat him with stones; but whatsoever was done hurt him not at all, and that seemed to them all a very worshipful thing. "But when Loki Laufeyarson saw this, it pleased him ill that Baldr took no hurt. He went to Fensalir to Frigg, and made himself into the likeness of a woman. Then Frigg asked if that woman knew what the Æsir did at the Thing. She said that all were shooting at Baldr, and moreover, that he took no hurt. Then said Frigg: 'Neither weapons nor trees may hurt Baldr: I have taken oaths of them all.' Then the woman asked: 'Have all things taken oaths to spare Baldr?' and Frigg answered: 'There grows a tree-sprout alone westward of Valhall: it is called Mistletoe; I thought it too young to ask the oath of.' Then straightway the woman turned away; but Loki took Mistletoe and pulled it up and went to the Thing. -
Paviken Research Project 2013-2016 Investigation of a Viking Age Trading and Manufacturing Site on Gotland, Sweden
Gotland Archaeological Field-school Paviken research project 2013-2016 Investigation of a Viking Age trading and manufacturing site on Gotland, Sweden Project plan Project Director Associate Professor Dan Carlsson Arendus Färjeleden 5c, 621 58 Visby Sweden. Tel. +46-498219999 www.gotland-fieldschool.com Email: [email protected] Cover picture: The head of a dress pin in the form of a dragons head. Found at Stånga, Gotland. Photo Dan Carlsson Harbours and trading in the Baltic Sea during the Viking Age - an introduction In our interpretation of prehistory we are highly influenced by the material we see in the landscape or by coincidences found during archaeological surveys, and we forget or neglect to take into account the hidden cultural landscape. This is particularly true when it comes to prehistory in Sweden. As we completely lack written sources before the 12th century (with the exception of runic inscriptions) we have to rely on archaeological field material. An example of this problem is the question of Viking Age trade and its associated port activities. Extensive Viking material from Gotland suggests that the island had a lively exchange with the surrounding regions at that time in its history. This is reflected in the existence of numerous silver hoards; no area in northern Europe has such a con- centration of silver from the Viking Age as Gotland. There are clear signs of an extensive and lively Staraya Sigtuna trade and exchange (or piracy, as Ladoga Birka some would argue), which in turn Kaupang required docking points, ports -
GIANTS and GIANTESSES a Study in Norse Mythology and Belief by Lotte Motz - Hunter College, N.Y
GIANTS AND GIANTESSES A study in Norse mythology and belief by Lotte Motz - Hunter College, N.Y. The family of giants plays apart of great importance in North Germanic mythology, as this is presented in the 'Eddas'. The phy sical environment as weIl as the race of gods and men owe their existence ultimately to the giants, for the world was shaped from a giant's body and the gods, who in turn created men, had de scended from the mighty creatures. The energy and efforts of the ruling gods center on their battles with trolls and giants; yet even so the world will ultimately perish through the giants' kindling of a deadly blaze. In the narratives which are concerned with human heroes trolls and giants enter, shape, and direct, more than other superhuman forces, the life of the protagonist. The mountains, rivers, or valleys of Iceland and Scandinavia are often designated with a giant's name, and royal houses, famous heroes, as weIl as leading families among the Icelandic settlers trace their origin to a giant or a giantess. The significance of the race of giants further is affirmed by the recor ding and the presence of several hundred giant-names in the Ice landic texts. It is not surprising that students of Germanic mythology and religion have probed the nature of the superhuman family. Thus giants were considered to be the representatives of untamed na ture1, the forces of sterility and death, the destructive powers of 1. Wolfgang Golther, Handbuch der germanischen Mythologie, Leipzig 1895, quoted by R.Broderius, The Giant in Germanic Tradition, Diss.