Changing Terms of Political Discourse: Women's Movement in India, 1970s-1990s Author(s): Indu Agnihotri and Vina Mazumdar Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 30, No. 29 (Jul. 22, 1995), pp. 1869-1878 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4403023 Accessed: 24-03-2020 07:17 UTC
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This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Changing Terms of Political Discourse Women's Movement in India, 1970s-1990s
Indu Agnihotri Vina Mazumdar
The revolutionary changes which followed the two world wars createdfora and structures that promoted debates on wonmen's rights. By the beginning of the 1990s however, the international context in which the struggle for the advance of women's rights was being waged had been transformed. Debates being actively promoted today twist the very premises and values on which the movement had been based. It is against the background of these developments which have influenced the women 's movement in India that one must evaluate the goals and directions of the movement and locate its strengths and weaknesses.
I which the movement developed in recent question faded from the public arena Introduction years, these would be (a) the decadal thrtist [GOT 1974; Mazumdar 1978]. provided by the preparations for the UN This is not to imply that no struggles THE 20th centurv promoted the cause of Conference in Mexico, and the initiatives were waged during this period. But, with gender justice by internationalising coming fortfi from the Non-Aligned the exception of the tempo built up before struggles for equality by women and other Movement in this context; (b) the history the passage of the Hindu Code Bill, 1956, oppressed people. Women's struggles of and relationship between earlier these could not form the basis of spurring against their subordination were intertwined movements for freedom, equality and agitations which could catch the public in varying degrees with ideologies and democracy, values which were subsequently imagination, cutting sectional demands and movements based on the values of freedom, enshrined as basic political tenets in the organisations. self-determination, equality, democracy Constitution of India, and the constraints In contemporary India the resurgence of and justice. Confined earlier by locale or felt towards achievement of these in the women's movement and its contours limited foci, these now found expression independent India, and (c) the influence of have to be seen in the light of: (I) The crisis through movements against imperialism, ideas coming across through the various of state and government in the 70s going for national liberation and social streams of the women's liberation into the emergency; (2) the post-emergency transformation. The defeat of fascism and movements of the west. Thus equality, uipsurge in favour of civil rights; (3) the the forced retreat of imperialism around democracy anid freedom were at the same mushrooming of women's organisations in the mid-century paved the way for social time, actual, notional and ideological goals the early 1980s and the arrival of women's advance of which gender relations were a which the women's movement addressed issue on the agenda; (4) the mid-1980s, key componenlt along with the other broad in all their connotations including specific marked by a fundamentalist advance; and objectives of human rights and the end of gender perspective and components. the 1 990s, when the crisis has deepened with iniquitous social orders. The revolutionary regard to state, government and society. changes which followed the two world II The women's movement in India is one wars also created fora and structures that The Indian Movement of the many burgeoning efforts at reassertion promoted debates on women's rights. The of citizen's claims to participate as equals International Women's Decade was Although in India colonial rule and the in the political and development process. initiated during this period of hope which freedom struggle marked the beginning of This places it in a situation of direct also posited a new International Economic an awakening among women, differing confrontation with the forces of conservatism Order. By the end of the decade, however, streams within the anti-imperialist anti- and reaction. The fundamentalist onslaught this hope was already shaky [Mair 1985]. feudal struggle posited different, even in one country after another have exposed In the mid- 1990s, the context in which the contentious images of identities for women the vulnerability of women's advance in international struggle for advance of [Sangali and Vaid 1989]. But the nationalist most places. In the third world as well as women's rights is being waged has been consensus symbolised in the Fundamental erstwhile socialist states, however, the transformed. Debates being actively Rights Resolution of the Indian National combination of these with the onset/ promoted today twist the very premises and Congress, 1931, postulated freedom, acceleration of free market capitalism has values on which the movement had been justice, dignity and equality for women as both strengthened the powers of the based. Terms like empowerment, choice, essential for nation-building. The oppressors, as well as created new reproductive freedom, spiritual autonomy, Constitution assured these rights. In the instruments for hegemony, by weakening etc, are being appropriated by forces inimical post-independence period, however, the balancing mechanismns and ideologies to the goals of the women's movement. Can women exploring avenues for socio- that sought to place limits on their rapacity. the movement ensure the continued economic and political mobility came up In India the mid-1980s have seen an existence of fora to mount pressure for against the limitations of a third world ex- onslaught on even existing rights of women intervention in favour of more equitable colonial state. This posed conflicts between through a harking back to 'tradition' and gender relations - both. at the level of their new rights and the values carefully 'culture' and the positing of images which international realpolitik. as well as at ground promoted by a longstanding patriarchal social emphasise women's reproductive role as level processes'? hierarchy. Social disabilities and gradual the only natural, historical one. The It is important to note these international isolation from the politico-ideological fundamentalist/revivalist face of many developments since they have influenced struggles that were shaping the nation- social movements today is directly opposed the movement in India from the start. If building process led to the fragmentation of to the radical demands and upsurges coming we were to spell out the parameters within the women's movement and the women's from below.
Economiic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995 1869
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms These decades in India have marked the the sex-ratio, increasing gender gaps in complexity of India's social and political end of the age of complacency, apathy and life-expectancy, mortality and economic entity of a democracy-in-making, as well as acceptance of the existing social order. participation, or the rising migration rate a democracy endangered. Undoubtedly. these stem from both were disturbing enough. Combined with problems of transition as well as the this was the utter failure of state policy to III outcome of the world's largest experiment live up to its constitutional mandates in Violence: Case of Expanding Arenas in democracy. Shifts in foci and awareness any field of national development. The of problems that impinged on women's CSWI noted clear linkages between From its earliest phase in the late 1970s, lives, the social construction of gender existing and growing social and economic the contemporary women's movement relations and the identity of women from disparities and women's status in perceived growing violence as a major dif'ferent classes in their attempts to resolve education, the economy, society and the issue, bringing 'visibility' to the movement the problems of the national economy and polity [GOI 1974:234], putting the demand itself. This identification violence has also polity occurred during a period of for equality on an akctual historical terrain. been interpreted in many ways, by analysts dissolving certainties that characterised It also formed a starting point for women's of the movement. Primarily of course, it local, national or global systems. studies. ' has been seen as a 'rallying cry' or a 'rallying This changing character and the In this paper we have confined ourselves point'. contradictions are reflected within the to the movement's responses to violence, Violence, however, is perpetrated through governmental structures and in a shifting fundamentalism and the debate on the given institutions of the state, community, attitude towards the women's movement. A economic role and processes. We have the family and society at large. It draws major question facing all governments in focused on these not only because of sustenance from prevailing ideologies which office has been how to respond to the limitations of space, but because we see seek to propagate status quoism through movement and its demand to place the a close link between the marginalisation advocacy of 'falling-in-line', be it in response women's question on the political agenda. of women as economic beings (a trend to transgression of social norms or laws, The government's response has been which is now on the rise despite the which are defended in the name of age-old teetering bctween responding to the movement's interventions in the last decade customs and tradition, religious or caste conservative or the radical forces in dealing and a half) and the rising trend of violence identities, or even political dissidence. Such with the women's question. targeting women. In India today the most status quoists perceived the movement's The women's movement, in turn, has modern techniques of propaganda are used adoption of violence as a threat to basic mounte(d pressures on the state and to project women as consumers and social institutions like the family, community government from the opposite end of the reproductive beings rather than producers; and construction of gender roles developed spectrumi} Itself experiencing major and, above all as members of one or other by the elites and projected as universal to transformaitions, it has grown immensely particular community which seeks to "Indian" culture - at all levels. Over the despite pressuires from diverse areas. Within establish its political identity by right of decades, however, there has been a change the movement diversities manifested birth, religion or culture. Fundamentalism in this perception. themselves in many ideological cleavages provides an ideological framework while and fragmented, regionally uneven growth. globalisation and glorification of the market RAPE But the issues on which women tirst provides the operative instrument to articulated their visible opposition covered demolish women's claims to equality, It was the widespread, national level a vast terrain - ranging from those which freedom and dignity as individuals. This campaign, in the course of 1979-80, on the were gender-specific to those which awesome combination poses a challenge Mathura case which brought women's issues impinged on citizen's rights, class which is forcing women's organisations onto the public agenda. The Supreme Court's formations, values and the direction into of socialrethinking, soul-searching and acquittal of two policemen involved in the transformation. questioning of their roles and identitics in rape of a minor tribal girl brought to the fore The main concerns of the movement, as the reshaping of the struggle. several crucial aspects of women's it emerged, were laid out in the issues opened This, however, does not mean that the oppression, viz, the roles of class and caste up by the report of the Committee on the movement has not intervened in other critical in oppression of women, and the issue of Status of Women in India (CSWI) which sectors that affect the overall processes of accountability of public servants and the drew attention to the wide diversities in national transformation, e g, education, judiciary in achieving the constitutional 'culturally' prescribed genderroles in India's science, technology, research and develop- guarantees. Th6se were pointedly raised by plural society. The committee raised serious ment, management of natural resources and four law teachers in their protest to the chief doubts about the 'development' or food security. We have here focused on justice. 'modernisation' models that not only three ignored main aspects which are critical Must illiterate, labouring, politically mute the real differences that revolved round determinants caste, in the struggle for gender Mathuras of India be continually condemned class and ethnic history, but exaggerated the equality. to their pre-Constitutional India fate?...I influence of religion, culture and 'social The focus on these themes reflects both attitudes' on gender role prescriptions. the views of the authors as well as that of Though the agitation sparked off by the Questioning the continued 'invisibility of activists in the movement. The method Mathura case led to significant changes in women' in areas/sectors where they were followed is one of fairly widespread the Evidence Act, the Criminal Procedure largely involved, the CSWI pleaded for a consultation with activists through Code and the Indian Penal Code, including renewed concern that would reflect real life workshops organised in different regions the tointroduction of a category of custodial issues and aspirations of the majority of get a feedback on what activists considered rape, the changes introduced were not women [GOI 1974:3]. to be the major issues looking back on the sufficient. The concept of power rape was This disenchantment of women with the last two decades.2The paperdoes not attempt resisted and has only recently been admitted post-independence 'development' scenario to write a history of the movement. It only through an amendment in the Civil Rights was not a stance dictated by exogenous focuses on the issues, trends and challenges Act. Significant loopholes nevertheless political considerations. Demographic as these have emerged while locating remain, both with regard to the law and its indicators like the accelerated decline in women in the overall context of the implementation.
1870 Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms While the movement's understanding of on the issue of domestic violence. The more, and also achieved more. The question the issue has widened, su- ess has been successive campaigns brought into focus that may be raised is, was it and is it limited due to both lacunae in the conceptual the trauma women undergo within the possible to fight dowry in a social context definition as well as monitoring of confines of the ever-enduring family, where both caste and consumerism are procedures. The definition of rape does not glamorised by policy-makers and elite penetrating deeper? Matrimonial columns extend to marital rape and anomalies exist groups in general, as "the basic foundation of leading dailies now proudly classify between the Child Marriage Restraint Act of Indian society". advertisements along caste lines, and and the rape law in that consent is not required By 1982 organisations in Delhi and consumerism has spread its tentacles far for intercourse in marriage before the age elsewhere built up formidable evidence of and wide in Indian society. The DVCM's of 18. Also, whereas the character of the dowry-related murders being passed off as demand of comprehensive legislation victim is not supposed to be a consideration 'suicide' or accidents [Kishwar and Vanita including changes in the whole gamut of in determining rape, clauses in earlier 1984; Kumar 1992]. In several cases activists inheritance/succession/property laws has legislation to the contrary effect continue to had themselves recorded the dying gone unheeded, prompting even feminists/ be used and even the Supreme Court has declaration of victims and urged the courts erstwhile feminists to "rethink" dowry violated the principle of custodial rape on to treat this as evidence. Newspaper hcadlines [Kishwar 1988a; 1988b]. Dowry, far from this count. There is also the element of screamingly reminded readers that 'dowry being a 'deep-rooted' Indian tradition, is the 'provocation' or, as the Supreme Court put deaths' were on the increase. But the fastest way to make quick money in India it recently while reducing the sentence in government, the police and other official while also claiming social sanction and one case, inability to resist temptation so that agencies alongwith society at large slumbered legitimacy [Srinivas 1983]. In fact despite rape became a 'crime of passion'. Apart in insensitivity and the convenient middle the most visible solidarity shown on the from all this there is the inability and class ploy was used to dismiss torture of a issue in the media, concerned women unwillingness of the state machinery to act young bride as an 'internal family matter'. parliamentarians and activists, the issue has in a manner as to collect evidence in order It was a consistent, widespread mass today been relegated to the background from to prove rape. As has been highlighted in campaign both individually by organisations the public eye in the face of more 'immediate' the case of rape of nuns in Gujraula, UP, and jointly under the aegis of the Dahej and 'pressing' problems, which are not the law leaves sufficient loopholes for Virodhi Chetna Manch (DVCM) that finally altogether separate from the social agenda agencies such as the concerned police and mounted pressure on the government to act, inherent in the anti-dowry campaign. In fact medical personnel to not act, with perfect if only out of political expediency. The Law with the given state of a son-preference in impunity. Of late, the movement is Commission undertook a suo motu study on Indian minds amniocentesis and sex-selection emphasisinlg the rising trend in child improvingrape, the law to combat this social also draw their rationale from the dowry and demanding new legislation to combat menace more effectively. The parliament menace. the trend. appointed a joint committee of both houses of parliament to review the working of the AMNIOCEN1ESIS AND SFX SELEC-rION ANTI-DOWRY AGITATION Dowry Prohibition Act. Though members were drawn from all political parties, it In 1974 the department of human Ot' all the agitations focused on violence included several leaders of national women's cytogenetics, All India Institute of Medical the one that most touched the public organisations and led to one of the rare Sciences (AIIMS), New Delhi, started a imagination, the media and the widest occasions of "all the women speaking with sample survey with the aid of amniocentesis sections outside the pale of organisations, one voice" [Government of India 1981; to detect foetal abnormalities. By 1975, the was that which protested against dowry and Palriwala 1985].4 AIIMS knew that the tests were being dowry-related violence. It is the anti-dowry What came into focus in the course of the followed by abortion of female toetuses. agitation which emerged as a rallying cry. campaign was a clear link between dowry While the AIIMS tests were stopped by The 'atrocities against women' headline, and the urge to accumulate consumer items 1979, reports came in from Amritsar in attracted attention in the post-emergency as well as mobilise resources to be used as Punjab where medical entrepreneurs openly scenario of 'excesses', and the 'Brides Are 'investment' or 'capital' to start petty business advertised their services referring to Not for Burning' slogan focused media or enterprise [Karat and Agnihotri 1993]. daughters as a 'liability' to the family and attention both in India and abroad on These facts were so stark that for the high a 'threat' to the nation's population women's lives. The question has often been court to assert that the giving of gifts was problem. Expectant parents were exhorted posed, whether it perpetuated the 'women customary was sure to invite the wrath of to avail of the services of clinics to rid as victim' syndrome? But for those who women's organisations. The irony of the themselves of the daughters to come. At became crusaders in the tight against dowry high court assertion seemed greater in view a meeting convened in New Delhi in July the movement transmitted a pulsating sense of the fact that in 21 years since the Dowry 1982 a three-point position was arrived at of energy which over time got transformed Prohibition Act of 1961, only one conviction wherin: (a) government was requested to into a brand'of activism which asserted had taken place. restrict use of amniocentesis to only teaching women's agency in social change. It was this However, as anyone in the movement and research establishments; (b) the Indian public assertion of what had till then been would today testify, even as increasing Medical Council was requested to take severe seen as a private agenda, which shook older 'cases' of harassment and torture are action against members indulging in organisations from a seemingly unending registered with the numerous complaint unethical practices; and (c) women's slumber. cells as well as legal aid centres, the menace organisations were to remain vigilant against One of the amendments in the Criminal of dowry has increased mainfold. Did the the spread of the practice for commercial Law, Section 498-A, passed in the wake focus shift from fighting dowry to only purposes [Mazumdar 1994]. of the agitation, encompassed for the first highlighting dowry deaths, asks an activist? While government did issue some time a definition of cruelty which included Why could we not end dowry, ask others? circulars to this effect, not such action not just physical but mental cruelty as There are no simple answers. While analysts followed. In the meantime the sex deter- well. One of the most commonly used have critiqued the movement for an mination business had came to stay, with clauses in cases filed by women, the emphasis on legal remedies, the fact is that clinics spreading even to small towns and invoking of the clause has in eff'ect the focused movement addressed itself to much information on this count reaching families
Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995 1871
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms which were otherwise unaware of tech- increasing leave provisions for abortions. Claiming sanction and power to wield nological advances. Today the business These concerns were articulated forcefully authority on the basis of various brands of flourishes more rampantly in North India, before a recent expert committee appointed identities, there is in contemporary India where in some places which earlier practised by government of India to draft a new national a powerful ganging-up of conservative and female infanticide, female foeticide has come population policy.6 The committee's report, reactionary forces which aggressively in. From the south. alarming reports have while upholding gender equity as crucial, impose moral prescripts. Where other come in of' the prevalence of female in- and declaring its position as pro-poor, pro- processes fail, gender equality and women' s tfanticide among the Kallars in Tamil Nadu. women and pro-nature, recommends rights to freedom is opposed through Ironically, this was not a tradition of the disincentives and other measures that have intimidation, humiliation and violence in community. Approval and connivance for united many women's organisations in complete violation of norms of civil society. the practice are being granted by an emerging protest and one woman memberdissociating What is important is that even as the new prosperous community leadership which herself from the recommendations".' It has movement for women's rights has includes educated professionals as well as also stirred up a public debate. strengthened, there is the opposite politicians. phenomenon of increasing social acceptance In 1985, The Forum Against Sex- POLITICAL VIOLENCE of violence and its use for political purposes. Determination and Sex-Pre-Selection This violence is limited neitherto the personal (FASDSP) was formed in Bombay. The In a highly charged political environment, sphere nor to the framework of m an-woman Forum addressed itself to the entire spectrum violence against women too is viewed relationships [Karat and Agnihotri 1993]. of new reproductive technologies. It sought through coloured lenses. Whereas the It is notable that response from social wider alliances, undertook surveys, and tiled movement has attempted to contextualise scientists on the theme of violence in general a public interest litigation. A private the woman victim on the basis of prevalent and specific to women has not been very member's bill introduced in the state social inequalities, the prevalent divisions illuminating. There have been few studies assembly, forced the government to move in society take the edge out of the of the patterns of violencelvr even causal into action. The bill, finally adopted by the condemnation of the crime per se. Thus in analysis [Das 1990; Datar 1993]. While the Maharashtra government in 1988 had several every incident of violence against women, movement itself identified violence against lacunae as does the central government's bill the attempt is made to underplay the crime women in many ways and has expanded its passed in July 1994. A question that has itself by focusing on the identity/position of horizon in terms of definition of violence arisen from these long campaigns and the the perpetrator as well as the victim in order also, corresponding perspectives in terms of debate is, what about the women who practise to mobilise support on the basis of defined analysis of the phenomenon are singularly female foeticide or infanticide? The new law parameters of polarisation in the specific lacking. Within the movement of course treats them as guilty and punishable. But context. These can be caste, community, differing perspectives continue to persist. does a woman in India have the right to regional or even politico-ideological. Thus While there is a shift away from the earlier choose or decide? rape and other atrocities inflicted on women emphasis on domestic violence alone, there aqd others in Nagaland, Manipur, Assam, is a simultaneous trend of subsuming other POPULATION POLICY Tripura, Punjab or Kashmir by the armed arenas of conflict - communal conflicts, or par-military forces can be condoned by fundamentalism, even economic conflicts A strange link has united sex-selection the administration as well as government within 'violence against women'? followed by temale foeticide and female under cover of action taken to put down Conceptually, this gives primacy to a gender infanticide. Both cite national population subversive activities. A more perverse perspective, but it oversimplifies conflict in concerns as the instigation for these anti- definition of pro-national activity in complete other spheres and other levels of societal women acts. The government of India's violation of constitutional guarantees, human existence, by reducing them to a one- current efforts to formulate a new population rights as well as women's rights wQuld be dimensional affair. Such conceptualisation control policy in consultation with or at the difficult to find. It is-this 'teaching a lesson' also ignores differences in perception of behest of its international benefactors, to curb dissidence (whatever its shape or these varied conflicts among diverse groups include a series of measures foisted on form) which is disturbing. Given the trend of women. women after the initial attempts at of growing criminalisation of politics in vasectomy during the emergency period India, this form of violence can be crucial IV met with stiff resistance. The notable in keeping women away from public life.' Fundamentalism and features of this policy are that (a) it is In fact this also reflects a cynical societal Communalism premised on the assumption of the response to transgression by women of given population bomb theory; (b) women normsfeature of social behaviour, which in turn are The wave of fundamentalist xenophobic as the main targets since they are the defined agency along lines of caste and status. upsurges sweeping across the world threatens of reproduction; (c) the contraceptives This applies to the increasing social the international women's movement as a include steroids and hormonal injectables acceptance of violence against women. In whole. In India the complex social structures, with long-term effects on the health of the recent years there has been a spate of incidents evonomic constraints and political user; (d) no provision/consideration for of stripping, rape and other forms of opportunism have provided ample breeding monitoring of impact.5 humiliation inflicted on dalits as well as ground for the growth of revivalist ideologies Women's organisations have been fighting other women in different parts of the and identity politics. These have adopted for several years against the entry of these country in recent years. This is in addition aggressive postures, showing scant regard hazardous contraceptives which "exploit to earlier instance of lynching of women for the Indian Constitution or the fundamental women's desperate need for 'safe' on suspicion of being 'witches'. Many have rights it guarantees. All religious, ethnic or contraception", and proposals for coercive, seen in these the reflection of new political cultural fundamentalists are basically hostile 'fascist' punitive measures such as changes configurations and conflicts arising out of to genderequality whateverthe rhetoric they in the Pcople s Representation Act to the aspirations of upwardly mobile profess. disqualily those withi i wire than two children, backward castes. This comes along with As early as 1983, 'a deal' was reportedly and in the Maternity U. 'lcfjite Act to restrict reassertion uf authority by traditional struck between the government of India and the benefits up to tfih children, while community and religion-based structures. the Akali Dal, spearheading the agitation for
1 872 Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms a Sikh state, to withdraw tlhe agitaltionI if' Petitions chaillenging the new laiw as anti- and secularism as more positive. e:thicul govcrnmeint of India accepted a separatc coinstitutional are still pending hearing in valties, the and to discuss links with other personal law for Sikhs, Ilhc hill dralfted hy Supreme Court. Meanwhilc, orgalnisations progressive organisations.' the Dal would hlave deprived Sikh women report that many more Muslim women comc Activists express concern al the rupture of their rights to a share in their tihers' to discuss their problems and participate in with the essence of progressive movements property (providletd tindcr Hindu SLIccession other campaigns ror womcn's rights."' of the 19th and early 20th centuries. The Act 1956); of' right of' divorce except In September 1987 in Deoralai, a village growth of a metropolitan culture and through the dispensation ol the religious in Rajasthan, Roop Kanwar, a young bride continued use of English as the liingu,cafraw;ca heads (against the provisioii of the Hindu burnt to death sitting atop the funeral pyre of officialdom ollen makes the non-English Mairriage Act), andI would have legitimisecd of her dead husband, while several thouisands speaking feel alieniated from the emerging polygamy through thc customii of' cladar of people watched and cven chanted slogans elite cultural ethos. This disjuLncti#e situation andaz6,i, claimed as a 'Sikh custom'. Protests glorifying sati. Though a few in the media was capitalised by communal parties who from national womcn's organisations and came out with strong statements against the stepped in to fill the void.'4 others, backed by several Sikh wotmen. event, many played it up as irit was a return Of late there are many activists who have including five villagc mahila mandals, to pristine glory, likening Roop Kanwar to cstablished dialogue with reform movemcnts apparently compelled GOI to change its a devi (goddess), who presented a sharp and women's groups coming up within the mind and no bill was introduced. contrast to the urban elite, westernised religious framework. It is argued that this 1985 howevcr marked a shift in Indian feminist women who had disowned their is necessary since religion seems to be the politics. Pro-liberalisation statemcntg and traditional values. Sati therefore was sought only outlet sanctioned by society for advance measures by the government on the economic to be projected as a sort of ethnic re-assertion of women's latent talents. There is also an tront began to be combined with of indigenous womanhood." ongoing debate regarding retrieving religion compromiscs and even advancinig the cause The state governnient remained paralysed, from fundamentalists and highlighting the of fundamentalists. P'eoplc's disenchantment despite massive protests by women's groups, progressive aspects of socio-religious reform with the nature and pace of India's and a court order to stop the celebrations of movements. Others argue that such developiicnt was soughit to be offset by the event. But protests from all over the instrumental use of religion, at this critical successive governmllents by playing the country forced the government of India to juncture of its politicalisation would not 'communal card' with eacih community to intervene, belatedly, with a quite uinnecessary only be self def'eatinig, but might eveni prove win their suplport. and ineffcctive law against both the act and hazardous, since it may lead to the assumption May 1986 witnessed a total surrender by the glorification of sati. A strange feature that rel'orm too can come only throughi the govcrnment to Islamic fundamentalism. of this law is to make the victim, if she preordained idioms in denial of secular The Muslim Women's (Protection of Rights cscaped death. culpable for attempted space. Activists from minor-ity communities on Divorce) Act 1986, deprived divorced suicide. '5 argue forcet'ully that they can advance only Muslim women of their right to seek Women's organisations, some sciolars if the majority does so. Respecting people's maintenalnce under section 125 of the and legal experts argued that sati was murder, faitlis is one thing. But excessive Criminal Proce(lure Code, a secular law open that its worship in Rajasthan and elsewhere preoccupation with religious 'analysis within to all communiities [Enginieer, 19871. was being encouraged by the rich Marwari the movement would endanger the fragile The act came in the wake of a year-long business community and the landed Rajputs. solidarity that has been achieved.'5 debate on the Supreme Court judgment in They also prophesied that glorification of The movement has soiught to counter the Shah Bano case. While upholding a such heinous crimes would encourage communal propaganda amongst women. Muslinm woman's right to this legal remedy violence as well as the positing ol a family Organisations have intervenied accordinig to not available to them under Islamic personal and community bound identity for women. their capacities in riot situations to provide law, the court observed that it was higih time relicf'as well as to starit a process ol'dialogue AYODIIYA: PRELUDE AND AFTERMATH for government to think ol a uniform civil between womeii of dit'ferent communities. code. In the months thal followed. Muslim In December 1992 when aggrcssive Hindu Apart from several local initiatives by the f'undamenltalists organised tlhemcselves for a fundamnenitalists demnolished a 500-year old myriad womecn's organisationls. at least two show-downi with gover-niment, accusing it of tnosque in Ayodhya. claiming that it was a rallies of'several thousand women each were interference with Muslim Personal Law. It mandir(temple) whliich marked the birthplace held in Ayodlya. 1989. and Lucknow, 1992. is no coincidenice that the campaign of Lor d Rama. the government's paralysis Nevertiheless, as had been witnessed on proceeded alongside protests against the: wasre- fully exposed, indicating the depth of previouLi occasions, when a clash took place opening of the gates of' the Babri masjid the criisis of state and government. It also betweeii women and fundamentalism, the which Hindu fundamentalists claimed was deepened cynicism about the state's inaction of thc goverinment on the plea of the birth place of Lord Rama. Women's legitimacy. The demolition also sparked neutrality )off was a stance which itself organisations campaigned anid drew support riots in sevcral parts of the country. constituted an active intervention. from large numbers of Muslim women The overtly political manipulatiotis of 'I'he fundanmcnialist/communalist organi- especially from the poorer sections, funcIamentalists also tound other victims. sations, aware of the ferment in women's intellectuals anid reform groups trom Several the scholar s were threatened or minds, are today making a bidl to cliannelise/ comnmunity against the bill. The Bharatiya harassed lor not adhering to fundamentalist harness the nascent consciousness about Janata Party however, suddenly espoused versions while writing cultural. rcligious women's rights for theirown purpose. Taking the demand for the uniform civil code. or even literary histories with a gender advantage of women's deep attachment to Muslim fundamncjitalists responided with the tocus. There have becn several such religion they are today f'loating new hysteria of 'Islam in Danger'. Despite sharp indications of growing intoleranice. Theseorganisations and f'ronts such as the diflerences within the ruling party and the were not confined to any single community. Hindu Mahila Sammelan and the Durga resignation of a Muslim minister (who had Repeatedly. during discussions on the Vahini. wherein women's role as mothers, opposed the hill), the bill was enacted with moveimient. activists expressed the view piogenitors and defenders of the faith, etc, the help of a three-line-wlhip issued by the that countering comnmunal politics is the aire highlighted along with their role in the Congress to its members [Hasan 1989: greatest challenge before the movement. family. Fundamentalists of all hues have Palriwvala and Agnihotri 19931. Many expressed the need to define religion movcd in this dlirection.
Economic anid Political Weekly Jtilu 22. 1995 1873
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Awareness of the global nature of this (c) In none of the areas had women been focus in the search for alternative strategies threat only increases the need to understand included in the peace committees set up to of' development - with organised grotips of the basis or reasons for the spread of restore normalcy; and women from the grass roots as primary agents lundatmentalist or communal ideologies, and (d) No thought had been given to the of change. their persistent hold on many women. The psychological rehabilitation of traumatised A new national government in 1977 connections betweeni state, government and children, who witnessed acts of violence opened up various development policies communial forces within the country are against their families. for review.'9 The combined pressure of a apparent. But what are the global forces that The delegation also came up with some group of women members of parliament lie hidden behind this phenomenon? The questions about women's organisations in from different political parties, some Indian experience certaiinly does not support the context of Ahmedabad, for, concerned bureaucrats and a leading social the interpretation of such movements as a scientist (the late Raj Krishna) in the new even the most committed work among revolt against the spread of materialist values. Planning Commission led to the constitution vulnerable sections of women is not capable Evidence is quite contrary to this thesis. On of enabling such women to liberate them- of several working groups, to search for the other hand, the anti-women face to the selves from the pressures of divisive identity alternative strategies to arrest the new trend of communalism indicates a politics, without a conscious direction to marginalisation of the majority of women - rupture with past cultuLral values cutting confront this type of politics which is so especially the poorer - through prevalent across religions. inimical to women's rights and the movement development policies. These working groups, Given the patriarchal ideology of famnily for equality [YWCA 1993:23-241. which included both women's studies and community honour, during riots women researchers and some activists, received as were invariably the primiary targets of attack V a major input a memorandum authored by by the other group and were subjected to Women as Economic Beings the ICSSR's Advisory Committee on rape and humiliation in order to devalue and Women's Studies. The memorandum demoralise membCrs of the 'other' If violencc was the rallying issue for highlighted the problems of inicreasing comilnunity. However, activists feel that women's organiisations, the inarginalisation devaluation of women in the economy and women's role as instigators of violence also and impoverishment of the majority of society, and recommended special strategies requires careful analysis which can only women within the transforming economy for employment, health and education.2" emerge from developing greater insights became the entry point tor academics into These documents, along with the CSWI's into the ways in which caste, community the movement. The CSWI's initial analysis report and some of its miajor and gender intersect. This clhallenges an was basedn more on inferences, the cries of recommnendations were to form the initial essentialist conistruction ot the teminine thousands of poor women across the counitry thrust of demands by a network of national idcltity.'I At the saime time, instances voiced before the committee, and women's organisations that came into abound of women playing a compassionate demographic evidence of a secular existenice, trend of informally in 1980. The role in protecting membiers of the other decline in women's value in the economy memorandum lhdiani Women in the Eiglhties: community. olten incurring personal risk. and society as a whole. The complexities of DeveoIopne/nilmi)eralives, one of the first Such acts were also in contravenition with the relationslhip between macro-economic joint statements hy women's organisations the expressly stated intenit of ideolo(gues changes and women's status issues - at stated that: and the wishes ot their own ftamily or different levels of society - had been ...unless explicit provision for the imperative community groups. neglected by social analysts till then. The developmental needs of women is made in These acts of compassion, however, need committee appealed to the social science the Sixth Five-Year Plan, the conditions of to be understood against the ideological community to study this relationship on a women will continue to decline notwith- rhetoric ol communalism because many of continuous basis [GOI 19741. standing constitutional pledges ot equality the woImleln subscribed to it. The cmergent Coincidinig with the increasing intensity and justice and the parliamnentary mlandate paradox was women sympatlhisinig with the of critiques of the dominant model of for removal of dispatrities aiid discrimination victimhood of the minority groups anld yet econonmic growth emanating from various [All India Women's Conference 19801. mouthina particularly rabid ideological parts ot the third world, womeni's studies in It reconmmencded that the family/household positions. Post-emergency India has seen India began and grew rapidly in its initial approaclh in programme thrusts be replaced many com1munal riots but the nature of stages to study this interaction.7 The by "explicit mention of' women as a target violence witnessed in the last round after the Women's Studies Programme of the Indian group", since the 'invisibility' of women to mosque demolition episode was marked by Council of Social Science Research helped planners and administrators was rooted in the specitic targeting of women for sexual to start off a research process heavily biasedl the "tendency to view women only through attacks and perversities intlicted primarily in favour of 'invisible' women. i e, poor the screen of families and households and on wotmien from the minority community. working women in rural and urban areas. not as individuals in their own right". This A joint delegationl of niational women's This focus not only fecd new information reinforcedto the perspectives of women's organisations whichi visited three of the riot- the movement but transformed many of the economic role as "marginal and atffected cities in February 1992 found some academics into active participants in the supplemental" [All India Women's other signifl icant features [YWCA 1993]. women's movement, where they exerted it Conference 19801. The demands included (a) The women who were the most aflected definite influence in the choice of priorities a special component approach with in the riots were the ones whose needs were and lines of advocacy for dialogues with earmarked resources and separ ate monitoring the 'least attended to' and relief itself had policy-makers. The focus on economic atrrangemenits in each of the sectorall become a cause for 'f urther exploitation, themes by the Indian Association ot programme thrusts; inclusion of child care corruption, poisonous propaganda"; Women's Studies in its National Conferences centres within the Minimum Needs (b) Over the years "sonme amount of facilitated the interaction between academics Programme; and the demand forjoint 'pattas' comMLUnal relocationi of popullations' had and activists. (land titles) for women and men already taken place as an outcome of urban housing A third factor was the emergence of some voiced by poor peasanit women.' scheenes, which had contri buted to alienation large organisations of poor women in the Not surprisingly some of the demands led and growth of suspicion along with lack of informal sector." The dynamism in struggle to a 'sharp exchange' with regard to the communic:ation between gTroups; demonstrated by these groups became a major "philosophy of the family-household
1874 Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms approach". The official representatives came government of India hosted the second in Delhi which was then followed by several in for attack since the women maintained NAM Conference on Women and Develop- state-level discussions. that "the planners' defence of the family ment, and the official delegation included In their criti(ue of the NPP, women's seemed to be motivated by status quoism" 22 several leaders of the national women's organisations pointed out that the proposed Despite the government's reluctance - this organisations. Not content with this, the plan's recommendation to bring women dialogue, backed by several womein MPs Delhi-based network of organisations held "into the mainstream of development" from opposition parties who were members/ its own review a week before the NAM ignored "the reality of women's leaders of a network of national women's Conference and separately distributed their marginalisation being the result of such organisation resulted in the appearance of report to all delegations [GOI 1985]. 'mainstream' development". Earlier, NAM's a chapter oni Women and Development in But the tide receded fast, for reasons New Delhi Document had also admitted that the Sixth Five-Year Plan for the first time discussed earlier. The widening divergence marginalisation had been "intensified by the in the planning history of India (Sixth Five- between the perspective of the government current processes of economic change and Year Plan 1980-85, Chapter 27). of India and movement-based initiatives on may continue in future" [GOI 1985]. Acknowledginig the government's own gender roles, issues and participation became The critique found that the NPP's approach tailure to achieve gender equality, the Plan clcar with the release of two documents in omitted the earlier thrust for convergence ot stated explicitly that without economic 1988. economic and social services with independence, equal access to education, Shranmshakti, the Report of the National organisation for collective strength and skill-training, and family planning services, Commission on Self Employed Women and participation, and demonstrated a trend the constitutional guarantee of equality Women in the Informal Sector, to an extent towards centralisaion, disregarding the would remain a myth (Sixth Fi ve-Year Plan represented the voice of a substantial section ongoing debates on the need for 1980-85, Chaptei' 27). Hencef'orth all anti- of the women's movement and of women's decentralisation and democratisation of the poverty programmes were directed to include studies' scholars, who were inducted into its planning process. The proposed reservation women as targets. In cases of assets various task forces. Activists helped in of 30 per cent seats for women in elective distributed by government (productive/ organising public hearings with women bodies, to be filled by co-option or homestead land, technology, etc)- workers in the informal sector - in both urban nomination in the initial stage, revealed the governmnent promised to "endeavour to and rural areas [Government of India 1988]. government's interest in subverting the provide joint titles to husband and wife", There were shades of divergenceordifference representative process. Another real danger plus give priority to 'female hcaded in emphasis in the approach to the problem came from the 'preferential emphasis' to be houselholds' (Sixth Five-Year Plan 1980-85, of women in the informal sector. A large given to the unorganised sector. Chapter 27). section of women activists went along with Rejecting all these anti-democratic Womeni have comiiprised a crucial government in its active promotion and proposals, women's organisations demanded componenit ol those struggling for land andspecial emphasis on the role of women in (a) the constitution of statutory, autonomous forest rights, aigainst the havoc wrouIght theby self-employed and home-based sectors, women's commissions at the centre and in conistruction of' large dams and ecological while others differed with this approach. the states with a broad-based, representative disasters, struggles l'or fishing rights in coastal The latter felt that this reinforced the process composition; (b) inclusion of child-care as waters, f'or recognition as workers in of marginalisation and was a retreat on a priority within minimum needs from the governmental networks ot health and child government's earliercommitment to bringing next plan onwards; (c) ratification of the care services, as urbani unorganised labour, women into the 'productive' sphere. The International Convention on Elimination migrant labour and rural workers [Sarkar dilemma was a genuine one. No one disputed of Discrimination Against Women; and 1995 forthcomingl. In all these they have that the limited opportunities for economic (d) due recognition of national fought for basic r ights as workers, for equal earnings should be expanded and work organisations of women at all levels of the wages and better working conditions. conditions in this sector be improved. The planning and decision-making processes.27 Microstudies have highlighted the role point at issue was whethertaking cognisance The movement has adopted a multi- women play in all these sectors. But a f'uller of the fa;ct that at stake was the survival of pronged strategy on this issue. While the history of these numerous and multifarious enlire households one should settle for little specific skills of women's studies' scholars struggles is still awaited. 'hits andl crumbs'. As one economist put it, have been directed at evolving a critique of The women's movemenit has consistently "the women 's movement should have fought the macro-level policies of government, grass demanded implementation of genuine land harder for gender equality in the labour roots level initiatives to develop alternatives reform. Nevertheless defenders of the market/force".25 have been stepped up. One of the biggest 'family' accused women's organisations ot' The National Perspective Planl for Women mobilisations of women in Delhi from all arresting 'distributivejustice' by deemanding (NPP) up to the year 2000 was, on the other over the country, in September 1989, was women's right to a share of productive hand, prepared by a team of consultants tor of over 20,000 women demanding the right resources. A study of land ceiling laws the Department of Women and Child to work.21 enacted by different states brought out clearly Development with no interaction with Women's organisations have mush- that many of the ceiling laws, were activists. The draft, placed for endorsement roomed - sometimes combining issues at discriminatory and thus unconstitutional. before a National Committee headed by the the workplace and family environment, State procedure/rules for redistribution were prime minister faced opposition from some sometimes as sub-committees within even more so. In one case, where a group members who found the absence of women's existing trade unions or joint fronts. Many of peasant women challenged theirexclusion organisations' representatives inexplicable. groups at the grass roots level have directly from getting title to redistributed land in the The organisations in turn demanded a entered or sponsored income-generation Rajasthan Canal Area in the Rajasthan High national debate before the document was activity, with SEWA heading the list as the Court."t adopted.26 The same demand was echoed by most well known combination of the two. The closing year of the Women's Decade a national seminarof women NGOs convened Even though women's participation in marked aI high tide. A new government, by the Central Social Welfare Board. Since trade union activity anid involvement at headed by Rajiv Gandhi, announced in the government seemed in no mood to do the level of decision-making still remains January 1985 that women would receive this, the organisations took upon themselves abysmally low, over the last two decades greater priority than bef'ore.24 The same year to proceed in the matter by holding a debate at least the problem has been highlighted
Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995 1875
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms anld the class and gender bias marked out citizens. as mothers, wives, daulghters. as tailures. At a genieral level it is estimated t'or criticismli. women. the economic policies hit us the that two-thirds of the neo-literate learners The critique of' macrio-policies basically hardest".2' as well as two-tlirds ol' the volunteers are a(lopts tlhrece thrUsts: (a) that they would The overall impact of SAP has to he womenl [Governinent of India 199441. Thle enhance rather than rediuce inequalities uinderstood in the context of the overbearing impact ot the literacy movement came to he ainong the people in genierail; (b) that this reality that already 94 per cent of the women highlightedl in the context of the anlti-arrack wouldl make the conditioni of the majority workers are part of the informal sector and movement in Andhra Pradesh. However, of women already strugglinig tor survival in that they constitute half the labour torce in another remarkablc achievement in recent the intorinal sector still more vulnerable; the unorganised sector.)" What is the future years has been the process set in motion by andl (c) they would contribute to the social lying ahead for women in an economy which the implementation of the 73rd and 74th tiurhulence an(d violenicc, of wfiich women itself shall be struggling to find a space constitutional bodies which providc for 33 and childrein are the major victims. Critiques within the model of 'sustainable per cent representation tor women in local have also concdemiined violence stemming development' under the aegis of a carefully bodies in rural and urban areas. from the promotion of consumerist litestyles orchestrated Structural Adjustment Whereas observers rightly see in this a through the mass media as such lifestyles Programme? qualitatively new dimension that has been trap women into the stereotype of being added to the women's movement through objects and subjects of consumerism [Bhasin CONCLUSION this development, the depth and complexities anid Agarwal 1984]. It is important to note of these linkages are yet to he understood. that the tew important concessions wrested The contemporary women's movement in In rural India, as also in the cities, it is the from the government in the poverty India spans a large canvas. There are small new found articulation and confidence which alleviation through economic development groups as well as large national level is coming into conflict with the consolidated programmes provided some space for urban organisations. ' While some are recent having combine of conservative social forces which poor and rural women to use the opportunities been formed only over the last two decades, draw strength from the regressive steps taken made available to organise and articulate others go back to over 50 or even 100 years. by government as well as political their demands. However, the macro-policies Some organisations focus on single issues representatives of reactionary forces. It is remaining untouched and unchanged, while the mass organisations cover a vast the latter which are today preparing to mount continued the processes of marginalisation. range. The organisational structure as well an onslaught through the political process The issue facing the movement today is as activities undertaken differ. to check women's halting steps to advance about the relevance of these debates and The movement has been fraught with and strengthen democracy in India. eftorts. The earliercritique of macro-policies tensions, rifts and differences, reflecting Movement politics, as it has developed in was from a standpoinit of introducing a pro-differing notions of what are women's issues India, tends to show-up elements which arc women approach within the given or how the movement should proceed to unclassifiable, Ideological ditferenices parameters, using the constitutional focus on these. In comparison with the early exist - but within a conitiniuum - and tend to guarantees as the basic reference point. years of the decade, today it is much easier get blurred when strategic choices have to Today. Indian women feel that the structural to come together. With an experience of be made between priorities. But the debates adjustment programmes and the package of working together for over a decade and a continue and the questions persist. Is the economic 'reforms' threaten not only earlier half women's groups in the country are movement's decentralised structure and gains, but also the stated national goals by fairly well aware of the issues they agree on multiple arenas of interaction a point of successive governments. While the and where they differ. However, neither the strength or weakness or both? Is the movement was critiquing the development agreement nor should the differences be movement's 'excessive preoccupation' with model, SAP has now removed the few seen as static or in a frozen time frame. the state's development policies and regulatory/compensatory aspects of India's Whereas ideological differences remain and legislation 'welfarist' in its objective rather mixed economy, leaving 'global market perspectives differ, the overall thrust is in than 'feminist' or 'radical"? Does the forces' the sole players in the field. The favour of unity in action.)2 extension of the issue of violenlce against processes, especially to those with The same attitude is reflected in the issues women from the domestic to the social and inconvenient historical memories, bear being taken up. In the 1970s the movement political spheres indicate a backsliding or an significant resemblance to what happened took off as part of an overall build up against advance? Or does it successfully combat the to the Indian economy, and to women's role the authoritarian regime symbolised, dichotomy posed between 'economic in the economy in particular. during the ironically, by a woman prime minister. It welfarism' and 'body politics'? Should the colonial period [Krishnaraj 1988; Patnaik then got fragmented and even perhaps women's movement get involved with 1993; Krishnainurty 1989; Ghosh et al 1994; insulated. For a while even overtly political issues related to environment, population, Mitra 1979]. statements were resisted. Today it is much child rights, globalisation/marketisation, This realisation has imiade unity amongst easier to come together even on a platform international debt burden, all of which arise difteriing organisations easier to achieve to denounce the economic and other policies from its widening base at the grass roots today. In a joint statement women' s of the government. The 1990s represent a level or should it retain its autonomy wlile organisations asserted: "We say no to Dunkel, trough in the political graph, where the need restricting its focus? no to GArr, we oppose the unrestricted to join hands and build alliances with other Clearly, as it has developed, the focus entry ot TNC's into the Indian economy". forces is even greater. could not be confined to the issue of They argued that The women's movement has undoubtedly interpersonal relationships. The limits to grown. Its outreach is far beyond the figures creating an essentialist, biological entity as discussions on the impact of the new of enrolled membership of organisations. well as identity of 'woman' have become economic policies usually focus on the These have now to take note of the increasing only too obvious. While the ideological iml)act on the organised sector, since womcn articulation of confidence by women at the make up only a small percentage here it is outreach of 'feminine' identity politics has assuined that the impact is minimal. We grass roots level. Nothing illustrates this widened, this spread has also demolished the need to unitedly and forcefully correct the better than the response to the literacy fossilised image sought to be created. From picture. In our multidimensional roles, as campaigns in several states where earlier different starting points, organisations have workers, as peasants. as producers. as attempts to reach women had been abysmal moved towards a more holistic vision. As
1876 Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms the proto-fascist undertones of political in Delhi brought together activists from the Forum, Madras, the Annapurna Mahila events/processes become clearer along with northern and central region and the southern Mandal, Bombay, etc. the state's surreder to them, the need to join region activists met in Hyderabad in 19 The general election of 1977 removed the hands is felt ever more deeply, lest we come November. Reports of these consultations government led by Indira Gandhi, for the out with a cri de coeur -"we have the shall be published within the year. excesses of her rule during the emergency and movement but they (the other?) have the 3 'Open Letterto the Chief Jusfice of India, 1979', a non-Congress government came to power at the centre for the first time. women". While the movement is aware of Supreme Court Joumral, 1979, 4, pp 19-22. 4 The comment on the committee achieving 20 Critical Issues on the Status of Women, op cit. these challenges the strength of its grass solidarity despite party-based differences was 21 The demand for Joint pattas was earlier made roots support base provides a ray of hope made by Susheela Gopalan, MP, and general by peasant women in two officially sponsored that counter-actions and counter-ideologies secretay of AIDWA. meetings in West Bengal: State Conjerence are not impossible. 5 'Perspectives from the Women's Movement: on Women and Developtment, Calcutta, 1979 Health and Population'in Some Issues in the and Orientation C6ampforSeasonallyMigrant Notes Struggle for Women's Equality, 1994 Women Labourers, Jhilimili, Bankura, 1980. (henceforth, Some Issues); a joint document It is ironical that the demand which brought [This paper, commissioned for a volume of published by the Delhi Network of Six on the movement the charge of 'trying to studies on the women's movement in different National Women's Organisations, pp 10- 17. break up the family', was ardently advocated countries, was written on the basis of a process 6 Joitit Memorandum to Swanminathant by three representatives of the Government of wide-ranging inter-action in four regional Coinmittee by 12 Women's Organisations, of India in 1992 at a conference on Peasant consultations to incorporate activists' own November 12, 1993 (unpublished). Women and Environmeent of' India, perceptions of current challenges. It was not 7 Open Letter to Swaminathan Committee. Cf Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan. See Report included in the volume since the authors refused Indiani Expreess, July 9, 1994, and The Pioneer, of' the Lahore Conference 1992, Aurat to comply with large-scale revisions in the text; Foundation and Unifem; also Mazumdar V, deleting certain sections by the editor/ July 11, 1994. publishers/the agency funding the study. The 8 Cf Resolution adopted in meeting to plan Embracitng the Earth: An Agenda forPartner- deletions included the introduction and Joint Action against Criminalisation of Politics ship witih Peasant Woment; 1994, UN FAO. conclusion, the section on population policy as and Sexual Abuse of Women, Delhi, October 22 Vina Mazumdar to Lotika Sarkar, M-6/80, well as large parts of the discussion on 22, 1994 (unpublished). September 12, 1980, CWDS files, and communalisin/fundainentalism, on the grounds 9 A common custom among peasant Vina Mazumdar to Ashok Mitra, M-6/80, of their not being "specific to the women's communities, ainmed at preventing partition October 1, 1980, CWDS files. movement in India". Instead new paragraphs/ of property by making a widow marry her 23 Chairteron Employment, March 8, 1983. Also, pages were incorporated which contradicted brother-in-law. Appeal to NAM Summit, New Delhi, 1983, the views of the authors. The political context 10 Information received in conversation with reported in all national dailies on March 11, in which women's struggle was being waged AIDWA activists in Delhi: also Razia from the day before the summit ended. For NAM's in India was edited out altogether. Reports of Patel, The Timevs of India, Research decisions on women - see Thie Non-Aligned the consultations which provided the evidence Fellowship, Study of Muslims in India Movement and the Iiternational Women 's for our analysis shall be published shortly. (unpublished). Decade: A Summary oJ Deciisions, CWDS There is a wide difference in the age of the I I .anasatta, editorial, September 18, 1987, 1983. Also Tomsic, Vida - 4th J P Naik two authors of this paper. However, both happen also see Nandy, Ashis 'Human Factor' in Memorial Lecture, CWDS. 1986. to be students of history. What initially brought The Illustrated Weekly, January 17, 1988, 24 President's Address to the newly elected (in us together was the contemporary women's pp 20-23. December 1984) parliamiient at its opening moveinent' s effort in India to bring out ajournal session, January 1985. in English. Vina Mazumdar was the first 12 For debate on 'voluntary' sati see Vaid, S and publisher of Manushi and, Indu, a member of Sangari, K, 'Institutions, Beliefs, Ideologies: 25 Nirmala Banerjee, See Report of Calcutta its editorial collective. Our link with the Widow Immolation in Contemporary Con.sultation, CWDS. jorthcominng, 1995. movement could be put very logistically - there Rajasthan', Economic and Political Weekly, 26 Joint Press Statement by National Womsen's is perhaps not a single joint statement/docuinent Vol XXVI, No 17, April 27, WS 2-18. Also Organisations, July 6, 1988, Also Nationcal of the women's movemiient which may have see 'From the Burning Embers'. A film on Perspective Plan: A Perspective from the emanated from Delhi to which both or either sati by Mediastorm. Also see. Mani, Lata in Wonmen's Moventent, Report of a Nationial of us, individually or as part of sponsoring Sangari and Vaid, 1989, op cit. Debate by Women's Organistitions.s 1988, women's organisations - the Centre for 13 All the consultations emphasised this issue. New Delhi, CWDS (mimeo). Women's Development Studies anld the All 14 These points einerged from a discussion on 27 Naitionail Debate, 1988, op cit. India Democratic Women's Association, have Fundamentalism and Violence during the 28 The memoranduin submitted to the president not been signatories. Our doubts, dilemmas and Consultation in Bombay, January 1994. asserted that "the struggle for economic convictions in some way reflect the continuum organised jointly by the Centre for Women's independence is of prime importance if women of consciousiness passed over from one Developmnent Studies (CWDS) and the are to achieve equality and lead a life of generation of Indian women to another.] Maharashtra Abhyas Vidyapeeth to review dignity". At this rally as on other occasions I A recent study, making note of Towards the last two decades of the Movement activists pointed to the paradox of govern- Equality as a reference point, points out that (henceforth Bombay Consultation). Cf ment continuing to view women as as a "founding text" it is perhaps a good Wooten 's Movement. Towards a Critical Self supplementary earners even though all records measure of "the contrast between the Indian Appralisal Report o*n Consultation, 1994 show that over 30 per cent of rural housholds movement and the movement in the US, which (forthcoming), CWDS. are headed by women. Cf Womei 's Equaility, often cited Betty Friedan's The Femininie 15 Plenary session, V National Conference on July-December 1989. Mystique as the book that set the women's Women's Studies (NCWS), Jadavpur, January 29 'Why We Need to Struggle against the New movement in that country going". See Tharu 1991. The theme of the conference was Economic Policies'? in Somne Issues, op cit. and Lalitha, K (eds), 1994, Wonien Writinug 'Religion, Culture and Politics'. p 3. itn India, Vol 11, OUP, p 101. 16 Bombay Consultation, op/ cit. 30 'Organising Women in the Unorganised 2 The first such consultation was held in 17 It was the first priority area in the Indian Sector, Some Issues': Workshop organised Boinbay where activists from Maharashtra Cotuncil of Social Science Research's by National Labour lnstitute (NLI), New Delhi, and Gujarat participated. At a simnilar sponsored programme of women's studies. 1994. exercise in Calcutta, groups and See Criticcal Issues on the Status of Women, 31 Some of these may even have a membership organisations from West Bengal, Bihar 1977, and ICSSR. going up to a few million: AIDWA -'3. Orissa came together. The third consultation 18 SEWA Ahmedabad, the Working Women's million. NFIW, I million, YWCA 15S,000.
Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995 1877
This content downloaded from 202.41.10.30 on Tue, 24 Mar 2020 07:17:09 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms 32 This point came across from the round of Hasan, Zoya( 1989): 'Minority Identity Muslim Women: Shifts in Occupational Participation, consultations held by the CWDS with activists Women Bill Campaign and the Political Abhinav, Delhi. across the country. A greater readiness and process', Econiomic and Political Weekly, Palriwala, R( 1985): 'Women Are NotforBurning: felt need to act together is also reported from Vol XXIV, No 1, January 7, pp 44-50. The Anti-Dowry Movement in Delhi', paper state level Consultations of Women NGOs ICSSR (1978): ICSSR Prograntmme of Women's presented at Symposium 99, Anthropological preparing for the World Conference on Studies: A Policy Statement, ICSSR. Perspectives on Collective Actions, An Women, Beijing, 1995. Karat, B and I Agnihotri (1993): Violence Assessment of the Decade, Mijas, Spain. atgainist Women, Vol 6, Proceedings of Palriwala, R and I Agnihotri (1993): Tradition References Sixth National Conference on Women's of the Family and the State: Politics of the Studies (NCWS), Mysore.. Contemporary W(imen's Movement; Nehru All India Women's Conference (1980): Indian Kishwar, M and Ruth Vanita (1984): In Searcrh Memorial Museum and Library, Occasional Women ini the 1 980s: Development of Answers, Zed Books. Paper, New Series. l1leratives, All India Women's Conference. - (1988a): 'Rethinking Dowry Boycotts'. Patnaik, Utsa (1993): 'The Likely Impact of Bhasin, K and B Agarwal (eds) (1984): Wonmen Maniushi, September-October, No 48. Economic Liberalisation and Structural atnd the Media, Kali. pp 10-13. Adjustment on the Food Security Systemn in Das V (ed) (1990): Mirrors (4 Violence, OUP. - (1988b): 'Is Manushi Rethinking Women's India', (unpublished). Datar, C (ed) (1993): The Struggle against Rights?' Womnen's Equality, Vol 1, No 3,Sangari, Kumnkum and Vaid Sudesh (eds) ( 1989): Violence, Stree. October-Decemebr. Recasting Women, Essays in Colonial History, Engineer, Asghar Ali (ed) (1987): The Sliahbaino Krishnamurthy, J (1989): Women in Colonial Kali. Controversy, Orient Longman. India, Essays on Survival, Work and the Sarkar, Lotika (Forthcoming): What Price Government of India (1974): Towards Equality, State, OUP. Constitutional Equality?" Peasant Women and Report of the Committee on the Status of Krishnaraj, M (1988): Women andDevelopmenit, Land Reform in India, CWDS. Women in India, Government of India, p 301. RCWS, SNDT Women's University, Bombay. Shramashakti (1988): Report of the National - (1981): Report of the Joitnt Select Cominittee Kumar, Radha (1992): The History of Doin>g, Conmiission on Self-Employed Women and on the Dowr-y Prohibition Act, GOI Kali Women in the Informlal Sector, GOI, Ministry Publications Division, New Delhi. Mair, Lucille Mathurin (1985): International of Human Resource Development. - (1985): Womeni in Development, Report of the Womten's Decade: A Balancte Sheet, CWDS. Srinivas, M N (1983): Reflections otn Dowry, Non-Aligned Ministers' Conference (titled, Mazumdar V (ed) (1978): Syombols of Power, CWDS/OUP. Document), New Delhi. Allied Publishers. YWCA (1993): Women , against Communalism, - (1994): Total Literacy Campaign Evaluaition - (1994): Amniocentesis and Sex Selectioni, Report of Joint Women's Delegation to Report, National Lileracy Mission, Ministry Occasional Paper No 21, CWDS. Ahmnedabad. Surat and Bhopal, YWCA of of Education. Mitra. Asok (1979): 'Introduction'. Status of India, p 10.
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1 878 Economic and Political Weekly July 22, 1995
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